THE

HISTORY

OF

THE REFORMATION

OF THE

CHURCH OF ENGLAND.

BY GILBERT BURNET, D.D.

LATE LORD BISHOP OF SALISBURY.

WITH THE COLLECTION OF RECORDS, AND A COPIOUS INDEX.

REVISED AND CORRECTED, WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES, AND

A PREFACE

CALCULATED TO REMOVE CERTAIN DIFFICULTIES ATTENDING THE PERUSAL OF THIS

IMPORTANT HISTORY, BY

THE REV. E. NARES, D.D.

ftegi><s Professor of Modern History in the University of Oxford ; and Rector of
Biddenden and Newchurch, Kent.

WITH A FRONTISPIECE, AND TWENTY-TWO PORTRAITS.

IN FOUR VOLUMES.
VOL. III.

v*

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR SCOTT, WEBSTER, & GEARY,

CHARTERHOUSE SQUARE.

1039.

THE

HISTORY

OF THE

REFORMATION.

PART III.

A SUPPLEMENT TO THE TWO FORMER VOLUMES.

TO

THE KING.

SIR,

THIS Work, which is designed to finish the History of
our Reformation, seems reserved to be laid at your
Majesty's feet ; who, we trust, is designed by God to
complete the Reformation itself.

To rectify what may be yet amiss, and to supply what
is defective among us ; to oblige us to live and to labour
more suitably to our profession ; to unite us more firmly
among ourselves ; to bury, and for ever to extinguish, the
fears of our relapsing again into popery ; and to establis h
a confidence and correspondence with the protestantand
reformed churches abroad.

The eminent moderation of the most serene house from
which your Majesty is descended, gives us auspicious
hopes, that as God has now raised your Majesty, with
signal characters of an amazing Providence, to be the
head and the chief strength of the Reformation ; so your
Majesty will, by a wise and noble conduct, form all these
churches into one body; so that, though they cannot
agree to the same opinions and rituals with us in all points,
yet they may join in one happy confederacy, for the sup-
port of the whole, and of every particular branch of that
sacred union.

May this be the peculiar glory of your Majesty's reign ;
and may all the blessings of Heaven and earth rest upon
your most august person, and upon all your royal poste-
terity !

This is the daily prayer of him, who is, with the pro-
foundest respect,

SIR,

Your Majesty's most loyal, most obedient,
And most devoted subject and servant,

GI. SARUM.

THE

P R E F A C E.

I HAD in my Introduction to this Volume, which I pub-
lished a year ago, said all that then occurred to me
in the way of preface; but some particulars coming to my
knowledge since that time, give me an occasion to add a
little to what was then copiously deduced.

I begin with M. Le Grand, who I understand is now in a
considerable post in the court of France. He being lately at
Geneva, explained himself to my friends in these terms, "that
he was young when he wrote against me ; and that the heat
of youth had carried him to some expressions from which he
would abstain if he were to write now : he was glad to hear
that I was upon the reviewing the History of the Reforma-
tion ;" and named to them a Life that he had seen in Spain,
of Bartholomew Caranza, archbishop of Toledo, who was
King Philip's confessor, and went with him to England, and
was particularly employed in reforming (as they called it)
the universities. And, as he said, he died when he was to be
delivered out of the prison of the Inquisition. He added,
that he had also seen a collection of Cardinal Pole's letters,
with an account of what passed in England after the death
of King Edward, which he believed I had not seen, and that
could inform me of many particulars ; but that he himself
had other employments than to think of the affairs of Eng-
land. If I had received this civil message from M. Le Grand
before I had published my Introduction, I would have said
nothing at all with relation to him; but what is past cannot
be recalled : so I hope he will accept of this for all the re-
paration I can now make him.

As for Anthony Harmer, some have doubted if he could
be capable of making three capital errors in one line : and
since Mr. Strype has suggested to me that, in which I was
under some reserve before, as having it from another hand,
I am now free to set it down. For cap-it ulurn ecclefite cathe-
dralis, he has printed, epistolam conveittus ecc/eaifc cathulica:.
If the abbreviations may seem to excuse the reading epis-

vi PREFACE.

tolam for capitulum, and catholica for cathedralis, nothing can
excuse the adding the word convent us, which he thought
wanting to make a complete title ; having read the others
as he did : so I hope I have reason to have no regard to any
thing that comes from him upon his bare authority. The weak
and ill-natured attempts that some among ourselves have of
late made upon me, give me no sort of concern, unless it is
to pray for those who have despitefully used me.

There was also a great poem lately prepared, and, I sup-
pose, designed to be published, when that which our ene-
mies hoped was near accomplished should have been effected :
it was written in imitation of Hudibras, and so was a mock
poem on the Reformation, composed by one Thomas Ward,
of whom I can give no other account, but that it is said he
is a priest. In it, Sanders's work was made the plot of the
fable: it was full of impious abuse, put in a strain apt enough
to take with those who were disposed to divert themselves
with a show of wit and humour, dressed up to make the Re-
formation appear both odious and ridiculous ; not doubting
of equal success with Butler's admired performance. It was
no wonder, if, upon such a design, my History was treated
with all the characters of scorn and contempt. This was
what I might justly expect from those of that side; but I
was sorry to find so much censure from those from whom I
had no reason to expect it; and which seemed to be the
effect only of envy and ill-nature : God forgive them for it !
I must say a little more, with relation to a learned and
copious writer of our Ecclesiastical History, who finds my
History often in his way : he treats me decently as to his
expressions, but designs all through to set such remarks on
my work, as, if they were well grounded, must destroy the
credit that it has hitherto obtained. I will first give some
instances to shew what the spirit, the principles, and the
design of that writer must be : I will name but four out of
a great many.

page When he sets forth King Henry the Eighth's proceedings

lij.'ii. against the memory of Thomas Becket, he has these words :

coi.i. " And though his conduct in this dispute was not altogether

defensible, he was far however from being guilty of that

gross mismanagement with which he is charged." I will

leave the judgment that must be passed upon this period to

all who are in any sort acquainted with the history of that

time.

page When he gives the character of King Edward the Sixth,
immediately before he tells of his death, it is in these words:
" His conscience was not always under a serviceable direc-
tion ;" (the meaning of this dark expression I do not reach)
" he was tinctured with Erastian principles, and under wrong

3i2.
col. '.

PREFACE. vii

prepossessions as to church government: he seems to have
had no notion of sacrilege : — and, which is somewhat re-
markable, most of the hardships were put upon ecclesiastics
in the latter end of his reign, when his judgment was in the
best condition :" and without adding one word of his good
qualities,, or to correct those severe reflections, he concludes
with the account of his death.

He gives a very different account of the death of Mary Page6oi
Queen of Scots, in these words ; " Her fortitude and devo- co1'2*
tion were very remarkable. She supported her character
with all imaginable decency: she died like a Christian, and
like a Queen."

And, to mention no more, when he comes to Queen Eliza-
beth's death and character, he runs a parallel between the
two sisters, Mary and Elizabeth, in these words : " The one P*?* 671.
made martyrs, the other made beggars: the one executed co1'2'
the men, and the other the estates : and, therefore, reserv-
ing the honour of the Reformation to Queen Elizabeth, the
question will be, Whether the resuming the first-fruits and
tenths, putting many vicarages in a deplorable condition,
and settling a perpetuity of poverty on the church, was not
much more prejudicial than fire and faggot 1 Whether de-
stroying bishopricks was not a much greater hardship than
the destroying bishops ? because this severity effects suc-
cession, and reaches down to future ages : and, lastly, Whe-
ther, as the world goes, it is not more easy to recruit bishops,
than the revenues to support them ?" These words give such
an indication of the notion that the author has of the hap-
piness or misery of a church, that they want no commentciry.

I will add this one remark of a fact upon a passage that nisi, of the
I had writ concerning the book of Ordination, published in Ktforma-..

i • f rr- -n i 1-1 • V . ti-m, \ol. u.

the third year or King Edward, which was in these words : p.vsg.
"Another difference between the Ordination book set out at
that time, and that we now use, was, that the bishop was to
lay his one hand on the priest's head ; and with his other to
give him a Bible, with a chalice and bread in it, saying the
words that are now said at the delivery of the Bible. In the
consecration of a bishop, there is nothing more than what is
yet in use, save that a staff was put into his hand with this
blessing, ' Be to the flock of Christ a shepherd.' : Upon
this his remark is in these words: "But here, as it hap- P;ise C9°-
pens, this learned person has been led into a mistake : for co1'2'
the two first editions of the Ordinal made in King Edward's
reign, have none of the different rites mentioned by this
gentleman." I was indeed surprised when I read this, and
went to look into the first edition of that Ordinal, which I
knew was in the Lambeth Library; for, by Archbishop San-
croft's order, I had the free use of every thing that lay there.

viii PREFACE.

There I went to examine it, and I found indeed a small va-
riation from my History; the whole is in these words: in
the ordination of a priest, after the imposition of hands, with
the words still used, follows this rubric : " Then the bishop
shall deliver to every one of them the Bible in the one hand,
and the chalice, or cup, with the bread in the other hand,
and say, ' Take thou authority,' " &c. In the consecration
of a bishop, this rubric is, " The elected bishop, having upon
him a surplice and a cope, shall be presented by two brshops,
being also in surplices and copes, having their pastoral
staves in their hands." And after the form of the consecra-
tion, this rubric follows: "Then shall the archbishop lay
the Bible upon his neck, saying, ' Give heed to reading.' '
The next rubric is, " Then shall the archbishop put into his
hands the pastoral staff", saying, ' Be to the flock of Christ
a shepherd ;' " on to the end of the charge, now given alto-
gether, but then divided in two. This book was printed by
Kichard Grafton, the King's printer, in March 1549; or, by
the Roman account, 1550. 1 have given this full account
of that matter in my own justification: I am sorry that I
cannot return this learned person his compliment to myself,
" that he was led into a mistake."

The next, and indeed the last particular that out of many
more I will mention, is, the setting down the explanation

Paec 310. that was made upon the order for kneeling at the sacrament
in King Edward's time, wrong in a very material word : for
in that the words were, " that there was not in the sacrament
any real or essential presence of Christ's natural flesh and
blood ;" but he instead of that puts, " corporal presence."
It seems in this he only looked at the rubric as it is now at
the end of the communion service, upon a conceit that it
stands now as it was at that time changed ; and we know

D. P. s. vvho was the author of that change, and who pretended that
a corporal presence signified such a presence as a body na-
turally has, which the assertors of transubstantiation itself
do not, and cannot pretend is in this case : where they say
the body is not present corporally, but spiritually, or as a
spirit is present. And he who had the chief hand in procur-
ing this alteration, had a very extraordinary subtilty, by
which he reconciled the opinion of a real presence in the
sacrament with the last words of the rubric, " that the na-
tural body and blood of Christ were in heaven, and not here ;
it being against the truth of Christ's natural body to be at
one time in more places than one." It was thus : a body is
in a place, if there is no intermediate body but a vacuum
between it and the place ; and he thought, that, by the virtue
of the words of consecration, there was a cylinder of a va-
cuum made between the elements and Christ's body in hea-

PREFACE. ix

ven : so that, nobody being between, it was both in heaven
and in the elements. Such a solemn piece of folly as this
can hardly be read without indignation. But if our author
favours this conceit, yet when he sets down that which was
done in King Edward's reign, he ought not to have changed
the word, especially such an important one. I shall say no
more of that work, but that there appeared to me quite
through the second volume, such a constant inclination to
favour the popish doctrine, and to censure the reformers,
that I should have had a better opinion of the author's in-
tegrity, if he had professed himself not to be of our commu-
nion, nor of the communion of any other protestant church.
But as I thought myself bound to give this warning to
such as may have heard of that work, or that have seen it ;
so there is another History lately written in French, and
which, I hope, is soon to appear incur own language, which
I cannot recommend more than it deserves. It is Mr.
L'Enfant's History of the Council of Constance ; in which
that excellent person has with great care, and a sincerity
liable to no exception, given the world, in the history of that
council, so true a view of the state of the church, and of
religion, in the age before the Reformation, that I know no
book so proper to prepare a man for reading the History of
the Information, as the attentive reading of that noble
work : he was indeed well furnished with a collection of
excellent materials, gathered with great fidelity and industry
by the learned Doctor Vander Hordt, professor of divinity
in the University of Helmstadt; and procured for him by
the noble zeal and princely bounty of that most serene and
pious prince, Rodolph August, the late Duke of Brunswick
Wolfenbuttle, who set himself with great care, and at a vast
charge to procure from all places the copies of all papers
and manuscripts that could be found, to give light to the
proceed ings of that great assembly. That collection amount-
ed to six volumes in folio. From these authentic vouchers
the history of that council is now happily compiled. And
if that learned author can find materials to give us as full
and as clear a history of the council of Basil, as he has given
of that of Constance, I know no greater service can be done
the world : for by it popery will appear in its true and na-
tive colours, free from those palliating disguises which the
progress of the Reformation, and the light which by that has
been given the world, has forced upon those of that com-
munion. We have the celebrated History of the Council of
Trent, first published here at London, written with a true
sublimity of judgment, and an unbiassed sincerity; which
has received a great confirmation, even from Cardinal Pala-
vicini's attempt to destroy its credit; and a much greater

x PREFACE.

of late from that curious discovery of Vargas's Letters. But
how well and how justly soever the history that P.Paulo
gave the world of that council is esteemed, I am not afraid
to compare the late History of the Council of Constance even
to that admired work ; so far at least, as that if it will not
be allowed to be quite equal to it, yet it may be well rec-
koned among the best of all that have written after that
noble pattern, which the famous Venetian friar has given to
all the writers of ecclesiastical history.

Since I published my Introduction, I fell on many papers
concerning the Reformation in Scotland, which had escaped
the diligence of that grave and judicious writer Archbishop
Spotswood, of which I have given a full account, and have
used the best endeavours 1 could to be furnished with all
the other materials that I could hear of: it is true, I never
searched into a lately-gathered famous library in this place,
but yet I had from some, on whose good judgment and great
care I might well depend, who had carefully looked through
it, every thing that they found material to my purpose.

No curiosity pleased me more than that noble record of
the Legate's proceedings in the matter of King Henry's di-
vorce ; of which I had the free use, as of every thing else
that was in the library of my learned and dear brother, the
late Bishop of Ely; in whose death the church, and all his
friends, and none more than myself, have had an invaluable
loss. I read that record very carefully twice or thrice over,
and gave a full abstract of it, but did not then reflect on what
has occurred to me since : for though, upon the credit of so
noble a record, I have said that the King and Queen were
never together in court, yet I find the contrary is affirmed
by that King himself in a letter, bearing date the 23d of
June, to his ambassadors at Rome, in these words : " Both
we and the Queen appeared in person :" and he sets forth
the assurances the cardinals gave of their proceeding without
favour or partiality, " yet she departed out of court though
thrice called to appear, and was denounced contumacious."
The only reconciling of this apparent contradiction seems to
be this, that they were indeed together in the hall where
the court sat; but that it was before the cardinals sat down
and had formed the court: for as it is not to be imagined
that in the record so material a step could have been omit-
ted, so highly to the honour of the court; so it is not likely
that the Queen, after her appeal, would have owned the
court, or have appeared before those judges: therefore the
most probable account of that particular is this, that the
King intending to appear in the court, the Queen went thi-
ther after him, and made that speech to him in the open hall
that I mentioned in my former work : but all this was over,

PREFACE. xi

and they were both gone before the court was opened, or
that the cardinals had taken their places ; so that their ap-
pearance could be no part of the record of the court.

I am now to give an account of some papers that I had as
an Appendix, for they relate to the former volumes. The
first of these was sent me by one Mr. Thomas Granger, of
whom I can give no other account, but that I understood
he was a clergyman. He dated his letter from Lammerton,
near Tavistoke, in Devonshire, the 7th of February, 1683-4.
I wrote him such a civil answer, as so kind a censure de-
served : and I promised that I would make my acknowledg-
ments more publicly to him whensoever I reviewed that
work. Upon my settling at Salisbury, I inquired after him,
but I was told he was dead ; so I lost the occasion of re-
turning my thanks to him in a more particular manner, which
1 now express thus publicly.

1 had another letter, writ in another strain, full of expos-
tulation, from Anthony (who affected to write himself) a
Wood. He thought it incumbent on him to justify himself,
since I had reflected on him; so he gave this vent to it. I
wrote short remarks on it ; one of these I find is in the Bi-
shop of Worcester's hand : they were sent to Bishop Fell, to
be communicated to him ; but whether they were or not I
cannot tell. The thing has escaped my memory, but the
paper still remains with me : and therefore I have thought
it a justice to Mr. Wood's memory, and to his writings, to
insert it here.

The third paper was drawn by me at Paris, in the year
1685. My History being then translated into French, v\as
much read; and as to the main conduct of our Reformation,
it was approved by some men of great name. At that time
there was an embroilment between the court of Rome and
that of Versailles : and the propositions that passed in the
year 1682 seemed to threaten a greater rupture to follow.
Upon that, the scheme of the English Reformation was a
subject of common discourse ; and that was so much mag-
nified by those who were called the Converters, that the hope
of a reformation in France was one of the artifices that pre-
vailed on some, who knew not the " depths of Satan," and
were easily wrought on to make their court by changing
their religion, in hope that a great reformation of abuses
among them was then projected. But one of the learnedest
men that ever I knew of that communion, said then to my-
self, that all that was only done to fright Pope Innocent the
Eleventh, who vyas then in the interests of the house of
Austria ; but that whensoever they should have a pope in t
the interests of France, their court would not only declare
him infallible in points of doctrine, but even in matters of

xii PREFACE.

fact: and he added, that it was an abuse that people put
upon themselves, to imagine, that with what pomp or zeal
soever the court seemed to support those articles passed in
the assembly of the clergy, that this could have any other
effect but to bring the court of Rome into their interests.
He said, this had been Cardinal Mazarine's practice during
his whole ministry. When he could not carry matters to his
mind at Rome, he shewed such favour to the Jansenists, as
let many of them into great dignities ; but when he had
brought that court to what he designed, he presently changed
his conduct towards them.

A person of distinction at Paris, finding my History so
much liked, wrote a censure upon it. This run through
many hands, but was never printed : it fell into Mr.Auzont's
hands, and from him I had it. I wrote an answer to it,
and got it to be translated into French : it was favourably
received by many in Paris. I do not find the copy of that
censure among my papers ; but I have still the copy of my
remarks on it, from which the substance of that censure
may be gathered: so I have thought fit to add this to my
Appendix.

The fourth paper is a large collection of many mistakes
(descending even to literal ones) in both the volumes of my
History, and in the Records published in them, which a
learned and worthy person has read with more exactness
than either my amanuensis or myself had done. I publish
these sheets, as that unknown person sent them to me ; whom
I never saw, as far as I remember; and who will not suffer
me to give any other account of him, but that he lives in one
of the universities. His copy of my work being of the second
edition, only some very few of the errors marked that had
crept into the second, but that were not in the first edition,
are struck out. In several particulars I do not perfectly agree
with these corrections; but I set them down as they were
sent me, without any remarks on them ; and I give my hearty
thanks in the fullest manner I can, to him who was first at
the pains to make this collection, and then had the goodness
to communicate it to me in so obliging a manner : for he gave
me a much greater power over these papers than I have
thought fit to assume.

The next paper is a much shorter one. It is indeed the
abstract of a larger paper, but I have taken out of it only that
which relates to my History : and have not meddled with some
remarks made on Harmer's Specimen, and many more made
on the Rio-hts of an English Convocation. These did not

o "

belong to my subject, so I have not copied them out. The
writer has not let me know his name ; lie sent the sheets to
me in an unsubscribed letter, to which I wrote an answer by

PREFACE. xiii

the conveyance that he marked out to me : but I have heard
no more of him.

The sixth and last paper was sent me by the sincere and
diligent Mr. Strype, who has descended to such a full and
minute correction, both of my History, and of my copies of
the Records, that I confess it gave me great satisfaction :
many of his corrections may seem so inconsiderable, that it
may be suggested that they were not worth the while. But
my whole concern in writing being to deliver the transactions
of a former age faithfully down to posterity, nothing could
please me more than to have every error I had fallen into dis-
covered ; and it was no small satisfaction to me, to find that
a writer, who has been now above thirty years examining all
that passed in that age, and has made great discoveries of
many secrets hitherto not known ; and who was so kind as
to pass over nothing, how small and inconsiderable soever it
may appear to be, that was liable to correction ; yet did not
touch upon any one thing that is of any moment in my whole
work. This I look on as a very authentic confirmation of it
all, except in the places thus censured by one who has search-
ed into all the transactions of that time with so much appli-
cation and success.

This work was composed above a year ago ; and after it
was read and corrected by some proper judges, it was put in
the press, and was printed off to the end of King Edward's
reign, before the 1st of August last : nor has any thing been
added to it since that time, except some very few particulars
in the last book relating to Scotland.

I cannot conclude this preface, and so dismiss this work
out of my hands, without some reflections on what has ap-
peared among us of late, but too evidently, in a course of
some years. Many, who profess great zeal for the legal
establishment, yet seem to be set on forming a new scheme,
both of religion and government ; and are taking the very
same methods, only a little diversified, that have been pur-
sued in popery, to bring the world into a blind dependance
upon the clergy, and to draw the wealth and strength of the
nation into their hands.

The opinion of the sacrament's being an expiatory sacri-
fice, and of the necessity of secret confession and absolution,
and of the church's authority acting in an independence on
the civil powers, were the foundations of popery, and the
seminal principles out of which that mass of corruptions was
formed. They have no colour for them in the New Testa-
ment, nor in the first ages of Christianity ; and are directly
contrary to all the principles on which the Reformation was
carried on ; and to every step that was made in the whole
progress of that work: and yet these of late have been notions

xiv PREFACE.

much favoured, and written for with much zeal, not to say
indecency ; besides a vast number of little superstitious
practices, that in some places have grown to a great height,
so that we were insensibly going off from the Reformation,
and framing a new model of a church totally different from
all our former principles, as well as from our present esta-
blishment : to all which they have added that singular and
extravagant conceit, of the invalidity of baptism, unless
ministered by one episcopally ordained ; though this not
only cuts off all communion with the foreign protestant
churches, of which, perhaps, they make no great account, but
makes doubtings to arise with relation to great numbers,
both among ourselves, and in the Roman communion.

This I lament; not that I think that there is such a sacred-
ness in any human constitution, that it is never to be called
in question, or altered : for if we had the same reasons to
alter any thing established at the Reformation, that our
fathers had to alter the former establishment in the times of
popery, I should acknowledge we had now as good grounds
to change the present, as our ancestors had then to change
the former constitution. The Scriptures are the only sure
foundation of our faith that is unalterable : all other consti-
tutions being always to be governed by that perfect declara-
tion of God's holy will with relation to mankind. But it
gives a just indignation, to see the same men make wide steps
to great alterations on the one hand, and yet make heavy com-
plaints where there is no just occasion given, and that about
points of mere speculation ; whereas the other relate to mat-
ters of practice, which had been in former ages so managed,
that the whole complex of the Christian religion was totally
depraved by them.

We have also rules and rubrics for worship that are our
standards, fixed by law : and yet we see a humour of inno-
vation making a great progress in these, without the least
complaint, by the same persons who are apt to make tragical
outcries on the smallest transgressions on the other hand.

Both are very culpable : but of the two, we find the growth
of superstition has been so spreading, as well as so specious,
that the extremes of that hand may be justly reckoned the
more dangerous : one of the worst effects of superstition
being that with which our Saviour charged the pharisees of
his time, that while they were exact in " tithing mint, anise,
and cummin, they omitted the weightier matters of the law,
judgment, mercy, and faith." In opposition to which he gives
a standing rule, applicable to all such cases, " These things
ye ought to have done, and not to leave the other undone."
This relates to practices of a lower order, but such as are com-
manded; whereas voluntary and assumed ones, like the wash-

PREFACE. xv

ings among the Jews in our Saviour's time, eat out the sense
of the great duties of religion ; instead of which some trifling
performances are set up, and are highly magnified, while the
others are spoken of more coldly : nor does any thing feed
a censorious and uncharitable temper more than these volun-
tary and distinguishing practices, which as they are the
badges of different parties, so they are engines to keep up
that wrath, emulation, and hatred, that have made such havoc
among us, of the great and indispensable duties of "peace,
brotherly-kindness, and charity."

These have been but too visibly the arts of Satan to divide
and distract us ; and have oftener than once brought us near
the brink of ruin. God has often rescued us, while the con-
tinuance and progress of these evil dispositions have as often
made us relapse into a broken and disjointed state. Oh that
we may at last " see the things that belong to our peace,"
and " follow after those things that make for peace, and the
things wherewith we may edify one another !" In this prayer
I will continue as long as I live, and I hope to end my days
with it. We must ask it of God, and of him only : it is in
vain to ask it of some men, who, when we " speak to them
of peace, make them ready to battle ;" we must look for it
only to him, who said, " Peace I leave with you, my peace
I give unto you ; not as the world giveth give I unto you."
The world will only give it to those of their own knot and
party. But " the wisdom that is from above is first pure,
then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated ; full of
mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypo-
crisy : and the fruits of righteousness are sown in peace of
them that make peace."

INTRODUCTION.

1COME, after a long interval of three-and thirty years, to
give all the finishing to the History of our Reformation
that I have been able to collect, either from new discoveries
that have come in my own way, or the kind advertisements
of friends, and the severe animadversions of critics ; of which
I have endeavoured to make the best use that I could. It
has been objected to me, that I wrote in haste, and did not
reflect enough on the matters I wrote about. That may be
very true ; and I will give an account how it happened to be
so. When Sanders's History was published in France, it
had so ill an effect there, that some of our best divines were
often called on to hasten such an answer to it as might stop
the course of so virulent a book. Those to whom these
advices were sent thought me a proper person to be engaged
in it.

The ancient, the learned, and the pious Bishop of Wor-
cester, is the only person now alive that was concerned in
the choice : and he having read all the printed books that he
could hear of relating to those times, had taken the dates of
every remarkable thing that passed out of them ; which he
caused to be copied out for me. They are about eight sheets
of paper. Upon this stock I set out, and searched all the
public offices about the town, with a labour and diligence
that was then looked on as no contemptible performance. I
marked every thing as exactly as I could. I might in such
a variety, make some mistakes, for which men of candour
will make just allowances. But when I had gone through
all that lay thus open to me, I knew what treasures were still
in the Cotton Library.

The present Bishop of Worcester carried me to Sir John
Cotton, to ask admittance: but a great prelate had been be-
forehand with us; and had possessed him with such preju-
dices against me, as being no friend to the prerogative of the
crown, nor to the constitution of our church, that he said
(as he was prepared), that unless the Archbishop of Canter-
bury and a Secretary of State would recommend me as a per-
son fit to have access to his library, he desired to be excused.
And though that worthy prelate said he would be answerable
for the use that I should make of it, yet he could not be pre-
vailed on todepartfrom the answer that he had made us. Nor
could that reverend person prevail with Archbishop Sancroft
to interpose. And though I offered to deliver up all the col-

INTRODUCTION. xvii

lections I had made to any person that would undertake the
work, yet no regard was had to that ; so I saw it was resolved
on, either not to let that work go on, or, at least, that I should
not have the honour to be employed in it.

With this we were at a full stop, when, accidentally meet-
ing with Sir John Marsham the younger, I told him how I
was denied access to the Cotton Lihrary ; but he told me he
was, by marriage, a nephew to the family, and that for many
years he had free access to it, and he might carry with him
whom he pleased. So I, with a copier, went thither under
his protection ; and we were hard at work from morning to
night for ten days ; but then the owner, with his family,
coming to town, I could go no further. In that time, and in
the haste we were in, I did make such a progress that the good
Bishop, together with the late archbishop of Canterbury,
Tillotson, and the late bishop of Worcester, Stillingfleet,
thought I was sufficiently furnished with materials for com-
posing the first volume. Every part of it, as I wrote it, passed
through their hands, and under their censure, and I submitted
to their judgment in every particular.

I have been told, one that was much practised in that Li-
brary, who is now dead, has censured me for not comparing
what my copier wrote carefully with the originals. To this,
all I can say is, that as my copier, by much practice, was be-
come pretty exact ; so I made him read all over to me, having
the originals in my hands. I cannot say, in such dull,
though necessary work as the collating those things, I car-
ried along with me all the attention that was requisite ; but
I did it as well as I could. And when I was lately in the
Cotton Library, I read over several of the originals, but
found no material differences from the copies I had printed.
One, indeed, runs through all those in the English language,
which might perhaps offend a severe critic, that the old
spelling is not every where exactly copied. I did recommend
it to my copier, and he observed it often ; but he said, when
he wrote quick, it was impossible for him to carry an anti-
quated spelling along with his pen.

The first volume lay a year after I wrote it before it was
put in the press, and was offered to be read and corrected
by all who were willing to give themselves that trouble.
When it was brought to Secretary Coventry for his license,
he was pleased to say that he dipped into it out of curiosity;
but added, that he found such an entertainment in it, that
he could not part with it till he had read it quite through.
The Earl of Nottingham (lord chancellor) took time to read
and examine it, and to add many remarks in several parts of
it, in all which I submitted to his censure ; and some smaller
matters coming in my way, they were added ; so when those

VOL. in. b

xviii INTRODUCTION.

under whose direction I made every step in it advised me to
put it in the press, I went on with it.

It happened to come out a few months after the discovery
of the Popish Plot; and the ferment of that working power-
fully over all the nation, the work was favourably received ;
and as I had the thanks of both Houses of Parliament for it,
with a desire to finish what I had begun, so those who were
the most zealous against popery pressed me to make all pos-
sible haste with the second volume, when they understood
that I had made considerable discoveries with relation to
Queen Mary's reign. By that time Sir John Cotton, seeing
the good use I had made of his library, was pleased to ac-
knowledge the injustice of the suggestions that had been
made to my prejudice, and allowed me free liberty to examine
every thing in it; in which I ought to have been more exact
than I was in searching into the matters set forth in my first
volume ; but the repeated importunities of my friends, for
my publishing the second volume, so far prevailed, that I
only examined what belonged to that period. I took, in-
deed, some papers relating to the former reign, that acci-
dentally fell in my way, and inserted them. I had also other
materials brought me from several hands, upon the public
notice that I gave of my design in the first volume.

That primitive bishop, Fell, of Oxford, engaged an ac-
quaintance of his, Mr. Fullman, to make remarks on it;
which he did with a particular acrimony of style, for which
the Bishop had prepared me. I bore it, and drew out of it all
that was material, and sent it to him, to see if he did not find
in it the substance of all his remarks on the first at the end
of the second volume. It has been published over and over
again, that he complained that I did not print a full account
of his censure. The fact was thus : I sent it to him by the
carrier; and begged of him, that, if he had any exception to
the abstract I had made of his remarks, he would return it
back to me as soon as possible, for the press was to be stopped
till it came. I stayed for it till the second return of the car-
rier ; and when no answer came, I reckoned he acquiesced in
my abstract; so I put it in the press. But before it was
printed off, his answer came by the third return of the car-
rier; and I, finding that he excepted to some few parts of
my paper, was at the charge of reprinting it exactly to his
mind ; and he afterwards received the present that I made
him without any insinuation of any complaint.

Thus this work was sent abroad into the world. Nor do I
yet see what more I could have done to procure me better
information, nor what other steps I could have made. It
took quiet possession of the belief of the nation at home,
and of a great part of Europe abroad, being translated into

INTRODUCTION. xix

four languages : and for some years I heard of neither cen-
sure nor answer.

When I went to Paris in the year 1685, I found there
was a censure going about, written, but not printed. It came
into my hands, and I presently wrote an answer to it ; which
I got to be put into French. And all who read both papers,
seemed fully satisfied with my answer ; which will be found
at the end of this volume. I was told that it was writ by
M. Le Grand ; who had given out, in many companies, that
he had great objections ready to be made to my History.
Upon that, two learned and worthy men (Mr. Auzont and
Mr. Thevenot) designed to bring us together, and to hear
what M. Le Grand had to object. We dined at Mr. Thevenot's;
and after dinner, for the space of three hours, M. Le Grand
proposed his objections, and I answered them on a sudden,
far from charming them with my eloquence ; which M. Le
Grand must certainly mean as a jest, for I pretend to no
more French than to be understood when I speak it. What
he said was mean and trifling; and yet it was so fully an-
swered by me that we parted civilly, and (as I thought) good
friends; and when he was gone, both Thevenot and Auzont
said they were ashamed to hear such poor things objected
(pauvrettswas their word), after the noise that M. Le Grand
had made. But, two days after, Mr. Auzont came to me,
both in his own name and in Mr. Thevenot's, and desired me
not to speak of that matter to any person. The court was
then so set on extirpating heresy, that they apprehended
any thing said by me might bring me into trouble. They
would do me justice, so I needed not be concerned to do it
to myself.

I must also add, that M. Le Grand said, after he had
offered his objections, that, as to the main of my History,
he could furnish me with many materials to support it. And
he made me a present of a very valuable book, published by
Camusat, at Troyes, 1613, with the title of Melanges Histo-
riques ; of which I have made use in the following work.
The matter rested thus till the year 1688, that M. Le Grand
published the History of King Henry the Eighth's Divorce:
and soon after that, two other volumes of his appeared : one
was a severe invective against me and my History; the other
was a collection of letters, by which his History was justified.
In this last there are some very valuable ones ; to which I
have had occasion oftener than once to refer my reader. In
the two first of these tomes, M. Le Grand thought fit to lay
aside all sort of good manners, and to treat me more in the
style of an angry monk than of one that had lived long in
the company of well-bred men. I imputed this to a manage-
ment he was under by some of the court of that unfortunate

b2

xx INTRODUCTION.

Prince, who soon after felt the tragical effects of such un-
happy counsellors as had then the ascendant. To these I
did believe M. Le Grand had dedicated his pen ; and that
drew from me a severe Postscript to a censure that I pub-
lished upon the Bishop of Meaux's Book of Variations ; for
which I am heartily sorry, and ask his pardon.

The truth is, the first paper in his third tome seemed to
justify any thing that could have been said, to expose a man
that could offer such an abstract as he gave of it in his His-
tory, and them that judged so ill as to think fit to print that
letter, that does plainly contradict the sense he gave of it.
The letter is writ by Pace, dean of St. Paul's, to King Henry
(said by him to be written in the year 1526, but in that he
is mistaken, as will appear afterwards), on the subject of the
divorce. He owns that he writ the book, which had been
brought to the King the day before, by the advice and as-
sistance of Dr. Wakefield, who was ready to defend it all,
either in writing or in a public disputation. " * And since
he heard from the King, that some of his learned counsellors
wrote that Deuteronomy abrogated Leviticus, he shews him
how false that was. It was only a recapitulation of the Mo-
saic law. It seems they thought this was the importance of
the Greek word Deuteronomy (or a second law), but he shews
that it imported only a repetition of the former law, and the
book had another title in the Hebrew. Then he says, that
Wakefield desired him to let him know whether the King had
a mind to know the truth in that matter, whether it stood for
him or against him. To this Pace answered, that the King
desired nothing but what became a noble and a virtuous
prince ; and that he would do a most acceptable thing to him
if he would take pains to let him know what was the pure
verity. Then he, being under some fear, said he could not
set about it, unless his Majesty would enjoin and command
it ; but when he received his commands, he would set forth
such things, both against him and for him, as no other per-
son within his kingdom could do." There is nothing here

• Et quoniam majestas tua mihi significavit, nescio quos e suis literatis consi-
liariis scripsisse Deuteronomium abrogare Leviticum, diligenter perquisivi quid id
sibi vellet ; et tandem inveni id indubitato falsum esse : est compendium, ac repe-
titio, sen, ut ita dicam, recapitulatio legis Mosaics?. Et illud Graecum nomen
Deuteronomium, quantum ad sensum rei attinet illud, idem significat quod habetur
in Hebrseo; id est, liber, in quo continetur secunda lex, vel repetitio primae legis.
Post meum a Majestate tua discessum, D. 11. Wakefeldus unice me rogavit, ut
sibi significarem, an placeret tibi veritatem hac in re intelligere, utrum staret a te
an contra te ? Ei ita respondi, Te nihil velle quod esset alienum a nobili principe,
et singularibus virtutibus praedito; ilium Majestati tuse rem gratissimam facturum
si laboraret ut puram veritatem tibi declaret. Turn ille nescio quo ductus timore
negavit se hoc posse facere, nisi Majestas tua id sibi injungeret et mandaret ; et
si mandares se producturum in medium tarn contra te quam pro te ilia quae nemo
alius in hoc tuo regno producere posset.

INTRODUCTION. xxi

but what is honourable both for the King, for Pace, and for
Wakefield.

M. Le Grand has made a very particular abstract of this:
He says, " * Pace, designing to flatter his Prince's passion,
thought they should not stand either on the Vulgate, or (he
LXX translators, but have recourse only to the Hebrew,
which he maintained was more favourable to the King. He
had written to Wakefield, and shewed him the trouble the
King was in, and desired he would clear up the matter.
Wakefield, ravished to be thus employed, said he would jus-
tify all that Pace had said to the King: but then, apprehend-
ing that Pace might deceive him, or be deceived himself, or
perhaps that the King might change his mind, he desired
that the King himself would let him know what he would
have him to do ; whether he should defend the one side, or
the other: and he would do according to the orders he should
receive, and make such discoveries for or against it as should
pass the capacity of all Englishmen. Thus (ends he) Wake-
field, who had more vanity than religion, was driving a traffic
with his sentiments."

I have put in the margin the Latin of Pace's letters, and
the account that M. Le Grand gives of it in French, that the
reader may judge what can be thought of a man that repre-
sents things so unfairly, and makes such inferences from
them. I confess this raised in me too much indignation to
be governed as it ought to have been : I therefore thought
such a writer deserved not to be followed in every step. I
likewise employed at several times some who went to Paris,
to try in what esteem that performance was ; and if I was
not much deceived in the accounts sent me from thence, the
book had lost the esteem of all persons there, so that it was
no more talked of, nor read. I cannot therefore bring my-
self to examine it minutely; yet where any matter of weight
requires it, I shall either justify or retract what I had deli-
vered in my History. I shall say no more of that work in
this place, save only that the original judgment of the Sor-
bonne, about which M. Le Grand seemed to be chiefly con-

* Nos avons la lettre de ce dernier (Pace), qui chercbant a flatter la passion
cle son Prince, vouloit que sans s'arreter ni a la Vulgate ni a la Traduction des
Septante, on cut recours au texte Hebreu; qu'il soutenoit luy estre plus favorable.
II en ecrivit a Robert Wakefield, et luy decouvrit rembarras ou le Roy se trouvoit,
le priant de luy vouloir eclaircir cette matiere. Wakefield ravy de travailler pour
le Roy, repondit d'abord, qu'il appuieroit ce que Pace avoit dit a Henry. Puis
faisaut reflexion que Pace pouvoit le tromper ou se tromper luy meme, ou que le
Roy changeroit peut estre, il alia trouvoir Pace, et luy temoignoit, qu'il souhaitroit
que sa Majest6 luy ecrivit elle meme, ce qu'elle vouloit qu'il fit, et si il devoit de-
fendre le pour ou le contre, et qu'alors selon les ordres qu'il recevroit, il donneroit
des eclaircisseruens ou pour ou contre, qui passeroi-?nt le capacite de tous les An-
glois. C'est ainsi que Wakefield, qui avoit plus dt vanite que de religion, tra-
fiijuoit de ses sentiments.

xxii INTRODUCTION.

cerned, both in the conference I had with him and in his
book, is now found by Mr. Rymer, among the other judg-
ments of the universities in the secret treasury, out of which
that laborious searcher into our original treaties has already
published fifteen great volumes in folio. Of this I shall give
a more particular account in its proper place.

The next attack that was made on my work was in the year
1693, under the title of, A Specimen of some Errors and De-
fects in the History of the Reformation of the Church of
England ; by Anthony Harmer. It is well known that was
a disguised name, and that the author was Mr. Henry Whar-
ton, who had published two volumes with the title of Anglia
Sacra. He had examined the dark ages before the Reforma-
tion with much diligence, and so knew many things relating
to those times beyond any man of the age. He pretended
that he had many more errors in reserve, and that this Spe-
cimen was only a hasty collection of a few out of many other
discoveries he could make. This consisted of some trifling
and minute differences in some dates of transactions of no
importance, upon which nothing depended : so I cannot tell
whether I took these too easily from printed books, or if I
committed any errors in my notes taken in the several offices.
He likewise follows me through the several recapitulations
I had made of the state of things before the Reformation,
and finds errors and omissions in most of these : he adds
some things out of papers I had never seen. The whole was
writ with so much malice, and such contempt, that I must
give some account of the man, and of his motives. He had
expressed great zeal against popery, in the end of King-
James's reign, being then chaplain to Archbishop Sancroft,
who, as he said, had promised him the first of those prebends
of Canterbury that should fall in his gift : so when he saw
that the Archbishop was resolved not to take the oaths, but
to forsake his post, he made an earnest application to me,
to secure that for him at Archbishop Tiilotson's hands. I
pressed him in it as much as was decent for me to do ; but
he said he would not encourage these aspiring men, by pro-
mising any thing before it should fall ; as indeed none of
them fell during his time. Wharton upon this answer thought
I had neglected him, looking upon it as a civil denial, and
said he would be revenged ; and so he published that Spe-
cimen. Upon which I, in a letter that I printed, addressed
to the present Bishop of Worcester, charged him again and
again to bring forth all that he pretended to have reserved
at that time ; for, till that was done, I would not enter upon
the examination of that Specimen. It was received with
contempt; and Tillotson justified my pressing him to take
Wharton under his particular protection so fully, that he sent

INTRODUCTION. xxiii

and asked me pardon : he said he was set on to it, and that,
if I would procure any thing for him, he would discover every
thing to me. I despised that offer; but said, that I would
at any price buy of him those discoveries that he pretended
to have in reserve : but Mr. Chiswel (at whose house he then
lay, being sick) said, he could draw nothing of that from
him, and he believed he had nothing. He died about a year
after: so I will say no more of him, only this, that where I
see a voucher for any thing that he objects, I will submit
and own my error, but I have no reason to take any thing
on his word. I have a work lying on my table, which shews
how little regard is due to his collections. It was sent me
by a worthy person in one of the universities, and is a col-
lating of ten pages of his Anglia Sacra, with the manuscript
that he vouches : it swells indeed to a book. Wharton omits
the most material passage of an instrument that blemished
one of his heroes. In some places there are errors in every
line ; and there are three capital errors in one line, and about
fifty in that small compass. I have shewed the book to a
great many persons, and will shew it to any who desire to
see it ; but do not descend here to further particulars, for
that perhaps might discover the author, and expose him to
the malice of an ill-natured cabal. Since that time, a writer
of a greater name has with abundance of ill-natured scorn
pretended to undervalue my work. I name him not, for I
love not to transmit the remembrance of such things to pos-
terity. Where he gives such vouchers as can be come at, I
will be ready to retract ; but when he appeals to some name-
less manuscript in his own possession, I will have no regard
to this : for a writer that has been found too faulty in citing
such vouchers as can be examined, ought not to expect be-
lief when he has recourse to such as are kept by him as se-
crets, not to be communicated but to a few confidants ; nor,
entirely to these, as I have been informed. All that has been
hitherto objected to me, though with airs of great assurance
and scorn, has been so trifling, that some good judges have
thought I shewed them too much respect to take any notice
of them : they thought it was enough to mark down such
small mistakes as I saw had been made by me, without so
much as mentioning .those who made such reflections. I
would have complied with their advice, if I had not a just
zeal to maintain the credit of that work ; which I cannot do
better than by acknowledging the discoveries that had been
made, even in the minutest matters, though with all the in-
decency and contempt possible.

A very worthy person in one of the universities has sent
me a copious collection of remarks on both my former vo-
lumes, but upon condition not to name him; which I will

xxiv INTRODUCTION.

observe religiously, because I promised it, though it is not
easy to myself, since I may not own to whom I owe so great
an obligation ; but I suppress none of them, and give them
entirely as he offered them to me. I have had assistance
from some other hands, which I will gratefully own as I come
to mention them in their proper places.

I have chosen rather to publish all that is of new offered
to me, in a volume apart, than to reprint my former volumes
with these corrections, as some have advised me to do.
There are some thousands of the former impressions abroad
in the nation, that would be of little value, if any such new
edition should appear. I have ever looked on such new en-
larged editions as little less than a robbing the public; be-
sides that, in so doing, I should only drop those errors of
my former work, without that formal disowning and retract-
ing of them, which I think I owe to the public. I have ever
looked on falsehoods in history, when fallen into deliberately,
as the v orst sort of lying, both the most public and the most
lasting. But if they are more innocently committed, and
are yet persisted in after a discovery, they are as bad as when
done on design. I writ before as well and as carefully as I
could ; and if, in so great a variety of materials, some are
spurious, and others appear doubtful; and if, in the haste in
which the circumstances of that time almost forced me to
publish that work, without looking out for more aid, and
without waiting for further discoveries, there are some in-
considerable errors and defects in the less important parts
of my work, that relate not to the main of things ; I hope the
world will be so just and so favourable, as to make fair allow-
ances for them, and to accept all the reparation I can make for
past errors, when I own my failing, and set my readers right.

I come next to give an account of the reasons that moved
me to set about this work at this time. The reasons of my
engaging in it at first seemed now to return upon me, and
have determined me to delay the doing of it no longer. The
danger of a popish successor then in view, and the dreadful
apprehensions we had of the power of France, and of the
zeal with which the extirpating that which some called the
"pestilent heresy, that had so long infested those northern
kingdoms," was then driven on, made it seem a proper time
to awaken the nation, by shewing both what popery, and
what the Reformation was ; by shewing the cruelty and
falsehood of the former, and what the patience and courage
of our reformers was : and the work had generally so good
an effect then, that if the like dangers seem to revert, it may
not be an improper attempt to try once more to awaken a
nation that has perhaps forgot past dangers, and yet may be
nearer them than ever.

INTRODUCTION. xxv

If there is any difference between the present state of
things, and that we were in above thirty years ago, it is that
we are now more naked and defenceless, more insensible and
stupid, and much more depraved in all respects than we were
then. We are sunk in our learning, vitiated in principle ;
tainted, some with atheism, others with superstition; both
which, though by different ways, prepare us for popery.
Our old breaches are not healed, and new ones, not known
in former times, are raised and fomented with much industry
and great art, as well as much heat: many are barefacedly
going back to that misery, from which God with such a
mighty hand rescued us ; and has hitherto preserved us with
an amazing chain of happy providences ; but " the deaf
adder stops her ear, let the charmer charm never so wisely."

All books relating to those controversies lie dead in shops,
few calling for them; many of them (as men of the trade
have told me) being looked on as waste paper, and turned to
pasteboard. There are, after all, some real and sensible ar-
guments, that may perhaps have some effect on those who
let not themselves be moved with matters of dry speculation,
or with cold reasoning. I have made many discoveries, that
may awaken some on whom the clearest demonstrations will
perhaps make no impression.

In Queen Mary's time, beside all that scene which I had
formerly opened, of a perfidious breach of solemn promises,
of the corrupting and packing of parliaments, and of that
unrelenting cruelty which was pursued to the end of that
reign without intermission, I have had occasion to see much
further into the spirit which then prevailed. I have had the
perusal of the original council-book, that went from the be-
ginning of her reign to the last day of the year 1557; in
which such a spirit of cruelty and bigotry appears through
the whole course of that reign, that I was indeed amazed to
find a poor harmless woman, weak though learned, guilty of
nothing but what her religion infused in her, so carried to
an indecency of barbarity, that it appears that Bonner him-
self was not cruel enough for her, or at least for her Con-
fessor. She believed herself with child, and when the time
came in which she expected to be delivered, she continued
looking for it everyday above a month ; then a conceit was
put in her head that she could not bear her child as long as
there was a heretic left in the kingdom.

It was a great part of the business of the council to quicken
the persecution every where. Letters were writ to the men
of quality in the several counties, to assist at the execution
of those who suffered for heresy, and to call on all their
friends to attend on them. Letters of thanks were writ to
such officious persons as expressed their zeal, ordering them

xxvi INTRODUCTION.

to commit all to prison who came not to the service, and to
keep them in prison till the comfort of their amendment ap-
peared. Directions were given to put such as would not
discover others to the torture. Thanks were in a particular
style sent to some gentlemen, who (as it is expressed) came
so honestly, and of themselves, to assist the sheriffs in those
executions. Pretences of conspiracies were every where
under examination; many were committed and tried for
words. Letters were writ to corporations about the elections
of mayors ; and the lords had many letters to look carefully
to the elections of parliament men, and to engage the elec-
tors to reserve their voices for such as they should name.
Sheriffs began to grow backward, and to delay executions,
in hopes of reclaiming persons so condemned ; but they were
ordered to do so no more.

Letters were on one day wrote to the Sheriffs of Kent,
Essex, Suffolk, and Staffordshire, and to several mayors, to
signify what had moved them to stay the executions of such
persons as had been delivered to them by the ordinaries,
being condemned for heresy. One letter, of a more singular
strain, was wrote to the Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs of
London, to give substantial orders (I give the words in the
council-book), " that when any obstinate man, condemned
by order of the law, shall be delivered to be punished for
heresy, there be a good number of officers and other men
appointed to be at the execution, who may be charged to see
such as shall misuse themselves, either by comforting, aid-
ing, or praising the offenders, or otherwise use themselves to
the ill example of others, to be apprehended and committed
to ward; and besides, to give commandment that no house-
holder suffer any of his apprentices, or other servants, to be
abroad, other than such as their masters will answer for ; and
that this order be always observed in like cases hereafter."
Such pains were taken to extinguish all the impressions of
humanity, or at least to punish every expression of it; and
this was so constantly pursued, that three men and two
women were burnt at Canterbury on the 10th of November,
a week before her death; for she died on the 17th.
cox's Nor were they satisfied with all these arts of cruelty in
History England; but hearing that there were some of that sort in
land. Ireland, one Cole was sent over, with a commission to set a
persecution on foot there. When he was at Chester, the
corporation waited on him, in respect to his being sent by
the Queen: he shewed them his powers and letters to the
government of Ireland ; but leaving his papers on the table
when he went, in respect to this body, to conduct them down
stairs, the mistress of the house, being secretly a zealous
woman, did, with a particular address, make up a packet like

INTRODUCTION. xxvii

his, in which she put a pack of cards, the knave of clubs
being turned uppermost; and so she took away his papers,
putting this instead of them. He suspecting nothing, nor
looking into them, went over to Dublin, and delivered his
message and packet to the council there, which was cer-
tainly received with scorn and indignation. He came back
to London, and got new powers, a few days before the
Queen's death; for the news of it overtook him before he
had his passage. The levity of this story made me at first
suspect it, till I found it in several books, in which it is said
that the woman had for this service, a pension from Queen
Elizabeth.

I have, in my former history, shewed what steps were
made in that reign towards the setting up an Inquisition in
England ; which was very probably suggested by King Phi-
lip, and some of his Spaniards, as the only sure method to
extirpate heresy ; but I have since seen some further steps
made towards it. Ratcliffe, earl of Sussex, was in high
favour ; and he, who saw what was the method to secure
and advance it, moved that, instead of the dilatory proceed-
ings in the ordinary courts, such offenders should be pro-
ceeded against by martial law. To this the council wrote
answer, they commended his zeal, and acknowledged that such
persons deserved to be so used ; yet it was not thought the
best way ; but they were to be punished as the laws did order.
But when they had had their punishment, he was ordered
to keep them in prison and in irons, till they came to know
themselves and their duty. I have also found what he did
towards the setting up an Inquisition. I did formerly print Hiit-ofthe
the instructions that were sent to the county of Norfolk. Of voi?"i".
these, the sixth did run thus : " They shall procure to have r-inii.
in every parish, or part of the shire, as near as may be, some clTi-ct.
one or more honest men, secretly instructed, to give informa- M "'»'>. iy.
tion of the inhabitants amongst or about them/' I find, in
a register of the Earl of Sussex, that, to the sixth article, it
is agreed — " That the justices of the peace, in every of their
limits, shall call secretly before them one or two honest and
secret persons, or more, by their discretions, and such as
they shall think good ; and command them by oath, or other-
wise, as the same justices shall think good, that they shall
secretly learn and search out such person or persons as shall
evil behave themselves idly at church, or despise openly by
words the King and Queen's proceedings, or go about to
make or move any stir, commotion, or unlawful gathering
together of the people ; or that shall tell any seditious or
lewd tales, rumours, or nwes, to move or stir any person or
persons to rise, stir, or make any commotion or insurrection,
or to consent to any such intent or purpose. And also,

xxviii INTRODUCTION.

that the same persons so to be appointed, shall declare to
the same justices of the peace the ill behaviour of lewd, dis-
ordered persons; whether it shall be for using unlawful
games, idleness, and such other light behaviour, of such sus-
pected persons as shall be within the same town, or near
thereabouts. And that the same information shall be given
secretly to the justices; and the same justices shall call
such accused persons before them, and examine them, with-
out declaring by whom they be acccused. And that the
same justices shall, upon their examinations, punish the
offenders according as their offences shall appear to them
upon the accusement and examination, by their discretion,
either by open punishment or good aberring." Here are
sworn spies appointed, like the familiars of the Inquisition ;
secret depositions not to be discovered; and upon these,
further proceedings are ordered. If this had been well
settled, what remained to complete a court of Inquisition
would have been more easily carried.

Here is that which those who look towards a popish suc-
cessor must look for when that evil day comes. All this will
make little impression on those who have no fixed belief of
any thing in religion themselves, and so may reckon it a
small matter to be of any religion that comes to have the
law and the government on its side; and resolve to change
with every wind and tide, rather than put any thing to hazard
by struggling against it. Yet some compassion to those
who have a more firm belief of those great truths, might be
expected from men of the same country, kindred, and who
have hitherto professed to be of the same religion. The re-
viving the fires in Smithfield, and from thence over the
whole nation, has no amiable view to make haste to it ; and
least of all to those who, if they have any principles at all,
must look for nothing less than the being turned out of their
livings, or forced to abandon their families, and, upon every
surmise or suspicion, to be hunted from place to place, glad
if they can get out of the paw of the lion into parts beyond
the seas ; and then they may expect to meet with some of
that haughty contempt with which too many have treated
foreigners who took sanctuary among us.

But when this fatal revolution comes upon us, if God, for
our sins, abandons us into the hands of treacherous and
bloody men, whither can we hope to fly ? for with us, the
whole Reformation must fall under such an universal ruin,
that, humanly speaking, there is no view left beyond that.

Yet, since that set of men is so impiously corrupted in
the point of religion, that no scene of cruelty can fright them
from leaping into it, and perhaps from acting such a part in it
as may be assigned them, there are other considerations of

INTRODUCTION. xxi'x

another sort, arising from some papers (put in my hands
since I wrote the History), that may perhaps affect them
deeper, because they touch in a more sensible part.

It is well known how great and how valuable a part of
the whole soil of England, the abbey-lands, the estates of
the bishops, of the cathedrals, and the tithes are. 1 will not
enter into any strict computation of what the whole may
amount to. The resumption of these would be no easy mat-
ter to many families ; and yet all these must be thrown up ;
for sacrilege, in the church of Rome, is a mortal sin. And
therefore Cardinal Pole, even in that pretended confirmation
of the grants that were then made, laid a heavy charge on those
who had the goods of the church in their hands, to remember
the judgments of God that fell on Belshazzar, for profaning
the holy vessels, though they had not been taken by him-
self, but by his father. It is true, this may be supposed to
relate only to church plate ; though there is no reason to
restrain such a solemn charge to so inconsiderable a part of
what had been taken from the church, no doubt he had the
whole in his view. And this shewed that, though he seemed
to secure them from any claim that the church might have,
or any suit or proceeding upon that account, yet he left the
weight of the sin on their consciences ; which a dexterous
confessor might manage so as to make the possessors yield
up their rights, especially when they themselves could hold
them no longer. The thing was still a sin, and the posses-
sion was unjust. And, to make it easy to restore in the last
minutes, the statute of mortmain was repealed for twenty
years ; in which time, no doubt, they reckoned they would
recover the best part of what they had lost. Besides that,
the engaging the clergy to renew no leases was a thing en-
tirely in their own power; and that, in forty years' time,
would raise their revenues to be about ten times their pre-
sent value.

But. setting all this aside, it has appeared evidently to
me from some papers sent me some years after I wrote my
History, that all that transaction was fraudulent, and had so
many nullities in it, that it may be broke through whenso-
ever there is a power strong enough to set about it. In the
first powers that are in that collection, all the grace and fa-
vour that the Pope intended to the possessors of those lands,
was to indemnify them for the mean profits they had re
ceived, and for the goods that had been consumed; " they
restoring first (if that shall seem expedient) the lands them-
selves that are unjustly detained by them." This was only
the forgiving what was past; but the right of the church
was insisted on for the restitution of those lands. The re-
servation in these words, " if that shall seem expedient to

xxx INTRODUCTION.

you," can be understood in no other sense but that it was
referred to his discretion, whether he should insist to have
the restitution first made, before he granted the indemnity
for the mean profits, or not.

It is true, the council in England, who were in that sup-
ported by the Emperor, thought these powers were too nar-
row, and insisted to have them enlarged. That was done ;
but in so artificial a manner, that the whole settlement made
by Pole signified nothing, but to lay the nation once asleep,
under a false apprehension of their being secured in those
possessions, when no such thing was intended ; nor was it
at all granted, even by the latest powers that were sent to
Cardinal Pole. For in these, after the Pope had referred the
settling that matter to him, that he might transact it with
such possessors for whom the Queen should intercede, and
dispense with their enjoying them for the future without any
scruple, a salvo is added, by which the whole matter is still
reserved to the Pope, for his final confirmation, in these words
— Salvo tamen in his quibus propter rerum magnitudinem et
gravitatem h&c sancta sedes merito tibi videretur comulenda,
nostro et prafata sedis beneplacito et cortftrmatione : " Saving
always in such things, in which for their greatness and im-
portance it shall appear to you that this holy see ought in
reason to be consulted, for our and the said see's good pleasure
and confirmation." By these words it is very plain, that as
in the powers granted they seemed to be limited to a few, to
such for whom the QUEEN should intercede, since it is not
expressed that the Pope thought that he should intercede
for all that possessed them, so they were only provisional.
And therefore, since no bull of confirmation was ever ob-
tained, all these provisional powers were null and void when
the confirmation was asked and denied ; as all the historians
of that time agree it was. And this was so suitable to Pope
Paul the Fourth's temper and principles, that no doubt is to
be made of his persisting steadfastly in that resolution.

I know there was a mercenary writer found in King James's
reign, who studied to lay all people asleep, in a secure per-
suasion of their titles to those lands. He pretends there was
a confirmation of all that Pole did, sent over to England.
He brings, indeed, some proof that it was given out and be-
lieved; which might be a part of t!ie fraud to be used in that
matter. But as no such thing appears in the Bullary, so he
does not tell us who saw it, or where it was laid up. He,
indeed, supports this by an argument that destroys it quite :
for he tells us that, two years after this, Secretary Petre had
a particular bull, confirming him in his possession of some
church-lands. This shews, that either that person, who was
secretary of state, knew that no confirmation was sent over,

INTRODUCTION. xxxi

so that it was necessary for him to procure a particular bull
for securing his own estate; or, whatever might be in Pole's
powers, he might think such a general transaction, which the
necessity of that time made reasonable, would be no longer
stood to than while that necessity continued.

General treaties and transactions have had such a fate,
that few will trust to them. The spirit of the church, as well
as the spirit of a treaty, will be preferred to the words of all
transactions. Have not we seen, in our own days, an edict
that was passed with all solemnity possible, and declared
perpetual and irrevocable, yet recalled with this very pream-
ble— that it was made in compliance to the necessity of that
time, and on design to bring those that were promised to be
for ever tolerated by it into the bosom of the church ? There
is so much in the canon law against all sacrilege, and all
alienations of what is once dedicated to God, that though
some canonists may have carried the plenitude of the papal
power so far as to reach even to this, which this hired writer
builds on, yet there is so much affirmed to the contrary by
others, that it is certain, whensoever the papacy has strength
enough to set aside all the settlement then made, they will
find sufficient grounds in law to proceed to the overturning
all that was then done. The princes of Germany, whose set-
tlements he appeals to, do not trust to any treaty, with either
emperor or popish princes, with relation to the church-lands,
of which they possessed themselves ; but to the treaties and
guarantees into which they entered with one another : and
so they are engaged by their faith, and by their mutual in-
terests, to maintain one another and themselves in their pos-
sessions ; nor does it appear that a papal bull was ever ob-
tained to confirm them. On the contrary, the Pope's legates
protested against them ; and, as will appear afterwards,
Charles the Fifth's Confessor refused to give him absolution
for his consenting to edicts of that sort. If the necessity of
the time makes it necessary to maintain that settlement, so
long it will be maintained, and no longer.

But to put this matter out of all doubt, that same Pope
did, soon after our ambassadors were sent to him, by a bull
dated the 12th of July 1555, within three weeks after the
English ambassadors had their audience, condemn all the
alienations of church-lands, and even all leases for one or
more lives, or for a term longer than three years. This he
extends to all cathedrals, monasteries, and hospitals ; and
annuls all leases, grants, exchanges, mortgages, and obliga-
tions of lands, castles, towns, and cities, even though made
by popes themselves, or by their authority and order; and
by the presidents, prelates, or rectors of churches, monaste-
ries, or hospitals, of what rank and dignity soever, cardinals

xxxii INTRODUCTION.

by name being expressed, that were done to the prejudice
of the church, the solemnity by law required not being ob-
served ; and that which was null in the first making, but
supplied by subsequent contracts, in what form soever made,
though by proofs upon oath, and by what length of time
soever it may claim prescription, is all rescinded, and made
void and null. And the detainers of goods, upon those titles,
are required to quit possession, and to make full satisfaction
for what they have received, and to be thereto compelled,
if they obey not, both by ecclesiastical censures and pecu-
niary punishments.

It is true, in all this England is not expressly .named ;
and perhaps the Pope had the recovering from the family of
the Farnese that which Paul the Third had alienated to it,
chiefly in his eye. But the words of this bull do plainly
take in the late settlement in England ; for though the
English ambassadors were then newly come to Rome, de-
manding the confirmation of what Pole had done, yet no
exceptions are made for England ; so, it seems, it was in-
tended by these general words, put in on design, to over-
throw it. Now because this matter is of such great concern,
and every one has not a Bullary to examine into this bull, I
will begin my Collection of Records with it, as no small
piece of instruction to all who are possessed of any estate
so alienated from churches, monasteries, or hospitals.

Upon the conclusion of this head, I cannot but take no-
tice of one insinuation that I hear some are not ashamed to
make : that such a resumption may be indeed a prejudice
to the laity, but that the clergy will be enriched by it. If
this had been brought me by an ordinary hand, I should not
have thought it worth mentioning ; but since some have the
impudence to set it on foot, I must add, that these are vain
hopes, as well as they are suggested on black designs ; for
though the church, take it in the bulk, has immense riches
in the Roman communion, yet in no church that ever I sa v
are the parochial clergy kept poorer, and made more despi-
cable ; they are, as the hewers of wood and drawers of water,
kept at hard labour on a very poor subsistence. The several
orders among them, the governing clergy, and the outward
magnificence of their churches and services, devour all that
treasure; so that the poor clergy, even in that state of celi-
bate, have scarce necessary sustenance, unless it be in some
capital cities, and in very vast parishes in them. They are
starved, to maintain the'luxury and vanity of others. This
was the true occasion of all the poverty of the parochial
clergy among us ; to which some remedies have been sought
for, and in some degree found, ever since the Reformation
was first settled among us.

INTRODUCTION. xxxiii

But none of these things will move an insensible and de-
generate race, who are thinking of nothing but present ad-
vantages; and, so they may now support a luxurious and
brutal course of irregular and voluptuous practices, they are
easily hired to betray their religion, to sell their country, and
to give up that liberty and those properties which are the
present felicities and glories of this nation. The giving them
up will be a lasting infamy on those who are guilty of it, and
will draw after it the heaviest curses of posterity on such perfi-
dious betrayers of their trust; by this they will bring slavery
on themselves (which they will deserve, being indeed the worst
sort of slaves), and entail it on the succeeding generation.

I return to prosecute the account of my design in this
work. I went through those volumes in the Cotton Library,
of which I had only a transient view formerly, and laid to-
gether all that I thought necessary to complete it. I saw a
great and fair prospect of such a change ready to be made
in France as King Henry had made in England. Mr. Le
Vassor has, out of an invaluable collection of original papers
that are in Sir William Trumball's hands, published instruc-
tions sent by the Duke of Orleans to the Princes of Ger-
many ; by which, as he declared himself a protestant, so he
gave, in general words, good hopes of his father Francis. I
found also, both in papers and printed books, that King
Henry often reproached Francis for not keeping his word to
him ; and in a long dispatch of a negotiation that Paget was
employed in with the Admiral of France, I saw further evi-
dence of this. I was, by these indications, set on to see
how far I could penetrate into that secret.

I was, by the favour of the Earl of Dartmouth, admitted
to a free search of the Paper-office, which is now in much
better order and method than it was above thirty years ago,
when I saw it last; and there, among other very valuable
papers, I found the copy of that solemn promise that Francis
made to Henry, minuted on the back by Cromwell's hand,
as a true copy, in these words, — An instrument devised from
the French King, for his justification and defence of the invali-
dity of the Kings Highness' s first marriage, and the validity of
the'second. " By this, he in express words condemns the
Pope's bull, dispensing with the marriage of Queen Kathe-
rine, which he, by the unanimous consent of those learned
men whom he had appointed to examine it, condemns as in-
cestuous and unlawful ; and reputes the daughter born in it,
spurious and illegitimate : and that the second marriage with
Anne, then queen, was lawful and just; and that Queen
Elizabeth, born of it, was lawfully born. And he promises
to assist and maintain the King in this against all the world.
In this instrument he owns King Henry to be, under God,

VOL. III. C

xxxiv INTRODUCTION.

the Supreme Head of the Church of England; and he
affirms that many of the cardinals, in particular the late
Cardinal of Ancona, and even Pope Clement the Seventh
himself, did, both to his ambassador and to himself, at Mar-
seilles, plainly confess that the Pope's bull, and the marriage
made upon it, were null and void; and that he would have
given a definitive sentence, if some private affections and
human regards had not hindered it." This makes me con-
clude that he gave other instruments, of a fuVther extent, to
King Henry ; for failing in which, I find he was often re-
proached ; though this single instrument is all that I could
find out. But Lord Herbert reckons, among the chief causes
of King Henry's last rupture with Francis, that he had no4,
deserted the Bishop of Rome, and consented to a reforma-
tion, as he once promised.

I saw, when I passed through Zurich, a volume of letters
that passed between Bullinger and those English divines
that had been so kindly entertained by him in that noble
canton ; and, by the interposition of my learned, judicious,
and pious friend, Mr. Turretin, of Geneva, M. Otto (a wor-
thy professor there) has taken such care, that copies of them
are procured for me ; in which we may see the sense of those
who revived our Reformation in Queen Elizabeth's time.
Men who had been abroad, and had seen all things about
them in a true light — that saw in what the strength of po-
pery lay, and what fortified or weakened the body of the re-
formed— were liker to have truer views than can be expected
from retired or sullen men, who have lived in a corner, and
have but a small horizon.

It has been objected to me, that I have said little of pro-
ceedings in convocation, and of the struggle that the clergy
made before they were brought to make the submission
which brought those bodies under restraints, that seem now
uneasy to the advocates for church power. I must confess I
have been very defective here. I understood that the books of
convocation were burnt. None of those great men under
whose direction that work went on, knew any thing of those
discoveries that have been of late made ; so no wonder if I
passed over what was then so little known. Yet, now I have
examined all that I could find of those matters, I confess I
am riot inclined to expect much from the assemblies of
clergymen. I have seen nothing in church history to in-
cline me to depart from Gregory Nazianzen's opinion of
those assemblies ; what has happened among ourselves of
late, has not made me of another mind : and I will not deny
but that my copiousness on these matters is, in my own opi-
nion, one of the meanest parts of my work. The wisest and
worthiest man in that convocation, Archbishop Warham.

INTRODUCTION. xxxv

was the person that promoted the submission the most. It
was no wonder if a corrupt clergy, that made such ill use of
their power, had no mind to part with any branch of it. Yet,
since these things have been of late such a subject of debate
among us, I have taken what pains I could to gather all that
is left of those times in such copies, or rather abstracts, as
have been of late found in private hands : only I will set
down the opinion of Sir Thomas More, the best man of the
popish side in that age, of those meetings. " It is true," he
says, " the clergy's assembling at the convocation was called More'*
by the name of confederacies. But," he adds, " if they did °
assemble often, and there did such things, for which such
assemblies of the clergy in every province throughout Chris-
tendom from the beginning were instituted and devised,
much more good might have grown thereof than the long-
disuse can suffer us now to perceive. But all my days, as
far as I have heard, nor (I suppose) a good part of my fa-
ther's neither, they came never together to convocation but
at the request of the King; and at such their assemblies,
concerning spiritual things, have very little done. Where-
fore that they have been in that necessary part of their duty
so negligent, whether God suffer to grow to an unperceived
cause of division and grudge against them, God, whom their
such negligence hath, I fear me, sore offended, knoweth."

The affinity of the matter has led me to reflect on a great
transaction, with relation to the church of France, which
was carried on, and finally Settled, in the very time that
King Henry was breaking with the court of Rome. It was
the Concordate that Francis the First made with Pope Leo
the Tenth. The King and the Pope came to a bargain, by
which they divided the liberties of the Gall i can church be-
tween them, and, indeed, quite enslaved it. There are so
many curious passages in the progress of that matter, that I
hope the opening these will be a very acceptable entertain-
ment to the nation. And the rather, because in it this na-
tion will see, what it is to deliver up the essential liberties of
a free constitution to a court, and to trust to the integrity
and firmness of courts of justice, when an assembly of the
states is no more necessary to the raising of money, and the
support of the government. I know nothing writ in our lan-
guage, with relation to this matter, besides that account I
gave of it in a book concerning the Regale. It was taken
from a very exact history of that transaction that was writ-
ten by Mr. Pinsons, printed anno 1666; and that seemed to
some very proper judges to relate so much to our affairs,
that, as they thought, it very probably disposed the nation
more easily to throw off the papal authority. They saw what
a filthy merchandise the court of Home had made of the liber-

c 2

xxxvi INTRODUCTION.

ties of the neighbouring church ; taking care only to secure
their own profits, and delivering up the rest to the crown.
The best writers of that church have, on many occasions,
lamented the loss of their liberties by that detestable bar-
gain, into which Francis's necessities, wrought on by the
practices of the court of Rome, drew him. " By this the
church of France, from being a queen, became (as Bishop
Godeau expresses it) a slave." And he adds, " Our fathers
have groaned, and all that love the order of the house of God
will still groan, as long as elections continue to be put down ;
so that we must needs enter into the sanctuary by the way
of the court." In another place — " These promotions have
been always fatal to the church ; and the bishops that the
court has made, have been ordinarily the chief advancers of
schisms, heresies, and of the oppression of the church."
And he concludes, " One cannot read Nazianzen's verses of
the prelates of his time, without being struck with horror,
and forced to acknowledge that a secular temper is entirely
contrary to the episcopal spirit." Of this a Greek writer
makes a severe remark, in the History of Andronicus's reign,
which may perhaps be as justly applied to other reigns,
telling what sort of bishops were then made. " Princes
choose such men to that charge who may be their slaves,
and in all things obsequious to what they prescribe ; and
may lie at their feet, and have not so much as a thought
contrary to their commands." This change in their consti-
tution has put an end not only to national but even to pro-
vincial synods in that kingdom. Some were indeed held,
upon the progress that Luther's doctrine was beginning to
make in France ; and others, during the civil wars, in order
to the getting the council of Trent received in France : but
now, in the space of ninety years last past, these are no more
brought together. The assemblies of the clergy meet only
to give subsidies, and to present their grievances; but do
not pretend to the authority of a regular synod : and though,
in the year 1682, they drew up some articles, yet these had
their authority only from the severity of the King's edict, till,
by a transaction of the court of Rome, that was let fall.

I have now gone over all the matters that do properly fall
within this Introduction. It remains, that I leave the sense
of the subject of this, and of my two former volumes, upon
the consciences of my readers. Can it be possible that any
are so depraved as to wish we had no religion at all, or to
be enemies to the Christian religion? Would these men re-
duce us to be a sort of Hottentots ? And yet this must grow
to be the effect of our being without all religion. Mankind
is a creature, by his make and frame disposed to religion ;
and if this is not managed by true principles, all the jugglings

INTRODUCTION. xxxvii

cf heathenism would again take possession of the world. If
the principles of truth, justice, temperance, and of universal
love, do not govern men, they will soon grow curses and
plagues to one another ; and a crew of priests will grow up,
who will teach them to compound for all crimes, and to ex-
piate the blackest practices by some rituals.

Religion has so much to struggle with, that, if it is not
believed to be revealed by God, it will not have strength
enough to resist those ill inclinations, those appetites and
passions, that are apt to rise up in our minds against its dic-
tates. What is there in the true and unsophisticated Chris-
tian religion, that can give a colour to prejudices against it?
The whole complex of that rule of life which it prescribes, is
so plainly suited to our composition, both in our souls and
their faculties, and in our bodies, with relation to good health,
to industry, and long life ; and to all the interests of human
society, to the order and peace of the world, and to the truth
and love that are the cements and securities of the body po-
litic, that, without any laboured proof of its Divine original,
these are such characters, that they may serve to prove, it is
sent into the world by a lover of mankind, who knew our
nature, and what was proper both to perfect it, and to ren-
der it not only safe, but happy.

But when to all this we add the evidence that was given
at its appearing in the world, that he who was the first Au-
thor of it, and those whom he employed first to propagate it,
did, upon many occasions, in full daylight, and in the sight
of great multitudes, do things so far above the powers of
nature, in such uncontested miracles, that by these it evi-
dently appeared they were assisted by somewhat superior to
nature, that could command it at pleasure. Here is the full-
est ground of conviction possible. These things were writ-
ten, published, and received, in the age in which they were
transacted ; and those writings have been preserved with
great care, and are transmitted down to us, at the distance
of above sixteen ages, pure and uncorrupted. In these we
have the fixed standard of our religion; and by them we can
satisfy ourselves concerning all such practices as have been
made upon it, or such inferences as are drawn from it. I wish
those, who take to themselves the name of Freethinkers,
would consider well, if they think it is possible to bring a na-
tion to be without any religion at all ; and what the conse-
quences of that may prove ; and then see, if there is any re-
ligion so little liable to be corrupted, and that tends so much
to the good of mankind, as the true Christian religion re-
formed among us.

As for those that do truly believe this religion, and have
an ingenuous sense and taste of liberty ; can they admit a

xxxviii INTRODUCTION.

comparison to be made, between a religion restrained to a
fixed standard (into which every one is admitted to examine
the sense of it, in the best method he can), and that which
sets up another uncertain standard, of which they pretend
to be the depositaries; I mean, traditions ; and pretend, fur-
ther, they are the infallible expounders of it, and that the
true standard itself is not to be exposed to common view ?
that God is to be worshipped in a language not understood;
that instead of a competent provision to those who labour in
this work, the head of them is to become a great prince, and
may pretend to a power to dispose of kingdoms and states,
to pardon sins, and to redeem sinners out of the miseries of
a future state ; and that the character derived from him is
so sacred, that, in defiance to sense and reason, a priest, by
a few words, can work a miracle, in comparison to which
the greatest of miracles is nothing ; and who, by these
means, have possessed themselves of an immense wealth,
and a vast authority?

These are all things of so strange a nature, and so con-
trary to the genius and design of the Christian religion, that
it is not easy to imagine how they could ever gain credit and
success in the world : but when men's eyes have been once
opened ; when they have shaken off the yoke, and got out
of the noose ; when the simplicity of true religion has been
seen into, and the sweets of liberty Imve been tasted ; it
looks like charm and witchcraft, to see fco'many looking back
so tamely on that servitude, under which this nation groaned
so heavily for so many ages. They may soon see and know
what our happy condition is, in the freedom we enjoy from
these impositions, and what their misery is that are con-
demned to them. It is not enough for such as understand
this matter, to be contented in their own thoughts with this,
that they resolve not to turn papists themselves; they ought
to awaken all about them, even the most ignorant and the
most stupid, to apprehend their danger, and to exert them-
selves with their utmost industry, to guard against it, and to
resist it : they ought to use all their efforts to prevent it, and
earnestly to pray to God for his blessing upon them. If,
after all men's endeavours to prevent it, the corruption of
the age, and the art and power of our enemies, prove too
hard for us, then, and not till then, we must submit to the
will of God, be silent, and prepare ourselves for all the ex-
tremities of suffering and of misery; and if we fall under a
persecution, and cannot fly from it, we must resolve to glo-
rify God, by bearing our cross patiently. Illegal sufferings
are no more to be borne than the violences of a robber: but
if the law comes once to be in the hands of those wicked
men, who will not only revive the repealed laws against he-

INTRODUCTION. xxxix

retics, but, if they can, carry their cruelty up to the height
of an Inquisition, then we must try by "the faith and pa-
tience of the saints, to go through fire and through water,"
and in all things to be " more than conquerors."

1 know some, who are either apt to deceive themselves, or
hope to deceive others, have this in their mouths, — that po-
pery is not what it was before the Reformation ; things are
much mended, many abuses are detected, and things are not
so gross as they were then : and they tell us, that further
corrections might be expected, if we would enter into a treaty
with them ; in particular, they fancy they see the error of
proceeding severely with heretics ; so that there is no reason
to apprehend the return of such cruelties as were practised
an age and a half ago.

In answer to this, and to lay open the falsehood of it,
we are to look back to the first beginning of Luther's
breach: it was occasioned by the scandalous sale of pardons
and indulgences, which all the writers of the popish side
give up, and acknowledge it was a great abuse ; so in the
countries where the Reformation has got an entrance, or
in the neighbourhood of them, this is no more heard of:
and it has been taken for granted, that such an infamous
traffic was now no more practised. But of late, that we have
had armies in Spain and Portugal, we are well assured that
it is still carried on there, in the most barefaced manner pos-
sible. It is true, the proclaiming a sale is forbid by a bull:
but there is a commissary in every place, who manages the
sale with the most infamous circumstances imaginable. In
Spain, by an agreement with the Pope, the King has the
profits of this bull ; and it is no small branch of his revenue.
In Portugal, the King and the Pope go shares. Dr. Colbatch
has given a very particular account of the managing the bull
there : for as there is nothing so impudent, that those men
are ashamed to venture on ; so they may safely do what they
please, where the terror of the Inquisition is so severe a re-
straint, that men dare not whisper against any thing that is
under that protection.

A notable instance of this has appeared lately, when in
the year 1709 the privateers of Bristol took the Galleon, in
which they found 500 bales of these bulls, and 16 reams
were in a bale, so that they reckoned the whole came to
3,840,000. These bulls are imposed on the people, and sold,
the lowest at 3 rials, a little more than 20d. but to some at
50 pieces of eight, about III. of our money; and this to be
valued according to the ability of the puchaser, once in two
years : all are obliged to buy them against Lent. Besides
the account given of this in the cruising voyage, I have a
particular attestation of it by Captain Dampier; and one of

xl INTRODUCTION.

the bulls was brought me printed, but so that it cannot be
read. He was not concerned in casting up the number of
them ; but he says, that there was such a vast quantity of
them, that they careened their ship with them.

As for any changes that may be made in popery, it is cer-
tain, infallibibity is their basis ; so nothing can be altered
where a decision is once made. And as for the treatment
of heretics, there has been such a scene of cruelty of late
opened in France, and continued there now almost thirty
years without intermission ; that even in the kingdom where
popery has affected to put the best face on things possible,
we have seen a cruel course of severity beyond any thing
in history. I saw it in its first and sharpest fury, and can
never forget the impression that made on me.

A discovery lately made shews what the spirit of those at
Rome, who manage the concerns of that religion, is, even in a
mild reign, such as Odischalci's was ; and we may well sup-
pose, that, because it was too mild, this was ordered to be
laid before him, to animate him with a spirit of persecution.
When the Abbey of St. Gall was taken in the late war in
Switzerland, a manuscript was found, that the court of Pro-
paganda ordered their Secretary to prepare for Innocent the
Eleventh's own use, which after his death came into the
hands of Cardinal Sfondrato, who was abbot of St. Gall,
and so at his death left this book there. It gives a parti-
cular account of all the missions they have in all the parts
of the world; and of the rules and instructions given them;
with which I hope those worthy persons, in whose hands this
valuable book is now fallen, will quickly acquaint the world.
The conclusion of it is an address to the Pope, in which they
lay his duty before him, from two of the words in the New
Testament, directed to St. Peter. The first was, " Feed my
sheep," which obliged him not only to feed the flock that
was gathered at that time, but to prosecute the constant in-
crease of it, and to bring those sheep into it that were not
of that fold. But the other word was addressed to him by
a voice from heaven, when the sheet was let down to him full
of all sorts of beasts, of which some were unclean, " Rise,
Peter, kill and eat," to let all see that it is the duty of the
great pontiff to rise up with apostolical vigilance, to kill and
to extinguish in the infidels their present life, and then to
eat them, to consubstantiate their false and brutal doctrine
into the verity of our faith. There is an affectation in these
last words suitable to the genius of the Italians. This appli-
cation of these two passages, as containing the duties of a
pope, was formerly made by Baronius, in a flattering speech
to encourage Pope Paul the Fifth in the war he was design-
ing against the Venetians.

INTRODUCTION. xli

By this we see, that how much soever we may let the fears
of popery wear out of our thoughts, they are never asleep,
but go on steadily, prosecuting their designs against us.
Popery is popery still, acted by a cruel and persecuting
spirit; and with what caution soever they may hide or dis-
own some scandalous practices, where heretics dare look
into their proceedings, and lay them open ; yet even these
are still practised by them, when they know they may safely
do it, and where none dare open their mouth against them ,•
and therefore we see what reason we have to be ever watch-
ing, and on our guard against them.

This is the duty of every single Christian among us; but
certainly those peers and commoners, whom our constitution
has made the trustees and depositaries of our laws and li-
berties, and of the legal security of our religion, are under a
more particular obligation of watching carefully over this
sacred trust, for which they must give a severe account in
the last day, if they do not guard it against all danger, at
what distance soever it may appear. If they do not maintain
all the fences and outworks of it, or suffer breaches to be made
on any of them ; if they suffer any part of our legal esta-
blishment to be craftily undermined ; if they are either absent
or remiss, on critical occasions ; and if any views of advan-
tage to themselves prevail on them, to give up, or abandon
the establishment and security of our religion ; God may
work a deliverance for us another way, and if it seem good
in his eyes, he will deliver us ; but they and their families
shall perish, their names will rot and be held in detestation;
posterity will curse them, and the judgments of God will
overtake them, because they have sold that which was the
most sacred of all things, and have let in an inundation of
idolatry, superstition, tyranny, and cruelty, upon their church
and country.

But, in the last place, those who are appointed to be the
watchmen, who ought to give warning, and to lift up their
voice as a trumpet, when they see those wolves ready to
break in and devour the flock, have the heaviest account of
all others to make, if they neglect their duty ; much more
if they betray their trust : if they are so set on some smaller
matters, and are so sharpened upon that account, that they
will not see their danger, nor awaken others to see it, and
to fly from it; the guilt of those souls who have perished
by their means " God will require at their hands :" if they,
in the view of any advantage to themselves, are silent when
they ought to cry out day and night, they will fall under the
character given by the prophet, of the watchmen in his
time; "They are blind, they are all ignorant, they are all
dumb dogs, they cannot bark, sleeping, lying down, loving to

xlii INTRODUCTION.

slumber; yea, they are greedy dogs, which can never have
enough : and they are shepherds that cannot understand ;
they all look to their own way, every one for his gain from
his quarter : that say, Come, I will fetch wine, and we will
fill ourselves with strong drink; to-morrow shall be as this
day, and much more abundant."

This is a lively description of such pastors as will not so
much as study controversies, and that will not know the
depths of Satan ; that put the evil day far off, and, as the
men in the days of Noah or Lot, live on at their ease, satis-
fying themselves in running round a circle of dry and dead
performances; thatdo neither awaken themselves, nor others.
When the day of trial comes, what will they say ? To whom
will they fly for help ? Their spirits will either sink within
them, or they will swim with the tide : the cry will be, The
church, the church, even when all his ruin and a desolation.
I hope they will seriously reflect on the few particulars that
I have, out of many more, laid together in this Introduction,
and see what weight may be in them, and look about them,
to consider the dangers we are in, before it is too late : but
what can be said of those who are already going into some
of the worst parts of popery ? It is well known, that in
practice, the necessity of auricular confession, and the
priestly absolution, with the conceit of the sacrifice of the
mass, are the most gainful parts of popery, and are indeed
those that do most effectually subdue the world to it. The
independence of the church on the state is also so contended
for, as if it were on design to disgrace our Reformation. The
indispensable necessity of the priesthood to all sacred func-
tions, is carried in the point of baptism further than popery.
Their devotions are openly recommended, and a union with
the Gallican church has been impudently proposed; the Re-
formation and the reformers are by many daily vilified ; and
that doctrine that has been most universally maintained by
our best writers, I mean the supremacy of the crown, is on
many occasions arraigned. What will all these things end
in? And on what design are they driven? Alas! it is too
visible.

God be thanked, there are many among us that stand upon
the watch-tower, and that give faithful warning ; that stand
in the breach, and make themselves a wall for their church
and country; that cry to God day and night, and lie in the
dust mourning before him, to avert those judgments that
seem to hasten towards us : they search into the " mystery
of iniquity" that is working among us, and acquaint them-
selves with all that mass of corruption that is in popery.
They have another notion of the worship of God, than to
dress it up as a splendid opera : they have a just notion of

INTRODUCTION. xliii

priesthood, as a function that imports a care of souls, and a
solemn performing the public homage we owe to God ; but
do not invert it to a political piece of craft, by which men's
secrets are to be discovered, and all are subdued by a tyranny
that reaches to men's souls, as well as to their worldly con-
cerns. In a word, they consider religion in the soul, as a
secret sense of Divine matters, which purifies all men's
thoughts, and governs all their words and actions : and in
this light they propose it to their people, warning them
against all dangers, and against all deceivers of all sorts :
watching over them as those that must give an account to
the " Great Bishop of souls; feeding the flock over which
the Holy Ghost has made them overseers ;" ready to lay
down their lives for them; looking for their crown from the
" Chief Shepherd, when he shall appear."

May the number of these good and faithful servants in-
crease daily more and more ! May their labours be so blessed,
that they may see the travail of their soul and be satisfied !
And may many, by their means and by their example, be so
awakened, that they may " resist even to blood, striving
against sin," and against the man of sin ! And may I be of
that number, labouring while it is day, and ready when the
night comes, either to lie down and rest in the grave ; or, if
God calls me to it, to seal that doctrine, which I have been
preaching now above fifty years, with my blood ! May his
holy will be done, so I may but glorify him in my soul and
body, which are his !

xliv

CONTENTS OF VOL. III.

BOOK I.

Of matters that happened in the lime comprehended in the First Book of the

History of the Reformation.

Anno 1300. — The progress of the pa-
pal usurpations, 1. The schism iii the
papacy, "i. The council of Bas.:l, ib.
The Pope and Council quarrel, 3.

Anno 14. 18. — The Pragmatic Sanction
made in France, 4. The effects it had,
il'. The Pope condemns it, 5. In a coun-
cil at Mantua, ib.

Anno 1458. — Lewis the Eleventh ab-
rogates it, 6. To the Pope's great joy, 7.
The Parliament of Paris oppose it, ib.
The honest courage of the Attorney Ge-
neral, 8. For which he was turned out,
ib. The Pragmatic Sanction re-esta-
blished, 9.

Anno 1499. — But it was still com-
plained of by the popes, ib. Condemned
by the Council in the Lateran, 10.

Anno 1516. — The Concordate put in-
stead of it, 11. King Francis carried
it to the Parliament of Paris, 12. It
was there opposed by the ecclesiastics
of tbat court, ib. Opposition made to
it by the King's learned Council, IS.

Anno 15 17. — They resolve not to pub-
lish it, 14. The King was highly of-
fended at this, ib. The King's learned
Council oppose it no longer, 15.

Anno 1518. — The Parliament pub-
lishes it, but with a protestation, 16.
The University and clergy oppose it, 17.
The exceptions to the Concordate by the
Parliament, ib. These were answered

by the Chancellor, 19. The matter
finally settled, 20. The Parliament still
judged by the Pragmatic Sanction, 21.

Anno 1524. — Upon the King's being
a prisoner, the Concordate was more
condemned, ib.

Anno 1527. — These matters removed
from the Parliament to the great Coun-
cil, 22.

Anno 1532. — Remonstrances made
by the clergy against this, 22. An apo-
logy, with the reasons for this digres-
sion, 24.

AnnolblS. — Queen Katharine's Let-
ter to King Henry, upon the death of
the King of Scotland, 25. The progress
of Wolsey's rise, ib.

Anno 1521. — King Henry's Book cf
the Seven Sacraments, 26.

Anno 1521. — Wolsey sent to Charles
the Fifth, gained by him, 27. Wolsey's
practices to be chosen Pope, 28. Wol-
sey's designs when chosen Pope, 29.
The King of France taken Prisoner, 32.
Lord Burghley's character of Wolsey ,ib.
Wolsey's proceedings as legate, 33. His
insolence to Warham, 34. A legatine
synod, 35.

Anno 15S3. — He called the convoca-
tion of Canterbury to sit with him, 36.
Colet's sermon before a convocation, 38.
Colet's character, 41. Sir Tho. More's
thoughts of religion, and his Utopia, 43.

BOOK II.

Of matters that happened during the time

History of the

Anno 1525. — Many ambassadors in
Spain, 49.

Anno 1527.— Wolsey's letter to them,
50. The sack of Rome, 51. The Car-
dinals write to the Pope for a full de-
putation, 52. Knight sent to Rome, 53.
Pace wrote to the King of his divorce, ib.

Anno 1528. — A bull sent to Wolsey
to judge the marriage, 55. It was not
made use of, ib. The bishops think the
King's scruples reasonable, 56. The
Emperor's answer to the King by Cla-
rencieux, 57. A proposition to depose
the Emperor, 59.

Anno 1529. — King Henry's Letters to
Anne Boleyn,62. The King and Queen
seemed to live well together, 63. The

comprehended in the Second Bonk of the
Reformation,

Legates go to the King and Queen, 64.
The Queen treats Wolsey very severely,
16. The Bishop of Bayonne's opinion of
the Pope's dispensation, 65. Appre-
hensions of disorders on the Queen's ac-
count, ib. Endeavours to gain Campegio,
66. Wolsey's credit shaken, 67. The
Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk his ene-
mies, 68. The proceedings of the Le-
gates, 69. The Cardinal's disgrace, 74.
All his goods seized on, 75. Wolsey's
good conduct in his diocese, ib. The
King consults the Universities, 76.
Proceedings in convocation, 77. Trans-
lation of the Scriptures condemned, ib.
Anno 1530. — The steps made in the
carrying the King's being declared Head

CONTENTS.

xlv

of the Churcli, 78. The limitation ad-
ded to it, 79. And accepted by the
King, 80. The proceedings of the clergy
against heretics, 81. Complaints of
Tracy's Testament, ib. The King's pro-
ceedings at Rome, 82. Applications
made to divines and lawyers, 83. An
opinion given by some in Paris, ib. Bi-
shop of Bayonne sentf;o Pa '.:• , ib. Car-
dinal Cajetan's opinion agaL'.j itheKing,
84. The Pope's first breve against the
divorce, 86. The proceedings of the
Sorbonne, 87. Great heat in their de-
bates, 88. The jealousy of the court of
France, 89. Upon the changing the di-
vines' opinions, ib. The decision of the
Sorbonne, 90. Lizet, the president,
seemed to work against it, 91. Elis let-
ter of that whole matter, 92. A design
to make a contrary decree, ib. Angiers
divided ; the University for the divorce,
and the divines against it, 94. Pro-
ceedings at Cambridge, 95. The King's
letters to the University of Oxford, ib.
The decision made at Bologna, 100.
And at Padua, ib. The King writes
fully to the Pope, 101. The Pope's se-
cond breve against the King's marrying
another wife, 102. Pleadings by an
excusator, ib. The French King obtains
many delays, 104. An interview be-
tween the two Kings, 106. The King
marries Anne. Boleyn, ib.

Anno 1531. — King Henry opposes
the interview with the Pope in vain, 109.
The Duke of Norfolk sent to France, 1 1 0.
But soon recalled, ib. The King of
France was to have been godfather, if
Queen Anne had brought a son, 111.
The interview at Marseilles, ib. Great
promises made by the Pope, 112. Prac-
tices upon cardinals, 113. The convo-
cation meets, 114. They treat concern-
ing residence, ib. An answer to the

complaints of the Commons, 116. Pro-
ceedings against heretics, ib. The peti-
tion to the King, 117. The submission
made to the King, one Bishop only dis-
senting, 118. The proceedings at York,
120. Proceedings during the vacancy
at Canterbury, 121. The convocation
judges againstthe King's marriage, 122.
Archbishop Cranmer gives sentence
against it, 123. With that the court of
Rome was highly offended, 124. Bon-
ner intimates the King's appeal to the
Pope, ib. It was rejected by the Pope,
126- Bellay sent over to the King by
King Francis, 128. A representation
made to the Emperor, 150. Bellay pre-
vailed much on the King to submit, 131.
A letter of the King's to his Ambassa-
dors at Rome, il>. Duke of Norfolk's
letter to Montmorency, 133. The Pope
was in great anxiety, 134. Bellay was
to go to Rome, in hopes to make up the
breach, 135. The final sentence given
in great haste, ib. The courier came two
days too late, 136. Further proofs of
this matter, ib. Reflections on this
breach, 138. All in England concur to
renounce the Pope's authority, 139. An
order for the bidding of prayers and
preaching, 141. Instructions given to
Pagetsent to some northern courts, 143.

Anno 1534. — Negotiations in Ger-
many, 147. Advices offered the King,
148. A letter of the King's to the Jus-
tices to observe the behaviour of tlo
clergy, 149.

Anno 1535. — The Archbishop of York
is suspected to favour the Pope, 150.
He justifies himself, ib. Of the suffer-
ings of Fisher and More, 152. An ex-
postulation with the court of France,
153. The King of France engages him-
self to adhere to, and defend the King
in his second marriage, ib.

BOOK III.

Of what happened during the time comprehended in the Tliird Book of the History of the
Reformation ; from the year 1535 to King Henry's death, anno 1546-7.

Anno 1535. — The King was much
pleased with the title of Supreme Head,
156. The Archbishop of Canterbury's
title changed, ib. Cranmer and Gar-
diner oppose one another, 157. Cran-
mer vindicates himself, 16. Bishops pro-
ceed against those who desired a refor-
mation, 158. The Archbishop of York
much suspected, 159.

Anno 1536. — Complaints of the monks
and friars, 162. The Archbishop of York
clears himself, ib. All preaching is for
some time prohibited, 163. A treaty
with the Lutheran Princes, 165. Barnes
sent to them, ib. Melancthon's going
to France prevented, 166. The French
3

King fluctuates, 167. Fox sent to Ger-
many, ib. A treaty with the Princes of
Germany, ib. The Smalcaldic League,
169. The demands of the German
Princes, 171. The King's answers to
them 172. They write to the King, 174.
And send ambassadors to him, 175.
Queen Katharine's death, 177. Queen
Anne Boleyn's tragical end, in. Her
behaviour at her trial, and at her death,
178 — 181. The Emperor desired to be
reconciled to the King, 182. The King
answered that coldly, 183. He refuses
any treaty with the Pope, 184. Pro-
ceedings in con vocation, 185. Polemade
a cardinal, 186. He wrote first against

xlvi

CONTENTS.

the divorce, 187. Sends one to the King
with instructions, 188. Tonstal writes
copiously to him, 191. Cardinal Pole's
vindication of himself, 194. The King
was reconciled to the Emperor, 198.
Dr. London's violent proceedings in sup-
pressing the monasteries, ib. Cheats in
images discovered, 1 99. Tonstal wrote
a consolatory letter to the King when
Queen Jane died, 200. Orders about
holy-days, 201. Injunctions given by
the Archbishop of York, ib. Injunctions
by the Bishop of Coventry and Litch-
field, 203. And by the bishop of Salis-
bury, 204. Gresham's letter to the King,
for putting the great hospitals in the
hands of the city, 205.

Anno 1538. — The King grows severe
against the reformers, 206. He sets out
a long proclamation, 207. An account
set forth by the King of Thomas Bec-
ket, ib. A circular letter to the justices
of peace, 208.

Anno 1539. — New significations put
on the old rites, 210. Many executions
in England, ib. The project of endowing
the church of Canterbury, 211. Disap-
proved by Cranmer, ib. The design of
the Six Articles, 212. The King mar-
ries Anne of Cleve, 213. Commission
to Cromwell, to constitute some under
him, 214. The King in love with Ka-
therine Howard, 216. Cromwell's fall,
/,'». A new treaty with the German
Princes, 217. Some of Cromwell's me-
mofandums, ib. The matters at first
charged on him, from which he clears
himst-lf, 219. Reflections on the state
of affairs at that time, 221. Of the
King's divorce with Anne of Cleve, ib.
What passed in convocation, 2-22. Ex-
ceptions in the Act of Grace, 223. A

design against Crome, ib. Prosecutions
upon the Six Articles, 226. A conspi-
racy against Cranmer, 228. His great
mildness, 229. Some steps made in set-
ting out true religion, 230. Katherine
Howard's disgrace, 231. A negotiation
with the German Princes, 232.

Anno 1542. — Paget's negotiation with
the court of France, 233. The Duke of
Orleans promised to declare himself a
protestant, 237.

Anno 15 J-3. — Practices on him, end
with his life, 239. Proceedings in con-
vocation, ib. A new translation of the
Bible designed, 240.

Anno 1514. — A reformation of the ec-
clesiastical laws was far advanced, 242.
Bell, bishop of Worcester, resigned his
bishoprick, 243. Audley, lord chancel-
lor, died, ib. Practices on some lords of
Scotland, ib. Mount sent to Germany,
244. A war with France, 245. Bul-
loigne taken, 246. The King is forsaken
by the, Emperor, ib. A Litany sent out
in English, with other devotions, 247.

Anno 1545. — The King neglects the
German Princes, 249.

Anno 1546. — The Elector of Saxony's
ill opinion of the King, 250. Ferdinand
discontented with the Emperor, ib. The
Duke of Norfolk's imprisonment, 251.
His letter to the King, 252. A recapitu-
lation of King Henry's reign, 256. His
mind corrupted by a course of flattery,
ib. The course of all courts, 257. Wol-
sey began it, but was a wise minister,
258. A great occasion of flattery given
by his book, ib. The character of More,
359. Cromwell's ministry, ib. The
King's inconstancy in matters of reli-
gion, 261.

BOOK IV.

Of what happened during the reign of King Edward the Sixth, from the
year 1547 to the year 1553.

Anno 1547. — A true account of a
paper of Luther's, wrong published in
my History, 263. Vargas's letters con-
cerning the council of Trent, ib. Trans-
lated into English, by Dr. Geddes, 264.
And into French, by M. Le Vassor, 265.
The fraud and insolence of the Legate,
266. The promise that the Emperor
made the Pope, ib. The bishops knew
not what they did, 267. The pride and
impudence of the Legate, 268. No good
to be expected from a council, ih. He
complains of the exemption of chapters,
269. A decree secretly amended after
it was passed, ib. It had been happy
that the council had never met, 270. The
decree concerning the Pope's authority
proposed, but not passed, 271. He ex-
3

presses the same opinion of the former
session under Pope Paul, 272. No sha-
dow of liberty in the council, 273. The
Legates' way in correcting manifest
abuses, 274. Mai venda, and others, made
the same complaints, 275. Reflections
upon those proceedings, 276. Thirleby
writes of the Interim, 277. Hobby sent
ambassador to the Emperor, 278. The
Emperor's Confessor refused him abso-
lution for not persecuting heretics, ib.
The perfidy of the French King, 279.
The progress of the Reformation, ib.
Gardiner at the head of the opposition
to it, 280. Proceedings in convocation,
282. They affirm that it was free for
the clergy to marry ,/fr. Cranmer's labour
and zeal, 283. Si. Chrysostom's Kntcr

CONTENTS.

xlvii

to Caesarius brought to England, 284.
The Lady Mary denies that she, or her
servants, were concerned in the risings,
ib. The entertaining foreign troops in
England, 285. The popish party de-
ceived in their hopes on the Protector's
fall, 288.

Anno 1549. — Proceedings against
Gardiner, 290. All preaching is forbid-
den, except by persons especially li-
censed, 293. Heath refuses to subscribe
the book of Ordination, ib.

Anno 1550. — Day, bishop of Chiches-
ter, in trouble for not removing altars,
295. Scandals given by many, 296.
Gardiner is deprived, 297. An account
of Bishop Hooper, 299.

Anno 1552. The Duke of Somerset's

last fall, 314. Hooper's impartial zeal,

315. The Articles of Religion prepared,

316. Not passed in convocation, ib.
Anno 1553. — But published by the

King's authority, 318. And sent to the
Archbishop of Canterbury, 319. And the
Bishop of Norwich, 320. And to the
University of Cambridge, 321. Cran-
mer designed to set up the provincial
synods, ib. King Edward's scheme of
the succession, 322. Much altered, 323.
Opposed long by Cranmer, 324. The
Primate of Ireland poisoned, 325. A
character of the court in King Edward's
time, ib. The bad lives of those who
professed the gospel, 327. Much la-
mented by the reformers, 328. The provi-
dence of God towards the reformed, 330.

BOOK V.

Of what happened during Queen Mary's reign, from the year 1553 to the near 1558.

An no 1553. — The Queen's words were
soft, 331. But her proceeding severe, ib.
Against Cranmer, Hooper, and others,
332. The Duke of Northumberland begs
his life, but in vain, 334. Others suf-
fered with him, 335. A convocation
summoned, ib. A treaty of marriage
with the Prince of Spain, 336. Wiat's
rising, and principles, 337.

Anno 1554. — Lady Jane Gray exe-
cuted, 338. Severities against the mar-
ried clergy, ib. Aggravated by some,
339. The Queen writes the first letter to
King Philip, 340. Proceedings against
heretics, ib. A convocation, 341. Cran-
mer's treason pardoned, that he might
be burned, ib. The Council orders se-
vere proceedings, 343. The reconcilia-
tion with Rome designed, ib. Pole sent
legate for that end, 344. He wrote to
the Queen, 345. The Queen's answer,
ib. His first powers, 346. Cardinal Pole
stopped in Flanders by the Emperor,

348. New and fuller powers sent to
Pole, it. With relation to church-lands,

349. All was laid before the Emperor,

350. Yet he was still put off by delays,

351. The reason of those delays, 352.
Cardinal Pole much esteemed by the
English Ambassador, 355. He writes
to King Philip, ib. The Queen sent to
bring him over to England, 356. The
Queeu believed herself to be with child,
357. Cardinal Pole carries his powers
beyond the limits set him, 358. Some
preach for restoring the abbey-lands, ib.

Anno 1555. — The Archbishop of York
set at liberty, 359. The reformer?
when tried by Gardiner, were firm, 361 .
Hooper, the first bishop that suffered,
barbarously used, 362. Persons appoint-
ed to carry the news of the Queen's
being delivered, 365. Orders for torture
3

at discretion, ib. The Queen still looked
to be delivered of a child, 366. A prac-
tice that gives suspicion of ill designs,
367. Plots pretended, ib. Cardinal
Pole's letter to Cranmer, 368. Ambas-
sadors sent to the Pope, came back with
a bull, erecting Ireland into a kingdom,
ib. The Pope's bull for restoring all
church lands, 369. Reflections made on
it, 370. Cranmer proceeded against, 373.

Anno 1556. — Proceedings in convo-
cation, 376. Motions in the diet of the
empire, 378. Compassion expressed
to those who suffered, punished, ib.
Charles the Fifth's resignation of Spain,
ib. Reasons to think he died a protes-
tant, 379. The method in which the
Queen put her affairs, 382. Proceed-
ings against heretics, 384.

Anno 1557. — The Pope sets on a new
war, after a truce was sworn to, and dis-
pensed with the French King's oath,
386. Pole's national synod, 387. A
great scarcity of all things, 388. Pro-
secution of heretics, 389. Calais in
danger of falling into the hands of the
French, ib. An account of Lord Stour-
ton's execution, 391. Alarms often
given of plots, 392. A severe prosecu-
tion, ib. Cardinal Pole saved two per-
sons, ib. The nation abhorred this cruel-
ty, 394. A great coldness in those mat-
ters at Bristol, 395. Bonner called on
by the council to be more severe, 396.
The papal provisions in this reign, 398.

Anno 1558. — Proceedings in convo-
cation, 399. A general treaty of peace
was opened, ib. Small hope of having
Calais restored, 400. A particular re-
lation of the occasion of the Queen's
death, 403. A parallel of Queeu Mary
and Queen Elizabeth's reign, 404.

\lvin

CONTENTS.

BOOK VI.

Of the beginnings of Queen Elizabeth's reign.

Anno 1558. — Her inclinations in re-
ligion cautiously managed, 406. Mount
sent to Germany, 407. A match with
Charles of Austria advised, ib. The re-
formers return to England, 408. They
were well received by the Queen, 409.

Anno 1559. — Those of Zurich advise
a thorough reformation, 410. The Earl
of Bedford had stayed some time at
Zurich and wrote to them, 411. Pro-
ceedings in convocation, ib. The bishops
oppose the Reformation in the House of
Lords, 412. Jewel complains of want
of zeal, and an excess of caution, 415.
Peter Martyr's advices to Grindal, 417.
The beginnings of the Reformation in
the parliament of Scotland, 418. The
use of the Scriptures in the vulgar
tongue, much opposed, 420. But grant-
ed, ib. A perfidious proceeding of the
court of France, 421. The great progress
of superstition in Queen Mary's reign,

433. The revenues of bishops lessened,

434. Jewel's opinion of the disputes
concerning thevestments, ib. The Queen
kept a crucifix in her chapel, 435. Bi-
shops consecrated, ib. The Emperor
proposes to the Queen a match with his
son Charles, ib. She excuses herself, ib.

Anno 1560. — A conference concerning
the Queen's crucifix, 436. The zeal in
singing psalms, 457. Sands, bishop
of Worcester, much offended at the
image in the Queen's chapel, ib. Samp-
son's exceptions at his being made a
bishop, 438. He refused a bishoprick,
440. A peace made in Scotland, ib.
Parker's care of the northern sees, 441.
The popish bishops made great aliena-
tions, ib. Jewel's Apology published,
442. The French grew weary of carry-
ing on the war in Scotland, 444. It was
brought to a good end, 445.

Anno 1560. — A message to the Queen
of England, 445. Signed by the three
estates, 446. The Queen of England's
answer to it, 447. The death of Francis
II., ib. The Queen of Scotland did not
ratify the peace, 449.

Anno 1561. — She is jealous of Lord
James, 450. The Duke of Guise studied
to divert the Queen from assisting the
Prince of Cond£, ib. Proceedings in
convocation, 451.
3

Anno 1562. — Some alterations made
in the Articles of Religion, 453. Great
debates concerning some alterations in
the Book of Common Prayer, 454. But
by one proxy it was carried, that none
should be made, 455. A book of Disci-
pline offered by the Lower House, 456.
Other things prepared for the convoca-
tion, 457. A further continuation of the
History, beyond my former work, 458.
A controversy about the use of things
indifferent, 459.

.4 iino 1564. — Great diversity in prac-
tice, 460. The Queen wrote to the
Archbishop of Canterbury to bring all to
an uniformity, ib. Orders set out by the
bishops, ib. Horn, bishop of W inchester,
writes to Zurich, upon these diversities
in practice, 462.

Anno 1565. — Answers from thence,
justifying those who obeyed the laws,
463. Bullinger writes to those who
would not obey them, 464. That letter
was printed in England, 466. Bullin-
ger's answer to Sampson, 469. They
wrote to the Earl of Bedford, ib.

Anno 1566. — Grindal and Horn's let-
ter, shewing their uneasiness in many
things, 471. Jewel's sense of those mat-
ters, 473. Reflections on this matter,
474. Other letters written to Zurich by
some bishops, 475.

Anno 1567. — Of the affairs of Scot-
land, 476. The Queen of Scots marries
the Lord Daruley, 478. She shews more
zeal in her religion, 479. The demands
of the reformed, 480. The Queen's
answer to them, 481. Their reply to it,
482. The Queen of Scots' practices, 483.
Another more pressing petition made to
her, 484. Letters concerning the murder
of Signior David, 485. Letters concern-
ing the murder of the Lord Darnley,
487. A relation of that matter by the
Pope's Nuncio, 488. That Queen left
the crown of England to King Philip of
Spain, by her last will, 492. An associa-
tion of the Scottish nobility, to defend
the right of their young King, ib. In this,
papists joined with protestants, 494.
The reasons that moved Queen Elizabeth
to be jealous of the King of Scotland,
495. The effects that this had, ib. The
conclusion, 497.

BURNET'S REFORMATION,

PART III. BOOK I.

MATTERS THAT HAPPENED IN THE TIME COMPREHENDED IN
THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.

T>EFORE I enter on the affairs of England, I have
-*-* thought it would be of great use to prepare the
reader for what relates to them ; by setting'before him
the progress of that agreement, into which the French
King's affairs carried him ; by which he delivered up
one great part of the liberties of the Gallican church
to the Pope, and invaded the rest himself. This was
carried on in a course of many years ; and the scene
lying next us, and it being concluded in the very
time in which the breach of this nation was far carried
on, in the year 1 53'2, I thought it would not be an
improper beginning of my work, to set out that
matter very copiously ; since it is highly probable,
that it had a great influence on all who were capable
to reflect on it.

The greatest transaction that happened in this period,
being the setting up the Concordat, in the room of the
Pragmatic Sanction, by Francis the First, it will be
necessary, in order to the clear opening of the matter,
to look back into the former ages.

The progress the papacy had made from Pope Gre-
gory the Seventh, to Pope Boniface the Eighth's time,
in little more than two hundred and thirty years, is an
amazing thing : the one begun the pretension to de-
pose kings, the other in the jubilee that he first opened,
went in procession through Rome, the first day attired
as Pope, and the next day attired as Emperor ; de-
claring, that all power, both spiritual and temporal,
was in him, and derived from him : and he cried out

VOL. III. B

''"

2 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

with a loud voice, " 1 am Pope and Emperor, and
have both the earthly and heavenly empire :" and he
made a solemn decree in these words, " We say, de-
fine, and pronounce, that it is absolutely necessary to
salvation, for every human creature to be subject to
the Bishop of Rome." The holy war as it was called,
was a great part of the business of that interval, by
which the authority and wealth of the papacy received
no small addition. It is true the removal of the popes
to Avignon, and the schism that followed upon the
popes' return to Rome, did put no small stop to that
growing power, and to the many and great usurpations
and inventions not known to former ages, which were
set on foot to draw all people into a servile depend-
ance on the popes.

This long schism between the popes that sat at
"hT Rome and Avignon, was the best conjuncture the
kjshOpS COuld ever have hoped for, to recover their
authority ; which had been for some ages oppressed,
and indeed trodden under foot by the papacy : and if
that had happened in a less ignorant age, it is very
probable there would have been more effectual pro-
visions made against it. The bishops that met at
Constance, did not apprehend that the continuance of
that breach was that in which their strength lay :
they made too much haste to heal it ; but they soon
found that, when all was again united, none of the
regulations that they made, could restrain a power
that pretended to know no limits. The greatest se-
curity of the church, as they thought, was in the act
for perpetual general councils, which were to meet
after short intervals ; and in the act for subjecting
the popes to the councils, requiring them to call them,
and the council to meet at the end of ten years, whether
the pope summoned it or not.

ouncil But these proved feeble restraints ; yet the council
of Basil did sit pursuant to the decree made at Con-
stance, and the bishops who met there, endeavoured
as much as their low size of learning could direct
them, to set forward a reformation of those abuses that
were brought into the church, arid that supported that

PART III. BOOK I. 3

despotic power which the popes had assumed. They
reckoned a regulation of the elections of bishops was
the laying a good foundation, and the settling of pil-
lars and bases upon which the fabric of the church
might securely rest. Many bishops were made by
papal provisions; these they simply condemned;
others were promoted by the power and favour of
princes, to which ambitious men recommended them-
selves by base compliances and simoniacal bargains ;
in opposition to these, they restored elections to the
chapters, with as good provisions as they could con-
trive, that they should be well managed.

A contest falling in upon their proceedings, be-
tween them and Pope Eugenius the Fourth, they ad-
dressed themselves to Charles the Seventh, King of
France, for his protection. They sent him the decrees
they had made against annats, that is, first-fruits; a
late device of Pope Boniface the Ninth, then about
fifty years standing, pretending to carry on a war
against the Turk by that aid. They also condemned
gratias expectatlvas^ or the survivances of bishopricks,
and other benefices ; with all clauses of reservations
in bulls, by which popes reserved to themselves at
pleasure, such things as were in a bishop's collation.
They appointed elections to be confirmed by the Me-
tropolitan, and not by the Pope. They condemned
all fees and exactions upon elections, except only a
salary for the writers pains ; and all appeals, except
to the immediate superior ; with all appeals from a
grievance, unless it was such that the final sentence
must turn upon it : and when the appeal rose up by
all intermediate steps to the Pope, it was to be judged
by delegates appointed to sit upon the place, where
the cause lay, or in the neighbourhood ; only the
causes marked expressly in the law, as greater causes,
were reserved to the Pope. Provision was made for
the encouragement of learning, and of the universities,
that the benefices that fell in any collator's gift, should
be in every third month of the year given to men that
had been, during a limited number of years, bred in
them ; and had upon due trial obtained degrees in

B 2

4 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

them. If a bishop had ten benefices in his gift, the
Pope might name to one; and if fifty, to two, but to
no more. Some of the provisions relate to the disci-
pline and order of the cathedral churches : but the
main thing of all was their declaring the council to be
above the Pope ; that the Pope was bound to submit
to it, and that appeals lay to it from him.

The first breach between the Pope and the council,
was made up afterwards by the interposition of Sigis-
mond, the Emperor ; the Pope recalled his censures,
confessed he had been misled, and ratified all that the
council had done: but that lasted not long; for upon
the pretence of treating a reconciliation with the Greek
church, some moved for a translation of the council to
Ferrara, but the majority opposed it ; yet the Pope did
translate it thither. Upon which, the council con-
demned that bull, and proceeded against Eugenius.
He, on the other hand, declared them to be no council,
and excommunicated them : they, on their part, de-
posed him, and chose another Pope, Amedee, duke
of Savoy, who took the name of Felix : he had retired
from his principality, and upon that, they again begged
the protection of France.

use. The King being thus applied to by them, summoned
a great assembly to meet at Bourgos ; where the Dau-
phin, the princes of the blood, many of the nobility,
and many bishops met. They would not approve the
deposition of the Pope, nor the new election of Felix ;
but yet they rejected the meeting of Ferrara, and ad-
hered to that at Basil. The decrees past at Basil were
by them reduced into the form of an edict, and pub-
lished under the title of the Pragmatic Sanction;
which the King declared he would have to be in-
violably observed, and he resolved to moderate mat-
ters between the Pope and the council.
•rue ^ There are very different relations made of the effects
['had. that this edict had: some say that the church of
France began to put on a new face upon it, and that
men were advanced by merit, and not as formerly by
applications to the court of Rome, nor solicitations at
the court of France: " Others give a most tragical

PART III. BOOK I. 5

representation of elections, as managed by faction,
indirect arts, and solicitations of women, and simo-
niacal bargains ; and in some places by open violence,
out of which many suits were brought into the courts
of law. The treasure of the church was, as they said,
applied to maintain these ; the fabric was let go to
ruin ; and bishops' houses dilapidated. Pope Leo the
Tenth, in his bull that abrogates this Sanction, enu-
merates many evils that arose out of these elections,
and that in particular, simony and perjury prevailed
in them, of which he says he had undeniable evidence,
in the many absolutions and reabilitations that were
demanded of him." This might be boldly alleged,
because it could not be disproved, how false soever
it might be.

There might be some instances of faction, which
were no doubt aggravated by the flatterers of the court
of Rome : for the profits which came from France
being stopped by the Pragmatic, all arts were used to
disgrace it.

Eneas Silvius was counted one of the ablest men
of that time. He was secretary to the council of Basil,
and wrote copiously in defence of it against the Pope ;
but he was gained over to the interests of the court
of Rome: he had a cardinal's hat, and was afterwards
advanced to the popedom, and reigned by the name
of Pius the Second. He retracted all his former writ-
ings, but never answered them : yet he was so bare-
faced in setting himself to sale, that when he was re-
proached for changing sides, he answered, the popes
gave dignities, abbeys, bishopricks, and red hats to
their creatures; but he asked how many of such good
things did the council give.

He distinguished himself as deserters are apt to do, in a
by railing at all that the council of Basil had done, ^ut"
and against the Pragmatic Sanction. He branded it Mantlia-
as a heresy : and in a council that he held at Mantua,
twenty years after, he inveighed severely against it.
He said bishops thought to have established their
power, but on the contrary their authority was ruined
by it ; for ecclesiastical courts were brought into the

(J BURNET'S REFORMATION.

secular courts, and all things were put into the King's
hands : yet that Sanction was observed in France till
the King's death ; and though some were persuaded
to go to Rome, and to procure bulls, these were es-
teemed no better than traitors and enemies to the coun-
try. It is true, upon this the courts of parliament took
upon them to judge in all ecclesiastical matters, and
to examine whether the ecclesiastical courts had pro-
ceeded according to the laws of the church or not :
and that the sentences of the temporal courts might
be executed, they ordered the revenues of bishops, if
they stood out in contumacy, to be seized into the
King's hands, and their persons to be arrested.

When Danesius, the attorney-general, heard how
Pope Pius had arraigned the Pragmatic Sanction, and
that he was designing to proceed to censures against
the King and his ministers, he protested against all
he had said, referring the decision of the matter to a
general council.

Upon that King's death he was succeeded by Louis
the Eleventh ; and the Bishop of Arras having great
credit with him, the Pope gained him, by the promise
of a cardinal's hat, to use his endeavours to get the
King to abrogate the Sanction ; and because he
thought that which might work most on the King,
was the apprehension that much money which was
now kept within the kingdom, would, upon the lay-
ing it aside, be carried to Rome ; this expedient was
offered, that there should be a legate resident in
France, with powers to grant such bulls as were ne-
cessary; thoug this was never done, and it seems it
was only offered as a specious concession to gain their
point. King Louis the Eleventh's character is given
us so fully by Philip de Comines, who knew him well,
that none who have read him will wonder to find, that,
when he needed any favour from the court of Rome,
he made the fullest submission that any king perhaps
ever made : he in a letter that he wrote to the Pope,
councils owns " the Pope to be God's vicar on earth, to whose
words he will always hearken and obey : and there-
fore though the Pragmatic Sanction was received

PART III. BOOK I. 7

upon long deliberation, in a great assembly, and was
now fully settled, yet since the Pope desired that it
might be abrogated, and since the Bishop of Arras
had put him in mind of the solemn promise that he
had made by him, before he came to the crown, he
reckoning that obedience was better than all sacrifice,
since that Sanction was made in a time of sedition and
schism, so that by it his kingdom was not conform to
other kingdoms ; though many men studied to main-
tain it, yet he resolved to follow and obey the Pope's
orders ; therefore he abrogates it entirely, and does
of his own accord, not compelled in any sort, restore
him to the authority that Martin the Fifth, and Euge-
nius the Fourth, did exercise in former times ; and
bids him use the power given him by God, at his plea-
sure : and promises, on the word of a king, that he
will take care that all his commands shall be executed
within his kingdom, without opposition or appeal ;
and that he will punish such as are contumacious, as
the Pope shall direct."

Here was an entire submission, penned no doubt TO th?
by the aspiring Cardinal. It was received at Rome ^ joy.
with no small joy; the Pragmatic was dragged about
the streets of Rome, the Pope wept for joy, and at
mass on Christmas-eve he consecrated a sword, with
a rich scabbard, to be sent to the King. The title of
the Most Christian King had been given by former
popes to some kings of France ; but Pope Pius was
the person who upon this high merit made it one of
the titles of the crown : such as read De Comines'
History, will not find any other merit in that King to
entitle him to so glorious a compellation.

The court of parliament of Paris interposed; they The
made a noble remonstrance to the King, in which pariVo
they pressed him to maintain the Pragmatic Sanction, pos£ "•
which had its original from a general council, and they
affirmed that the King was obliged to maintain it.
Yet afterwards, that King's project of engaging the
Pope to assist his son-in-law to recover Sicily, then
possessed by the bastard of Arragon, did miscarry,
the Pope refusing to concur in it ; upon which, the

8 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

was offended, and carried his submissions no

'

farther ; only he suffered bulls of reservations and

survivances to take place again.

'he This matter was taken up again six years after by

courage Pope Paul the Second. A new minister was gained
°/the by the same bait, of a cardinal's hat, to procure the

Attorney- J f ' .

General, revocation : so the Kings edict was sent to the court
of parliament of Paris to be registered there, in
vacation time. The court ordered the Attorney-
General to examine it. St. Romain was then attorney-
general, and he behaved himself with such courage,
that he was much celebrated for it. " He opposed the
registering it, and spoke much in the praise of the
Pragmatic Sanction ; he shewed the ill consequences
of repealing it. That it would let in upon them abuses
of all sorts, which were by it condemned : all affairs
relating to the church would be settled at Rome:
many would go and live there, in hopes of making
their fortunes by provisions. He set forth that ten or
twelve bulls of survivances were sometimes obtained
upon the same benefice ; and during three years in
Pope Pius's time (in which the exact observation of
the Pragmatic Sanction was let fall) twenty-two bi-
shopricks happening to fall void, 500,000 crowns
were sent to Rome to obtain bulls ; and sixty-two
abbeys being then vacant, a like sum was sent for their
bulls; and 120,000 crowns were sent to obtain other
ecclesiastical preferments. He added, that for every
parish there might be a bull, of a gratia evpectativa,
or survivance, purchased at the price of 25 crowns ;
besides a vast number of other graces and dispensa-
tions. He insisted, that the King was bound to main-
tain the rights and liberties of the church in his king-
dom, of which he was the founder and defender."

For which The aspiring Cardinal, offended with this honest
freedom of the Attorney-General, told him he should
fall under the King's displeasure, and lose his place
for it. He answered, " the King had put him in the
post freely, he would discharge it faithfully, as long
as the King thought fit to continue him in it ; and he
was ready to lay it down whensoever it pleased the

PART III. BOOK I. 9

King ; but lie would suffer all things, rather than do
any thing against his conscience, the King's honour,
and the good of the kingdom." The favourite pre-
vailed to get him turned out, but the crafty King gave
him secretly great rewards; he esteemed him the more
for his firmness, and restored him again to his place.

The university of Paris also interposed, and the
Rector told the Legate, that if the matter was further
prosecuted, they would appeal to a general council;
but this notwithstanding, and though the court of
parliament stood firm, yet the King being unuj«- the
apprehensions of some practice of his brothers of
Rome, whom he hated mortally ; in order to the de-
feating those, renewed his promises for abrogating the
Pragmatic Sanction ; and it was for many years let
fall into desuetude. Towards the end of this reign
an assembly was held at Orleans, in order to the re-
establishing the Pragmatic Sanction, and the hinder-
ing money to be carried to Rome. The King died 1483.

Upon Charles the Eighth's succeeding, an assembly The
of the states was held at Tours ; in which the observa- H
tion of the Pragmatic Sanction was earnestly pressed ; tablish(;d-
the third estate insisted on having it entirely restored.
The prelates, who had been promoted contrary to it
under King Lewis, opposed this vehemently; and were
ia reproach called the court-bishops, unduly promot-
ed ; and were charged, as men that aspired to favour
at Rome. St. Romain, now again attorney-general,
said, he knew no ecclesiastical law better calculated
to the interest of the kingdom than the Pragmatic
Sanction was ; and therefore he would support it.
The King saw it was for his advantage to maintain
it, and so was firmly resolved to adhere to it. The
courts of parliament not only judged in favour of elec-
tions made by virtue of that sanction, but, by earnest
remonstrances, they pressed the King to prohibit the
applications made to the court of Rome for graces
condemned by it.

Innocent the Eighth continued by his legates to S!
press the entire repeal of the Pragmatic ; yet, not- |Jla™ed <*
withstanding all opposition, it continued to be ob- P»PM"

10 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

served during Charles the Eighth's reign. Lewis the
Twelfth did, by a special edict, appoint it to be for
ever observed. Thus it continued till the council of
1409. Lateran, summoned by Pope Julius the Second, to
which Silvester, bishop of Worcester, and Sir Robert
Wingfield, were commissioned by King Henry the
Eighth to go " in his name, and on behalf of the king-
17. i-eb. dom, to conclude every thing for the good of the ca-
tholic church, and for a reformation both in the head
and in the members ; and to consent to all statutes and
decrees for the public good : promising to ratify what-
ever they, or any of them should do." The King's
empowering two persons in such a manner, seems
no small invasion of the liberties of the church; but
it was in the Pope's favour, so it was not challenged.
This council was called by that angry Pope chiefly
against Lewis the Twelfth : and the Pragmatic Sanc-
tion was arraigned in it ; both because it maintained
the authority of the council to be superior to the Pope,
and because it cut off the advantages that the court
had made by the bulls sent into France. The Pope,
brought Lewis the Eleventh's letters- patent, by which
it was abrogated, into the council ; and the advocate
of the council, after he had severely arraigned it, in-
sisted to have it condemned. So a monition was de-
creed, summoning all who would appear for it to come
and be heard upon it within sixty days. The Pope
died in February thereafter.

condemn- Pope Leo the Tenth succeeded, and renewed the
e»,,nr,lhe monitory letters issued out by his predecessor. But
the personal hatred with which Julius prosecuted
Lewis being at an end, things were more calmly ma-
naged. Some bishops were sent from the Gallican
church to assist in the council : but before any thing
could be concluded, King Lewis dying, Francis suc-
ceeded. He understood that the Pope and the council
were intending to proceed against the Pragmatic Sanc-
tion, so he resolved to bring the matter to an agree-
ment ; in which seme progress was made, in an inter-
view that he had with the Pope at Bononia. It was
concluded by a sanction called the Concordat, between

Cl

in the

Lateran.

PART III. BOOK I. ll

the Cardinals of Ancona and of Sanctorum Quatuor
on the Pope's side, and Chancellor Prat for the King.
Some small differences remained ; which were all
yielded as the Pope desired : and in the month of IMS.
December the Pope's bull, condemning the Pragma-
tic Sanction, was read, and approved by that council,
such as it was.

The Concordat was put instead of it. The truth TIW c»>-

•pi • i cordat

was, rrancis was young ; and was so set on pursuing put ;.,.
his designs in Italy, in which he saw the advantage steadofiu
of having the Pope on his side, that he sacrificed all
other considerations to that, and made the best bargain
he could, " the King and the Pope divided the matter
between them. When any bishoprick became vacant,
the King was within six months to name to it a doctor,
or one licensed in divinity, of the age of twenty-seven.
If the Pope did not approve of the nomination, the
King had three months more to nominate another ;
but if he failed again, the Pope was to provide one
to the see. The Pope had reserved to himself the pro-
viding of all that became vacant in the court of Rome :
(a pretension the popes had set on foot, in which by
degrees they had enlarged the extent of it to very o-reat
and undetermined bounds : and did thereby dispose
of many benefices.) And the King was limited in
his nomination by some conditions, with relation to
the person so nominated ; yet the want of these was
not to be objected to the King's kindred, or to other
illustrious persons. The King was also to nominate
to all abbeys a person of twenty-three years of age.
Gratia evpectativce, or survivances and reservations
in bulls, were never to be admitted : only one bene-
fice might be reserved from a collator of ten ; and two
from one of fifty. Causes of appeals were to be judged
in partibus, in the parts where the matters lay ; except-
ing the causes enumerated in the law as greater causes.
It was also provided, that, in all bulls that were ob-
tained, the true value of the benefice was to be ex-
pressed ; otherwise the grace was null and void." No
mention was made of annats ; and, in other particulars,
the articles in the Pragmatic Sanction were inserted.

court.

12 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

The Pope promised he would send a legate to France,
to tax the value of all ecclesiastical benefices. All
former excommunications were taken off, with an in-
demnity for all that was passed.

The King; having: the two instruments, the one ab-

^^ ^^

rogating the Pragmatic Sanction, and the other esta-
** bashing the Concordat, sent in great pomp to him,
of in order to their being registered in parliament, re-
solved only to offer the latter, as that in which the
other was virtually comprehended. So he went in
person to the court of parliament, to which many great
men, divines, and other persons of distinction were
called. The Chancellor set forth the hatred Pope
Julius bore King Lewis the Twelfth, and the violence
with which he had proceeded against him : the King
succeeding when the council of the Lateran was as-
sembled ; which was composed chiefly of members of
the court, or of dependers on the court of Rome, who
were all engaged against the Pragmatic Sanction, as
that which diminished their profits : the King saw it
was in vain to insist on defending it; but apprehend-
ing, if it were simply condemned, all the old oppres-
sions would again take place, he being then engaged
in a most dangerous war in Italy, saw no better way
to gain the Pope than by agreeing to the Concordat.
The ecclesiastics who were present said, by their
mouth, the Cardinal of Boisi, that the Concordat did
so affect the whole Gallican church, that, without the
general consent, it could not be approved. The King
upon this said, with some indignation, that he would
command them either to approve it, or he would send
them to Rome, to dispute the matter there with the
Pope. The President answered in the name of the
court, that he would report the King's pleasure to the
court; and they would so proceed in that matter, as
to please both God and the King : the Chancellor re-
plied, the court were wise : the King said, he did en-
join them to obey without delay. Then letters-patent
were made out, setting forth the Concordat, and re-
quiring the court of parliament, and all other judges,
to observe it, and to see it fully executed.

PART III. BOOK I. 13

Some days after that, the Chancellor, with some of opposi-
the officers of the crown, came and brought the whole IT
courts together, and delivered them the King's letters- {^r|^
patent, requiring them to register the Concordat. cou,,cn
They upon that appointed the King's council to ex-
amine the matters in it. The Advocate-General did,
in the Chancellor's presence, represent the inconveni-
ence of receiving the concordats, by which the liber-
ties of the Gallican church were lessened ; and said,
that by the paying of annats, much money would be
carried out of the kingdom; so he desired they would
appoint a committee to examine it. Four were named,
who, after they had sat about it ten days, desired more
might be added to them ; so the President of the En-
quets, or Inquisitions, and four more, were joined to
them. A week after that, the Advocate-General
moved the court to proceed still to judge according
to the Pragmatic, and not to receive the revocation
of it, against which he put in an appeal. Four days
after this, the bastard of Savoy, the King's natural
uncle, came into the court with orders from the King,
requiring them to proceed immediately to the publish-
ing the concordats : appointing him to hear all their
debates, that he might report all to the King. He
told them how much the King was offended with their
delays ; they, on the other hand, complained of hi-s
being present to hear them deliver their opinions.
They sent some of their number to lay this before the
King ; it looked like a design to frighten them, when
one, not of their body, was to hear all that passed
among them. The King said there were some worthy
men among them ; but others, like fools, complained
of him, and of the expense of his court : he was a
King, and had as much authority as his predecessors.
They had flattered Lewis the Twelfth, and called him
the father of justice : he would also have justice done
with all rigour. In Lewis's time some were banished
the kingdom because they did not obey him ; so, if
they did not obey him, he would send some of them
to Bourdeaux, and others to Thoulouse, and put good
men in their places; and told them he would have his

14 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

uncle present, during their deliberation : so they were
forced to submit to it.

T. On the 13th of June they began to deliver their
not opinions, and that lasted till the 24th of July ; and
then they concluded that the court could not, and
ought not, to register the concordats : but that they
would still observe the Pragmatic Sanction ; and
that the university of Paris, and all others that de-
sired to be heard, ought to be heard. Therefore,
they said, they must appeal from the abrogation of
the Pragmatic Sanction ; and if the King would insist
to have the Concordat observed, a great assembly
ought to be summoned, such as Charles the Seventh
had called to settle the Pragmatic. They also charged
the Savoyard to make a true report to the King of
their proceedings.

8 Upon this the King wrote to them, to send some
d of their body to give him an account of the grounds
' they went on : two were sent, but it was long before
they were admitted to his presence ; the King saying
he would delay their dispatch, as they had delayed his
business. When they were admitted, they were or-
dered to put what they had to offer in writing ; this
they did, but desired to be likewise heard ; but being
asked if they had any thing to offer that was not in their
paper, they said they had not, but desired the King-
would hear their paper read to him ; the King refused
it. They were a body of one hundred persons, and
had been preparing their paper above seven months ;
but the Chancellor would answer it in less time ; and
the King would not suffer them to have a verbal pro-
cess against, what he had done. He told them there
was but one King in France : he had done the best
he could to bring all to a quiet state, and would not
suffer that which he had done in Italy to be undone
in France ; nor would he suffer them to assume an
authority like that of the senate of Venice. It was
their business to do justice, but not to put the king-
dom in a flame, as they had attempted to do in his
predecessor's time : he concluded he would have them
approve the concordats ; and if they gave him more

PART III. BOOK I. 15

trouble, he would make them ambulatory, and to follow
his court ; nor would he suffer any more ecclesiastics
to be of their body. They were not entirely his sub-
jects, since he had no authority to cut off their heads :
they ought to say their breviary, and not to meddle
in his affairs.

They answered him, that these things were con-
trary to the constitution of their court. He said he
was sorry his ancestors had so constituted it ; but he
was King as well as they were ; and he would settle
them on another foot ; so he bid them be gone early
the next morning : they begged a short delay, for the
ways were bad ; but the Great- Master told them from
the king, that if they were not gone by such an hour,
he would put them in prison, and keep them in it six
months, and then he would see who would move to
set them at liberty ; so they went to Paris. The
Duke of Tremoville was sent after them to the parlia-
ment, to let them know that the King would have the
concordats to be immediately published, without any
further deliberation : they must obey the King, as
became subjects ; he told them, the King had repeated
that ten times to him in the space of a quarter of an
hour ; and concluded, that if they delayed any longer
to obey the King, the King would make all the court
feel the effects of his displeasure.

The court called for the King's learned council, The ?
but they said they had received positive orders from learL
the King, by Tremoville, to consent to the concordats; l™"
otherwise the King would treat them so, that they itm/
should feel it sensibly : the Advocate-General said,
he was sorry for the methods the King took ; but
he wished they would consider what might follow,
if they continued to deny what was so earnestly
pressed on them : the publishing of this could be of
no force, since the church, that was so much con-
cerned in it, was neither called for, nor heard ; the
thing might be afterwards set right, for Lewis the
Eleventh saw his error, and changed his mind. He
offered two things to soften that which was required
of them : one was, to insert in the register that it was

tiuu.

16 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

done in obedience to the King's commands often re-
peated : the other was, that they should declare that
they did not approve the abrogation of the Pragmatic
Sanction, but were then only to publish the con-
cordats ; and that they might resolve in all their ju-
diciary proceedings to have no regard to that ; and
in particular to that clause, that all bulls were void
if the true value of the benefice was not expressed in
them. On the 18th of March they came to this re-
solution, that their decree of the 24th of July, for
observing the Pragmatic, was by them fully confirmed ;
but, in obedience to the King's commands, they pub-
lished the concordats, adding a protestation, that the
court did not approve it, but intended in all their
sentences to judge according to the Pragmatic
Sanction.

The court mau<e these protestations in the hands of
the Bishop of Langres, a duke and peer of France,
setting forth that their liberty was taken from them ;
faat th e publication of the concordats was not done
by their order, but against their mind, by the King's
express order ; and that they did not intend to ap-
prove it, nor to be governed by it in their judgments,
but to observe the Pragmatic Sanction. They or-
dered likewise an appeal to be made from the Pope,
to the Pope better advised, and to the next general
council : upon all which the Bishop of Langres made
an authentic instrument; so it was resolved to proceed
to publication on the 22d of March : but on the 21st
the Rector of the University of Paris, accompanied
by some of that body, and by some advocates, ap-
peared, desiring to be heard before they should pro-
ceed to such publication. The court received his
petition, and promised to consider it; but said, if
they made the publication, it should not prejudice
any of their rights, for they were resolved to judge as
formerly notwithstanding that ; yet they required him
not to publish this. The Dean of Nostredame came
on the 22d to the court, and said, they heard they
were going to publish the concordats, which both
implied their condemning the councils of Constance

PART III. BOOK I. 17

and Basil, and tended to the destruction of the liber-
ties of the Gallican church, which the popes had
always envied them. He desired they would not
proceed to it till the whole Gallican church was con-
sulted in the matter ; and protested that what they
were about to do should not be to the prejudice of the
church. After this was received, they proceeded to
the publication, as they had promised, adding these
words to it ; "read, published, and registered, by the
order and command of the King often repeated to us,
in the presence of the Lord of Tremoville, his first
chamberlain, specially sent to have it done." And
on the 24th of March they renewed their protestation,
that they did not approve of it ; that they insisted in
their former appeals, and were resolved to proceed
in all their judgments without regard to it.

On the 27th of March the Rector of the University The uni-
ordered a mandate to be affixed, prohibiting their l\"gyo^
printers to print the concordats : he likewise appealed pose "•
from the Pope to a general council, lawfully assem-
bled, sitting in a safe place, and in full freedom. This
was printed and affixed ; and great reflections were
made by some preachers in their sermons, both on the
King and on the Chancellor. The King, being in-
formed of this, wrote to the First President, complain-
ing both of the Rector, and of the preachers : he or-
dered them to take informations of all those matters,
and to get the concordats to be printed as soon as
was possible, and to punish the authors of sedition.
But the court said, they knew nothing tending that
way; for their business took them up so entirely, that
they could not attend on sermons. The King com-
plained likewise severely of the appeal they had made;
he was monarch, and had no superior to whom an
appeal could lie : he also sent an order to inhibit all
meetings in the university.

In the Concordat it was provided, that if it was The ex<eP.
not published within six months in France, it should iCcln-
be null and void : but the delays that had been made c°rda'[>y

- _ _ . . * .. the parlia-

put the King on getting that term prolonged a year ""».
longer. "The three chief exceptions that the parlia-

VOL. III. C

18 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

ment had to the concordats were, first, the declaring
bulls void, if the true value of the benefices was not
set forth in them; which might put the obtainers of
them to great charge and many suits. The second
was, the carrying the greater causes to be judged at
Rome. The third was concerning elections. The first
of these was given up, and was no further urged by
the court of Rome; but it was not settled what those
greater causes were. By the Pragmatic, they were
restrained to bishopricks and monasteries ; but the
concordats held the matter in general words : so the
number of these causes was indefinite, and on all oc-
casions it would increase as the canonists pleased.
They condemned that device of the court of Rome,
of granting provisions for all that was held by any who
died in the court, considering the great extent to which
that had been carried. They also found, that by the
concordats all nunneries were left to the Pope's pro-
vision ; and likewise all inferior dignities, such as
deaneries and provostships. All churches that had
special privileges were exempted from the King's no-
mination; and at Rome exceptions might be unjustly
made to the persons named by the King : but, above
all, they stood on this, that the right of electing was
founded on the law of God, and on natural right :
that this was established by the authority of general
councils, by the civil law, and by many royal edicts,
during all the three races of their kings : this right
was now taken away, without hearing the parties con-
cerned to set it forth. If there had crept in abuses in
elections, these might be corrected; but they thought
the King usurped that which did not belong to him,
on this pretence, that the Pope granted it to him,
which was contrary both to the doctrine and practice
of the Gallican church. They found many lesser ex-
ceptions, in point of form, to the method of abrogating
the Pragmatic Sanction : one was, that the council of
the Lateran did forbid all persons that held lands of
the church to observe or maintain that Sanction, un-
der the pain of forfeiting those lands ; which was a
plain invasion of the King's prerogatives, who is su-

PART III. BOOK I. 19

preme lord of all those lands within his dominions.
The Pope also took upon him to annul that Sanction,
that then subsisted by the royal authority : this might
be made a precedent, in time to come, for annulling
any of their laws. They likewise thought the taking
away the Pragmatic Sanction, which was made upon
the authority of the councils of Constance and Basil,
and had declared the subjection of the Pope to the
council, did set aside that doctrine, and set up the
Pope's authority above the council ; though the Prag-
matic was made while the Pope was reconciled to
the council : and the breach upon which Eugenius
was deposed happened not till almost a year after
that; it being published in July, 1438, and his depo-
sition was not till June, 1439; besides that, ten years
after that, Pope Nicolaus the Fifth confirmed all
the decrees made at Basil. They likewise put the
King in mind of the oath he took at his coronation,
to maintain all the rights and liberties of the Gallican
church. So they moved the King either to prevail
with the Pope to call a general council, or that he
would call a national one in France, to judge of the
whole matter : and as for the threatenings given out,
that the Pope would depose the King, and give away
his kingdom, if he did not submit to him, they said
the King held his crown of God, and all such threaten-
ings ought to be rejected with scorn and indignation."

To all these the Chancellor made a long and flat- These
tering answer; for which he had the usual reward of
a cardinal's cap. He set forth the danger the King
was in, being engaged in the war of Italy ; the Pope
threatening him with censures : for the Pragmatic
Sanction was then condemned by the Pope, and that
censure was ratified by the council in the Lateran ;
upon which he would have reassumed all the old op-
pressions, if the King had not entered into that treaty,
yielding some points to save the rest. He said, the
kings of the first race nominated to bishopricks ; for
which he cited precedents from Gregory of Tours.
So the kings of England did name, and the popes
iipon that gave provisions : the kings of Scotland did

c 2

20 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

also name, but not by virtue of a right, but rather by
connivance. He said, elections had gone through
various forms ; sometimes popes did elect, sometimes
princes with the people, sometimes princes took it into
their own hands, sometimes the whole clergy without
the people, and, of late, the canons chose without the
concurrence of the clergy. That the King being in
these difficulties, all those about him, and all those in
France who were advised with in the matter, thought
the accepting the concordats was just and necessary.
Pope Leo repented that he had granted so much ; and
it was not without great difficulty that he brought the
cardinals to consent to it : he went very copiously, as
a canonist, through the other heads, softening some
abuses, and shewing that others had a long practice
for them, and were observed in other kingdoms.
The And thus was this matter carried in the parliament
of Paris, in which, as the court shewed great inte-
grity and much courage, which deserve the highest
characters with which such noble patriots ought to be
honoured ; so, in this instance, we see how feeble the
resistance, even of the worthiest judges, will prove to
a prince who has possessed himself of the whole legis-
lative authority ; when he intends to break through
established laws and constitutions, and to sacrifice the
rights of his crown, and the interests of his people, to
serve particular ends of his own. In such cases, the
generous integrity of judges, or other ministers, will
be resented as an attempt on the sovereign authority :
and such is the nature of arbitrary power, that the most
modest defence of law and justice, when it crosses the
designs of an insolent and corrupt minister, and an
abused prince, will pass for disobedience and sedition.
If the assembly of the states in France had main-
tained their share of the legislative power, and had
not suffered the right they once had to be taken from
them, of being liable to no taxes but by their own con-
sent, these judges would have been better supported ;
and the opposition they made upon this occasion, would
have drawn after it all the most signal expressions
of honour and esteem, that a nation owes to the trus-

PART III. BOOK I. 21

tees of their laws and liberties, when they maintain
them resolutely, and dispense them equally. And the
corrupt Chancellor would have received such punish-
ment as all wicked ministers deserve, who, for their
own ends, betray the interest of their country.

The court of parliament shewed great firmness after T1* P«-
this; and it appeared that the protestation that they sl
made, of judging still according to the Pragmatic,
was not only a piece of form to save their credit. The
Archbishop of Sens died soon after; and the King-
sent to inhibit the chapter to proceed to an election.
It was understood that he designed to give it to the
Bishop of Paris; so the chapter wrote to that bishop,
not to give such a wound to their liberties as to take
it upon the King's nomination : but seeing that he
had no regard to that, they elected him, that so they
might by this seem to keep up their claim. The Bi-
shop of Alby died soon after that ; the King named
one, and the chapter chose another; upon that Alby
being within the jurisdiction of Thoulouse, the court
of parliament there judged in favour of him who was
elected by the chapter, against him who had obtained
bulls upon the King's nomination : at which the King
was highly offended. The archbishoprick of Bourges
falling void soon after, the King nominated one, and
the chapter elected another. The chapter pretended
a special privilege to elect, so the Pope judged in
their favour. Some years after this the King carried ws*.
on his wars in Italy, leaving his mother Regent of
France ; so the court of parliament made a remon-
strance to her, setting forth the invasions that had been
made upon the rights of the Gallican church, desir-
ing her to interpose, that the Pragmatic Sanction and
the liberty of elections might again have their full
force; but that had no, effect.

Soon after this, the King was taken prisoner by the UP°".
army of Charles the Fifth at the battle of Pavia : and being"'8'
upon that his mother declared, that she looked on her [^To"'
son's misfortunes as a judgment of God upon him, for coriiat wal
his abolishing the Pragmatic Sanction ; and though
she would not take it upon her to make any alteration

22 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

during her son's absence, yet she promised, that, when
he should be set at liberty she would use her utmost
endeavours with him, to set it up again, and to abo-
lish the concordats. This was registered in the records
of the court of parliament, yet it had no effect upon
the King's return out of Spain : he, rinding the par-
liament resolved to maintain all elections, ordered that
matter to be taken wholly out of their cognizance ;
and he removed all suits of that sort from the courts
1327. of parliament to the great council, upon some disputes
that were then on foot concerning a bishoprick and
an abbey given to Chancellor Prat, then made a car-
dinal in recompense for the service he had done the
court of Rome : and so by that an end was put to all
disputes.
These The parliament struggled hard against this diminu-

matters

removed tion of their jurisdiction : they wrote to the dukes and
pra°rua-he peers of France to move the Regent not to proceed
ni«u to thus to lessen their authority : on the other hand she

the great -11 i • ' n i • • i • i i

council, said, they were taking all things into their own hands
in prejudice of the King's prerogative. But the King
confirmed that, and settled the Chancellor in the pos-
session of the see and abbey, and the proceedings of
the parliament against him were annulled and ordered
to be struck out of their registers. And it appearing
that some chapters and abbeys had special privileges
for free elections ; the King obtained a bull from
Clement the Seventh, suspending all those during the
1532. King's life. The court of Rome stood long upon this,
and thought to have gained new advantages before it
should be granted : but the Pope was at that time in
a secret treaty with the court of France, which was
afterwards accomplished at Marseilles : so he was
easier in this matter, and the bull was registered in
parliament in May thereafter. And upon this the
Chancellor, pretending that he would see and examine
those privileges, called for them all ; and when they
were brought to him, he threw them all into the fire.
But to lay all that I have found of this matter to-
gether, the clergy of France, in a remonstrance that

SET they made to King Henry the Third, affirmed, that

PART III. BOOK I. 23

Francis at his death declared to his son, that nothing
troubled his conscience more, than his taking away
canonical elections, and his assuming to himself the
nomination to bishopricks. If this was true, his son
had no regard to it, but went on as his father had
done. Upon his death, when the Cardinal of Lor-
rain pressed the parliament to proceed in the vigorous
prosecution of heresy, they remonstrated, that the
growth of heresy flowed chiefly from the scandals
that were given by bad clergymen and ill bishops :
and that the ill choice that had been made by the
court, since the concordats were set up, gave more
occasion to the progress that heresy made, than any
other thing whatsoever. The courts were so mon-
strously corrupt, during that and the two former reigns,
that no other could be expected, from them.

An assembly of the states was called in the begin-
ning of Charles the Ninth's reign. In it the first estate
prayed, that the Pragmatic Sanction might again take
place, particularly in the point of elections ; they
backed this with great authorities of councils, ancient
and modern ; with them the two other estates agreed.
The court tried to shift this off, promising to send one
to Rome to treat about it : but that did not satisfy;
so a decree was drawn up to this effect, that an arch-
bishop should be chosen by the bishops of his pro-
vince, by the chapter of his cathedral, and twelve
persons of the chief of the laity; and a bishop by the
metropolitan and the chapter. The court of parliament
opposed this : they thought the laity ought to have
no share in elections, so they pressed the restoring the
Pragmatic Sanction without any alteration ; yet, in
conclusion, the decree was thus amended : an arch-
bishop was to be chosen by the bishops of the pro-
vince, and the chapter of the see ; but a bishop was
to be chosen by the archbishop, with the bishops of
the province, and the chapter, and by twenty-four of
the laity to be thus nominated : all the gentry were
to be summoned to meet, and to choose twelve to re-
present them at the election, and the city was to choose
other twelve. All these were to make a list of three

21 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

persons to be offered to the King, and the man named
by the King was to have the see. Thus they designed
to bring this matter into a form as near the customs
mentioned in the Roman law as they could. But this
design vanished, and was never put in practice.

The clergy still called for restoring the elections :
President Ferrier was sent to Rome to obtain it. He
in a long speech shewed, that neither the Gallican
church, nor the courts of parliament, had ever received
the concordats ; that shadow of approbation given to
it by the parliament of Paris being extorted from them
by force ; and he laid out all the inconveniences that
had happened since the concordats were set up : but
that court felt the advantages they had by them too
sensibly, to be ever prevailed with to give them up :
and thus that great affair was settled in the view of
this church and nation, at the time that King Henry
broke off all correspondence with it. It may be very
reasonably presumed that inferences were made from
this, to let all people see what merchandize the court
of Rome made of the most sacred rights of the church,
when they had their own profits secured : and there-
fore the wise men in this church at that time might
justly conclude, that their liberties were safer while
they remained an entire body within themselves, under
a legal constitution; by which, if princes carried theii
authority too far, some check might be given to it by
those from whom the public aids were to be obtained
for supporting the government ; than while all was
believed to belong to the popes, who would at any
time make a bargain, and divide the spoils of the
church with crowned heads ; taking to themselves the
gainful part, and leaving the rest in the hands of
princes.

T hope, though this relation does not belong pro
perly to the History of the Reformation ; yet, since
^ *s highty Probable it had a great influence on peo
pie's minds, this digression will be easily forgiven me.
And now I turn to such of our affairs as fall within
this period.

The first thing that occurred to me in order of time,

PART III. BOOK I. 25

was a letter of Queen Katherine's to King Henry, who, sept. 16,
upon his crossing the sea, left the regency of the king- QutlnK
dom in her hands ; the commission bears date the 1 1th fherine's

letter to

of June, 1513. King James the IVth of Scotland Ki
having invaded England with a great army, was de-
feated and killed by the Earl of Surrey. The Earl
gave the Queen the news in a letter to her, with one of Scot-
to the King ; this she sent him with a letter of her
own ; which, being the only one of her's to the King
that I ever saw, I have inserted it in my Collection, collect.
The familiarities of calling him in one place my hus- N
band, and in another my Henry, are not unpleasant.
She sent with it a piece of the King of Scots' coat to
be a banner : she was then going to visit, as she calls
it, our Lady of Walsingham.

I will next open an account of the progress of Car- Thepro-
dinal Wolsey 's fortunes, and the ascendant he had over woue/s
the King. The first step he made into the church was rise<
to be rector of Lymington in the diocese of Bath and
Wells; then, on the 30th of July, 1508, he had a
papal dispensation to hold the vicarage of Lyde, in the
diocese of Canterbury, with his rectory. There is a
grant to him as almoner, on the 8th of November,
1509. The next preferment he had was to be a pre-
bendary of Windsor : he was next advanced to be dean
of Lincoln. A year after that, Pope Leo, having re-
served the disposing the see of Lincoln to himself, gave
it to Wolsey, designed in the bulls dean of St. Ste-
phen's, Westminster. But no mention is made of the
King's nomination. This is owned by the King in the
writ for the restitution of the temporalities. On the
14th July, that year, Cardinal de Medici, afterwards jmy u,
Pope Clement the Seventh, wrote to King Henry, that, 1J
upon the death of Cardinal Bembridge, he had prayed
the Pope not to dispose of his benefices, till he knew
the King's mind, which the Pope, out of his affection
to the King, granted very readily. Perhaps the King
did recommend Wolsey, but no mention is made of
that in his bulls. The King granted the restitution of
the temporalities of York before his instalment ; for
in the writ he is only called the elect archbishop: and

2G BURNET'S REFORMATION.

it is not expressed that he had the King's nomination.
He had Tournay in commendam, but resigned it into
the hands of Francis, who for that 'gave him a pen
31, sion of 12,000 livres during life: at the same time
Prince Charles, afterwards Charles the Fifth, gave
him a pension of 3000/. It seems he afterwards de-
sired to have it better secured : so in the end of that
year Prince Charles lodged a pension of 5000 ducats
to him, on the bishoprick of Pace in Castile. Above

"arch0 a year after that, Pope Leo gave him a pension of
' 2000 ducats out of Palencia, instead of that which was
charged on the bishoprick of Pace. Besides all this,
when Charles the Fifth was in London, he gave him
another pension of 9000 crowns, dated the 8th of
June, 1522. It seems he had other pensions from

iN5°5 18> France ; for, five years after this, there was an arrear
stated there as due to him, of 121,898 crowns. He
had also pensions from other princes of a lower order.

vrD"' The Duke of Milan's secretary did, by his master's
express order, engage in the year 1515, to pay Wol-
sey 10,000 ducats a year ; he on his part engaging,
that there should be a perpetual friendship settled
between the Kings of England and France with that
Duke.

The French King being a prisoner, his favour was
necessary in that distress ; so the Regent engaged to
pay it in seven years' time. But whatever may be in

Dec. 2, Wolsey's provisions, when the bishoprick of Salisbury

J5"4' was given to Cardinal Campegio by a bull, mention
is expressly made in it of the King's letters interceding
humbly for him.

King When King; Henry wrote his book of the Seven

y's ~ . ~ "i ~ , . , , .

of Sacraments, it seems it was first designed to send it
over in manuscript : for Wolsey sent one to the King
menis. fine]y dressed, that was to be presented to the Pope :
and he writes, that he was to send him more, which
were to be sent about with the Pope's bulls to all
collect, princes and universities : one in particular, as he
' writes, was far more excellent and princely. He also
sent with it the choice of certain verses, to be written

* Cee on this book vol. i. p. 51, and 572.

PART III. BOOK 1. 27

in the King's own hand, in the book that was to be
sent to the Pope, and subscribed by him, to be laid
up in the archives of the church, to his immortal glory
and memory. The matter was so laid, that the book
was presented to the Pope on the 10th of October; is«i.
and the very day after, the bull giving him the title
of Defender of the Faith bears date : and in a private
letter that Pope Leo wrote to him, he runs out into Juum1"
copious strains of flattery, affirming, "that it appeared f™™m
that the Holy Ghost assisted him in writing it." appareat.

The King was so pleased with the title, that Woi-
sey directed his letters to him with it on the back, as
appears in a letter of his, that sets forth the low state collect.
of the affairs of Spain in Italy. It appears it was N
written (for the year is not added in the date) after
that Luther wrote his answer to the King's book, at
least after letters came from him on the subject ; the
original of which he desires might be sent him, that
he might send it to the Pope : and he intended to
send copies both of those, and of the King's answers
to the Cardinal of Mentz, and to George Duke of
Saxony.

After the King's interviews both with the Emperor woisey
and the King of France were over, new quarrels broke char'ies
out, by which the Emperor and Francis engaged in the F!fth«

1 •!• • 1 ir' FT T i i gamed

hostilities : but King Henry, pretending to be. the um- by him.
pire of their differences, sent Woisey over to com-
pose them. He came to Calais in the beginning of
August. From Dover he wrote to the King, and sent Collect-
two letters to him, which the King was to write in his
own hand to the Emperor, and to the Lady Regent of
Flanders, which he desired the King would send to
him : for he would move slowly towards him. Thus
he took the whole ministry into his own hands, and
prepared even the King's secret letters for him. He
was with the Emperor thirteen days, who gave him a
singular reception ; for he came a mile out of town to
meet him. The town is not named, but it was Bruges ;
for in one of Erasmus's letters, he mentions his meet-
ing Woisey in that town, he being then with the Em-
peror. The Cardinal returned by the way of Grave •

28 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

ling ; and from thence, beside the public letter, in
which he gave the King an account of his negotia-
tion, he wrote a private one to him, with this direction
collect, on it, To the, Kings Graceus own hands onlu. It

Numb 6. LIT • • • i i T-1 "

seems he had no private conversation with the Em-
peror formerly : "for in this he observes, that for his
age he was very wise, and understood his affairs well.
He was cold and temperate in speech ; but spoke to
very good purpose. He reckoned that he would prove
a very wise man: he thought he was much inclined to
truth, and to the keeping of his promises : he seemed
to be inseparably joined to the King : and was resolved
to follow his advice in all his affairs, and to trust the
Cardinal entirely. He twice or thrice in secret pro-
mised to him, by his faith and truth, to abide by this :
he promised it also to all the rest of the privy-council
that were with the Cardinal, in such a manner, that
they all believed it came from his heart, without arti-
fice or dissimulation. So Wolsey wrote to the King,
that he had reason to bless God, that he was not only
the ruler of his own realm, but that now by his wis-
dom Spain, Italy, Germany, and the Low-Countries,
should be ruled and governed." Whether the Em-
peror did by his prudent and modest behaviour really
impose upon Wolsey, or whether by other secret
practices he had so gained him as to oblige him to
persuade the King to such a confidence in him, I leave
it to the reader to judge.

woisey's ft passes generally among all the writers of that
to be age, that he aspired to the popedom : and that the
^"e!" Emperor then promised him his assistance ; in which
he failing to him afterwards, Wolsey carried his re-
venges so far, that all the change of counsels, and even
the suit of the divorce, is in a great measure ascribed
to it. I went into the stream in my history, and seemed
persuaded of it ; yet some original letters of Woisey's,
communicated to me by Sir William Cook of Norfolk,
which I go next to open, make this very doubtful,
collect. The first was upon the news of Pope Hadrian's death,
Numb. 7. Upon which he immediately wrote to the King, "That
s«pt!:i. his absence from Rome was the only obstacle of his

PART III. BOOK I. 29

advancement to that dignity: there were great factions
then at Rome : he protests before God, that he thought
himself unfit for it, and that he desired much rather
to end his days with the King; yet, remembering
that at the last vacation (nine months before) the King
was for his being preferred to it, thinking it would be
for his service, and supposing that he was still of the
same mind, he would prepare such instructions as had
been before sent to Pace, dean of St. Paul's, then
ambassador at Rome, and send them to him by the
next :" with this he also sent him the letters that he
had from Rome. The next day he sent the letters collect.
and instructions, directed to the King's ambassadors,
who were the Bishop of Bath, Pace, and Haniball,
for procuring his preferment; or, that failing, for
Cardinal de Medici : these he desired the King to
sign and dispatch. And that the Emperor might
more effectually concur, though, pursuant to the con-
ference he had with the King on that behalf, he verily
supposed he had not failed to advance it, he drew a
private letter for the King to write with his own hand
to the Emperor, putting to it the secret sign and
mark that was between them.

The dispatch, that upon this he sent to the King's v0i n.
ambassador at Rome, fell into my hands when I was
laying out for materials for my second volume ; but
though it belonged in the order of time to the first,
-I thought it would be acceptable to the reader to see
it, though not in its proper place. In it, after some
very respectful words of Pope Hadrian, which, whe-
ther he wrote out of decency only, or that he thought
so of him, I cannot determine, "he tells them, that, p°pe-
before the vacancy, both the Emperor and the King
had great conferences for his advancement, though
the Emperor's absence makes that he cannot now join
with them ; yet the Regent of the Netherlands, who
knows his mind, has expressed an earnest and hearty
concurrence for it : and by the letters of the Cardinal
de Medici, Sanctorum Quatuor, and Campegio, he
saw their affections : he was chiefly determined by
the King's earnestness about it, though he could wil-

Nuuib-

30 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

lingly have lived still were he was ; his years increas-
ing, and he knew himself unworthy of so high a dig-
nity : yet his zeal for the exaltation of the Christian
faith, and for the honour and safety of the King and
the Emperor, made him refer himself to the pleasure
of God : and in the King's name he sends them
double letters ; the first to the Cardinal de Medici,
offering the King's assistance to him ; and if it was
probable he would carry it, they were to use no other
powers : but if he thought he could not carry it, then
they were to propose himself to him, and to assure
him, if he was chosen, the other should be, as it were,
pope : they were to let the other cardinals know what
his temper was, not austere, but free : he had great
things to give, that would be void upon his promo-
tion : he had no friends or relations to raise, and he
knew perfectly well the great princes of Christendom,
and all their interests and secrets : he promises he
will be at Rome within three months, if they choose
him ; and the King seems resolved to go thither with
him : he did not doubt but, according to the many
promises and exhortations of the Emperor to him,
that his party will join with them.

" The King also ordered them to promise large re-
wards and promotions, and great sums of money to
the cardinals ; and though they saw the Cardinal de
Medici full of hope, yet they were not to give over
their labour for him if they saw any hope of success :
but they were to manage that so secretly, that the
other may have no suspicion of it." This was dated
at Hampton-Court the 4th of October.

To this a postscript was added in theCardinal's own
hand, to the Bishop of Bath : he tells him, " what a
great opinion the King had of his policy ; and he
orders him to spare no reasonable offers, which per-
haps might be more regarded than the qualities of
the person. The King believed all the Imperialists
would be with him, if there was faith in the Emperor :
he believed the young men, who for most part were
necessitous, would give good ear to fair offers, which
shall undoubtedly be performed. The King willeth

PART III. BOOK I. 31

you neither to spare his authority, nor his good
money or substance; so he concludes, praying God
to send him good speed." But all this fine train of
simony came too late, for it found a pope already
chosen.

His next letter upon that subject tells the King, collect.
" That after great heat in the conclave, the French
party was quite abandoned; and the cardinals were
fully resolved to choose Cardinal de Medici or him-
self: that this coming to the knowledge of the city of
Rome, they came to the conclave windows, and cried
out what danger it would be to choose a person that
was absent : so that the cardinals were in such fear,
that, though they were principally bent on him, yet,
to avoid this danger, they, by the inspiration of the
Holy Ghost (so he writes) did on the 19th of No-
vember choose Cardinal de Medici, who took the
name of Clement the Seventh ; of which good and
fortunate news, the King had great cause to thank
Almighty God ; since as he was his faithful friend,
so by his means he had attained that dignity : and
that for his own part he took God to record, that he
was much gladder than if it had fallen on his own
person." In these letters there is no reflection on the
Emperor, as having failed in his promise at the former
election : nor is that election any way imputed to him
but laid on a casualty ordinary enough in conclaves ;
and more natural in that time, because Pope Ha-
drian's severe way had so disgusted the Romans, that
no wonder if they broke out into disorders upon the
apprehension of another foreigner being like to suc-
ceed. If it is suspected, that though Wolsey knew
this was a practice of the Emperor's, he might dis-
guise it thus from the King, that so he might be less
suspected in the revenge that he was meditating,
the thing must be left as I find it ; only though the
Emperor afterwards charged Wolsey as acting upon
private revenge for missing the popedom, yet he
never pretended that he had moved himself in it,
or had studied to obtain a promise from him ; which
would have put that general charge of his aspiring,

02 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

and of his revenging himself for the disappointment,
more heavily on him.

King The King and the Cardinal continued in a good
correspondence both with that Pope and the Emperor
till the battle of Pavia, that Francis's misfortune
changed the face of affairs, and obliged the King,
according to his constant and true maxim, to sup-
port the weaker side, and to balance the Emperor's
growing power, that by that accident was like to be-
come quickly superior to all Christendom. It has
been suggested that the Emperor wrote before to
Wolsey in terms of respect, scarce suitable to his dig-
nity, but that he afterwards changed both his style
and subscription : but I have seen many of his let-
ters, to which the subscription is either your good
or your best friend : and he still continued that way
of writing. His letters are hardly legible, so that I
could never read one complete period in any of
them, otherwise I would have put them in my Col
lection.

Lord guj. naving looked thus far into Wolsey 's corre
spondence with the King, I shall now set him in an-
other light from a very good author, the Lord Burgh-
iev . wno jn fa^ memorial, prepared for Queen
Elizabeth, against favourites, probably intended to
give some stop to the favour she bore the Earl of
Leicester, has set out the greatness of Wolsey 's power,
and the ill use he made of it. " He had a family
equal to the court of a great prince. There was in it
one earl and nine barons, and about a thousand knights,
gentlemen, and inferior officers. Besides the vast ex-
pense of such a household, he gave great pensions
to those in the court and conclave of Rome ; by
whose services he hoped to be advanced to the papacy.
He lent great sums to the Emperor, whose poverty
was so well known, that he could have no prospect
of having them repaid ; (probably this is meant of
Maximilian.) Those constant expenses put him on
extraordinary ways of providing a fund for their con-
tinuance. He granted commissions under the great
seal, to oblige every man upon oath to give in the

PART III. BOOK I. 33

true value of his estate ; and that those who had fifty
pounds or upwards, should pay four shillings in the
pound. This was so heavy, that though it had been
imposed by authority of parliament, it would have
been thought an oppression of the subject ; but he
adds, that to have this done by the private authority
of a subject, was what wants a name. When this was
represented to the King, he disowned it ; and said,
no necessities of his should be ever so great, as to
make him attempt the raising money any other way
but by the people's consent in parliament. Thus his
illegal project was defeated ; so he betook himself to
another not so odious, by the way of benevolence :
and to carry that through, he sent for the Lord Mayor
and Aldermen of London, and said to them, that he
had prevailed with the King to recall his commissions
for that heavy tax, and to throw himself on their free
gifts. But in this he was likewise disappointed ; for
the statute of Richard the Third was pleaded against
all benevolences : the people obstinately refused to
pay it ; and though the demanding it was for some
time insisted on, yet the opposition made to it being
like to end in a civil war, it was let fall." All this
I drew from that memorial. I found also a commis- cou. u\,r.
sion to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Cal-
ham, and others, setting forth the great wars that the
King had in France, in which the Duke of Bourbon,
called one of the greatest princes in France, was now
the King's servant ; they are by it required to practise
with all in Kent, whose goods amounted to four
pounds, or above, and whose names were given to a
schedule to anticipate the subsidy granted in parlia-
ment. This is all that has occurred to me with re-
lation to Wolsey's ministry. I will in the next place
set out what he attempted or did in ecclesiastical mat-
ters, with the proceedings in convocation during this
period. When King Henry called his first parlia- woiseyv,
ment by a writ tested October 17, 1509, to meet at f^'
Westminster the 21st of January following, he did legal€-
not intend to demand a supply ; so there appears no
writ for a convocation : but the Archbishop of Can-

VOL. III. D

34 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

terbury summoned one, as it seems by his own autho-
rity : yet none sat then at York. The House of Lords
was sometimes adjourned by the Lord Treasurer ;
because the Chancellor (Warham) and other spiritual
lords were absent, and engaged in convocation : but
it does not appear what was done by them.
His inso- In the year 151 1, on the 28th of November, a writ
was sent to Warham to summon a convocation, which
met the 6th of February : they had several sessions,
and gave a subsidy of 24,000/. but did nothing be-
sides with relation to matters of religion. There was
some heat among them on the account of some
grievances and excesses in the Archbishop's courts.
A committee was appointed of six persons, the
Bishops of Norwich and Rochester, the Prior of
Canterbury, the Dean of St. Paul's, and an archdea-
con ; but without addition of his place : these were
to examine the encroachments made by the Arch-
bishop's courts, and the inhibitions sent to the inferior
courts : but especially as to the probates of wills, and
the granting administrations to intestate goods, when
there was any to the value of five pounds in several
dioceses : an estimate first settled by Warham, for
which he had officials and apparitors in every diocese,
three or four in some, and five or six in others, which
was looked on by them as contrary to law. Cardinal
Morton is said to be the first who set up this pre-
tence of prerogative: against these the bishops alleged
the constitutions of Ottobonus, and of Archbishop
Stratford : It is also set forth, that when Warham
was an advocate, he was employed by Hill, bishop of
London, in whose name he appeared against them,
and appealed to Pope Alexander against these in-
vasions made by the Archbishop on the rights of
his see. And when Warham was promoted to the
see of London, he maintained his claim against them,
and opposed them more than any other bishop of
the province, and sent his chancellor to Rome to
find relief against them. But when he was ad-
vanced to be archbishop, he not only maintained
those practices, but carried them further than his

PART III. BOOK I. 35

predecessor had done. All this, with thirteen other
articles of grievances, were drawn up at large in
the state of the case between the Archbishop and
the bishops ; and proposals were made of an accom-
modation between them about the year 1514 ; but the
event shewed that this opposition came to nothing.
This must be acknowledged to be none of the best part
of Warham's character. In the year 1514, they were
again summoned by writ; they met and gave sub-
sidies, but they were not to be levied till the terms of
paying the subsidies formerly granted were out. In
the year 1518, Warham summoned a convocation to
meet at Lambeth to reform some abuses ; and in the
summons he affirmed that he had obtained the King's
consent so to do. At this Wolsey was highly offended, R«g-
and wrote him a very haughty letter ; in it he said, BOOA.
" It belonged to him as legate a lattre, to see to the fol>37-
reformation of abuses : and he was well assured, that
the King would not have him to be so little esteemed,
that he should enterprise such reformation to the de-
rogation of the dignity of the see apostolic, and other-
wise than the law will suffer you, without my advice
and consent." And he in plain words denies that he
had any such command of the King, but that the 0
King's order was expressly to the contrary. So he
orders him to come to him, to treat of some things
concerning his person. This it seems Warham was
required to send round to his suffragan bishops : so
he recalled his monitions in expectation of a legatine
council : the pestilence was then raging, so this was
put off a year longer; and then Wolsey summoned it
by a letter, which he transmitted to the bishops :
that to the Bishop of Hereford is in his register. He
desires him to come to a council at Westminster for
the reforming the clergy, and ''for consulting in the
most convenient and soundest way, of what we shall fo1'41
think may tend to increase of the faith." He hoped
this letter would be of as much weight with him as

o

monitories in due form would be.

It appears not by any record I could ever hear of A iega
what was done in the legatine synod thus brought "

D 9

''

30 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

tog-ether, except by the register of Hereford, in which
we find that the Bishop summoned his clergy to meet
in a synod at the chapter-house, to consult about
certain affairs, and the articles delivered by Wolsey
as legate in a council of the provinces of Canter-
bury and York, to the bishops there assembled, to
be published by them. All that is mentioned in
this synod is concerning the habits of the clergy,
and the lives and manners of those who were to be
ordained : which the bishops caused to be explained
to them in English, and ordered them to be observed
4, by the clergy : and these being published, they pro-
ceeded to some heads relating to those articles ;
and he gave copies of all that passed in every one of
them.
i52.i. The next step he made was of a singular nature.

the cl-e When the King summoned the parliament in the four-
teenth year of his reign, Warham had a writ to sum-
mon a convocation of his province, which did meet
five days after, on the 20th of April. The Cardinal
summoned his convocation to meet at York, almost a
month before, on the 22d of March : but they were
immediately prorogued to meet at Westminster on
the 22d of April. The convocation of Canterbury
was opened at St. Paul's : but a monition came from
Wolsey to Warham, to appear before him, with his
clergy, at Westminster on the 22d ; and thus both
convocations were brought together. It seems he
intended that the legatine synod, thus irregularly
brought together, should give the King supplies : but
the clergy of the province of Canterbury said, their
powers were only directed to the Archbishop of Can-
terbury, and these would not warrant them to act in
any other manner than in the provincial way : so the
convocation of Canterbury returned back to St. Paul's,
and sat there till August, and gave the supply apart,

Reg. as did also that of York. But Wolsey, rinding those
of Canterbury could not act under him, by the powers
that they had brought up with them, issued out on
the 2d of May monitory letters to the bishops of that
province, to meet at Westminster the 8th of June, to

Hereford,
ful. 8-i.

Brit

PART III. BOOK I. 87

deliberate "of the reformation of the clergy, both of
seculars and regulars, and of other matters relating to
it." Jn this he mentions Warham's summoning a
convocation, which he had brought before him ; but
upon some doubts arising, because the proctors of the
clergy had no sufficient authority to meet in the lega-
tine synod, he therefore summoned them to meet with
him, and to bring sufficient powers to that effect by
the 2d of June : but it does not appear that any as-
sembly of the clergy followed pursuant to this : so it
seems it was let fall. This is the true account of that
matter. I gave it indeed differently before, impli-
citly following some writers that lived in that time :
more particularly that account given of it by either
Archbishop Parker, or Josceline, a book of such credit,
that the following it deserved no hard censure. The
grant of the subsidy is, indeed, in the name of the
province of Canterbury ; but the other relation of that
matter being too easily followed by me, it seemed to
me that it was a point of form, for each province to
give their subsidy in an instrument apart, though it
was agreed to, they being together in one body. It
was indeed an omission not to have explained that ;
but now, upon better evidence, the whole matter is
thus fully opened. I find no other proceedings of
Wolsev's as legate on record, save that he took on neg

v ^J rp

him, by his legatine authority, to give institutions at J
pleasure into all benefices in the dioceses of all
bishops, without so much as asking the bishop's con-
sent. In the register of London, an institution given
by him to South Wickington, on the 10th of Decem-
ber, 1526, is entered, with this addition, that the Car-
dinal had likewise given seven other institutions in
that diocese, without asking the consent of the bishop :
and on the margin it is added, that the giving and
accepting such institutions, by the Legate's authority,
being papal provisions, involved the clergy into the
prtmunire, from which they were obliged to redeem
themselves. Wolsey did also publish a bull, con-
demning all who married in the forbidden degrees ;
and he sent mandates to the bishops to publish it in

38 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

or t'16'r several dioceses; be also published Pope Leo's
. 66. bull against Luther, and ordered it to be every where
published : he also required all persons, under the
pain of excommunication, to bring in all Luther's
books that were in their hands : he enumerated forty-
two of Luther's errors ; and required a return of the
mandate to be made to him, together with such books
as should be brought in upon it, by the 1st of August.
The date of the mandate is not set down ; and this is
all that I find in this period relating to Wolsey.

This last shews the apprehensions they were under
of the spreading of Luther's books and doctrine. All
people were at this time so sensible of the corruptions
that seemed by common consent, to be as it were
universally received, that every motion towards a re-
formation was readily hearkened to every where : cor-
ruption was the common subject of complaint ; and
in the commission given to those whom the King sent
to represent himself and this church, in the council
of the Lateran, the " reformation of the head and
members," is mentioned as that which was expected
from that council.

coiet'3 This was so much at that time in all men's mouths,
that one of the best men in that age, Colet, dean of
gt> paul's being to open the convocation with a ser-

"

mon, made that the subject of it all; and he set forth
many of those particulars to which it ought to be
applied. It was delivered, as all such sermons are,
in Latin, and was soon after translated into English.
I intended once to have published it among the papers
that I did put in the Collection ; but those, under
whose direction I composed that work, thought that,
since, it did not enter into points of doctrine, but only
into matters of practice, it did not belong so properly
to my design in writing: yet since it has been of late
published twice, by a person distinguished by his
controversial writings on this subject, I will here give
of an a translation of all that he thought fit to publish of it.
TOBvooa- His text was, " Be ye not conformed to this world,
tion in j^t be ye transformed in the renewing- of your mind.'

both edi- IT111 i •. i

iion». lie told them, " he came thither that he might ad-

czuion

PART I. BOOK III. 39

monish them to apply their thoughts wholly to the
reformation of the church. He goes on thus: Most
of those who are dignitaries, carry themselves with a
haughty air and manner; so that they seem not to be
in the humble spirit of Christ's ministers, but in an
exalted state of dominion : not observing what Christ,
the pattern of humility, said to his disciples, whom
he set over his church, ' It shall not be so among you ;'
by which he taught them, that the government of the
church is a ministry ; and that primacy in a clergy-
man is nothing but an humble servitude.

" O covetousness ! From thee come those episcopal,
but chargeable visitations, the corruptions of courts,
and those new inventions daily set on foot, by which
the poor laity are devoured. O covetousness ! the mo-
ther of all wickedness; from thee springs the insolence
and boldness of officials, and that eagerness of all ordi-
naries in amplifyingtheir jurisdiction : from thee flows
that mad and furious contention about wills, and unsea-
sonable sequestrations ; and the superstitious observ-
ing of those laws that bring gain to them, while those
are neglected that relate to the correction of manners.

"The church is disgraced by the secular employ-
ments, in which many priests and bishops involve
themselves : they are the servants of men more than
of God; and dare neither say, nor do any thing, but
as they think it will be acceptable and pleasant to
their princes; out of this spring both ignorance and
blindness: for being blinded with the darkness of
this world, they only see earthly things.

" Therefore, O ye fathers, ye priests, and all ye
clergymen ! awaken at last out of the dreams of a le-
thargic world; and hearken to Paul, who calls upon
you, ' Be ye not conformed to this world.' This re-
formation and restoration of the ecclesiastical state
must begin at you, who are our fathers ; and from you
must come down to us your priests. We look on you as
the standards that must govern us ; we desire to read in
you and in your lives, as in living books, how we ought
to live : therefore, if you would see the motes that are
in our eyes, take the beams first out of your own.

40 BU UNIT'S REFORMATION.

"There is nothing amiss among us, for which there
are not good remedies set out by ancient fathers :
there is no need of making new laws and canons, but
only to observe those already made. Therefore, at
this your meeting, let the laws already made be re-
cited'. First, those that admonish you fathers, not to
lay hands suddenly on any : let the laws be recited
which appoint that ecclesiastical benefices should be
i>;iven to deserving persons, and that condemn simo-
niacal defilement. But, above all things, let those
laws be recited that relate to you, our reverend fathers,
the Lord's bishops, the laws of just and canonical
elections, after the invocation of the Holy Ghost.

" Because this is not done in our days, and bishops
are chosen rather by the favour of men than by the
will of God; we have sometimes bishops who are not
spiritual, but worldly rather than heavenly; and who
are led by the spirit of the world, rather than by the
Spirit of Christ. Let the laws be recited for bishops
residing in their dioceses. Last of all, let those laws
be recited for frequent councils, which appoint pro-
vincial councils to be more frequently called for the
reformation of the church; for nothing has happened
more mischievous to the church, than the not hold-
ing of councils, both general and provincial.

" I do therefore, with all due reverence, address
myself to you, O fathers ! for the execution of laws
must begin at you : if you observe the laws, and trans-
form your lives to the rules set by the canons, then
you shine so to us, that we may see what we ought
to do, when we have the light of excellent examples
set us by you : we, seeing you observe the laws, will
cheerfully follow your steps. Consider the miserable
face and state of the church, and set about the reform-
ing it with all your strength. Do not you, O fathers,
suffer this famous meeting to end in vain, and in do-
ing nothing : you do indeed meet often ; but (by your
favour suffer me to say what is true) what fruit has
the church yet had of all your meetings ? Go then
with that Spirit which you have prayed for, that, being
assisted by his aid, you may contrive, establish, and

PART III. BOOK I. 41

decree such things as may tend to the advantage of the
church, to your own honour, and to the glory of God."
This Colet had travelled through France and Italy,
and upon his return he settled for some time at Ox-
ford, where he read divinity lectures, without any
obligation or reward for it. His readings brought him

O ~

all the learned and studious persons in the University.
He read not according to the custom that prevailed
universally at that time, of commenting on Thomas
Aquinas, or on Scotus; but his readings were upon
St. Paul's Epistles. He was brought afterwards to
the deanery of St. Paul's, where old Fitz-James, then
bishop of London, was his enemy, but he was pro-
tected both by Warham and by the King himself. He
did in one of his sermons reflect on bosom-sermons,
which Fitz-James took as a reflection on himself, for
he read all his sermons. He did not recommend him-
self at court by strains of flattery : on the contrary,
he being to preach there, when the King was entering
on a war, preached on Christians fighting under the
banner of Christ, whom they ought to make their pat-
tern in all the occasions of quarrel that they might
have, rather than imitate a Csesar, or an Alexander.
After sermon the King sent for him, and told him, he
thought such preaching would dishearten his military
men; but Colet explained himself so, that the Kino-
was well satisfied with him, and said, "Let every man
choose what doctor he pleased, Colet should be his
doctor." He died in the year 1519.

It seems this sermon was preached in the year 1513,
though it is printed as preached in the 1511; for the
mention that he made in it of the immunities of the
clergy, and of those words "touch not mine anointed,"
seems to relate to the opposition that the clergy made
to the act that passed in parliament in the year 1512,
against the immunity of the inferior orders of the
clergy. It is true, in the translation I have given,
there are no such words ; but I find them in the re-
flections that I made on that sermon, when I intended
to have printed it : so I took it for granted that the
sermon was not fully printed in the book, out of which

41 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

I was forced to make my translation ; the copy that I
had of it being mislaid, or lost. It had been but a
reasonable thing for that writer, either to have printed
the whole sermon, or to have told the reader, that
only some passages were taken out of it, since the title
given to it would make him think it was all printed.
I could not find either the Latin sermon, or the Eng-
lish translation of it, that was printed near that time:
and I cannot entirely depend on a late impression of
the English translation ; yet I will add some few pas-
sages out of it, which deserved to be published by
him that picked out a few with some particular view
that it seems he had. Before the first period printed
by him he has these words:

" How much greediness and appetite of honour
and dignity is seen now-a-days in clergymen ! How
run they, yea almost out of breath, from one benefice
to another, from the less to the greater, from the lower
to the higher ! Who seeth not this; and who, seeing,
sorroweth not ?"

Before the next period, these words are to be found :
" What other things seek we now-a-days in the church,
but fat benefices and high promotions ? And it were
well if we minded the duty of those, when we have
them. But he that hath many great benefices minds
not the office of any small one. And in these our high
promotions, what other things do we pass upon, but
only our tithes and rents ? We care not how vast our
charge of souls be ; how many or how great bene-
fices we take, so they be of large value."

In the next period, these remarkable words are
omitted : " Our warfare is to pray devoutly ; to read
and study Scriptures diligently ; to preach the word
of God sincerely ; to administer holy sacraments
rightly ; and to offer sacrifices for the people."

A little before the next period, he has these words:
" In this age we are sensible of the contradiction of
lay people; but they are not so much contrary to us,
as we are to ourselves. Their contrarines hurteth not
us so much, as the contrarines of our own evil life,
which is contrary both to God and to Christ."

PART III. BOOK I. 43

After Colet had mentioned that of laying hands
suddenly on none, he adds, " Here lies the original
and spring-head of all our mischiefs : that the gate of
ordination is too broad ; the entrance too wide and
open. Every man that offers himself is admitted every
where, without putting back. Hence it is that we have
such a multitude of priests, that have little learning
and less piety. In my judgment it is not enough for
a priest to construe a collect, to put forth a question,
to answer a sophism ; but an honest, a pure, and a
holy life, is much more necessary : approved manners,
competent learning in Holy Scriptures, some know-
ledge of the sacraments ; but chiefly above all things,
the fear of God, and love of heavenly life."

A little after this, " Let the canons be rehearsed
that command personal residence of curates (rectors)
in their churches: for of this many evils grow, because
all offices now-a-days are performed by vicars and
parish priests ; yea, and these foolish and unmeet,
oftentimes wicked/'

At some distance from this, but to the same purpose,
he adds, " You might first sow your spiritual things,
and then ye shall reap plentifully their carnal things.
For truly that man is very hard and unjust, who will
reap where he never did sow, and desires to gather
where he never scattered."

These passages seemed proper to be added to the
former, as setting forth the abuses and disorders that
were then in this church. I wish I could add that
they are now quite purged out, and appear no more
among us. Colet was a particular friend of Erasmus,
as appears by many very kind letters that passed be-
tween them.

To this account of the sense that Colet had of the sir
state of religion at that time, I will add an account of
Sir Thomas More's thoughts of religion. Those of noug
the church of Rome look on him as one of their glo- ^ hil
ries, the champion of their cause, and their martyr. Utopia-
He in this period wrote his Utopia ; the first edition
that I could ever see of it, was at Basil, in the year
for he wrote it in the year 1516; at which

tc
of

my trans-

41 BUKNET'S REFORMATION.

time it may be believed that he dressed up that inge-
nious fable according to his own notions. He wrote
that book probably before he had heard of Luther ;
the W'icklevites and the Lollards being the only he-
retics then known in England. In that short, but
extraordinary book, he gave his mind full scope, and
considered mankind and religion with the freedom
that became a true philosopher. By many hints, it is
very easy to collect what his thoughts were of reli-
gion, of the constitutions of the church, and of the
clergy at that time : and therefore, though an observ-
ing reader will find these in his way, yet, having read
it with great attention, when I translated it into
English, I will lay together such passages as give
clear indications of the sense he had of those matters.
There- Page the 21st, when he censures the enclosing of
grounds, he ranks those holy men the abbots, among
taose » wno thought it not enough to live at their own

o i i i • i 11

ease, and to do no good to the public, but resolved
to do it hurt instead of good ;" which shews that he
called them holy men in derision. This is yet more
fully set forth in page 37, where he brings in Car-
dinal Morton's jester's advice to send all the beggars
to the Benedictines to be lay-brothers, and all the
female beggars to be nuns, reckoning the friars as
vagabonds that ought to be taken up and restrained ;
and the discourse that follows for two or three pages,
gives such a ridiculous view of the want of breeding,
of the folly and ill nature of the friars, that they have
taken care to strike it out of the later impressions.
But as I did find it in the impression which I trans-
lated, so I have copied it all from the first edition,
and have put in the Collection that which the inqui-
g-tors |iave jeft Qut From thence it is plain what
opinion he had of those who were the most eminent
divines and the most famed preachers at that time.
This is yet plainer page 56, in which he taxes the
preachers of that age for " corrupting the Christian
doctrine, and practising upon it: for they, observing
that the world did not suit their lives to the rules that
Christ has given, have fitted his doctrine as if it had

10.

PA Hi 111. BOOK T. 45

been a leaden rule to their lives, that some way or
other they might agree with one another." And he
does not soften this severe censure, as if it had been
only the fault of a few ; but lets it go on them all,
without any discrimination or limitation.

Page 83, he taxes the great company of idle priests,
and of those that are called religious persons, that
were in other nations ; against which he tells us in
his last chapter how carefully the Utopians had pro-
vided : but it appears there, what just esteem he paid
to men of that character, when they answered the dig-
nity of their profession: for as he contracts the number
of the priests in Utopia, page 180, so he exalts their
dignity as high as so noble a function could deserve:
yet he represents the Utopians, " as allowing them to
marry," page 114 ; and page 130, he exalts " a solid
virtue much above all rigorous severities," which were
the most admired expressions of piety and devotion
in that age. He gives a perfect scheme of religious
men, so much beyond the monastic orders, that it
shews he was no admirer of them.

Page 152, he commends the Europeans for " ob-
serving their leagues and treaties so religiously ; and
ascribes that to the good examples that popes set other
princes, and to the severity with which they prose-
cuted such as were perfidious." This looks like re-
spect ; but he means it all ironically : for he who had
seen the reigns of Pope Alexander the Sixth and
Julius the Second, the two falsest and most perfidious
persons of the age, could not say this, but in the way
of satire; so that he secretly accuses both popes and
princes for violating their faith, to which they were
induced by dispensations from Rome. Page 192,
" his putting images out of the churches of the
Utopians," gives no obscure hint of his opinion in that
matter. The opinion, page 175, that he proposes,
doubtfully indeed, but yet favourably, of the first
converts to Christianity in Utopia, who (there being
no priests among those who instructed them) were
inclined to choose priests that should officiate among
them, since they could not have any that were regu-

40 BURNKT'S REFORMATION.

larly ordained ; adding, that they seemed resolved to
do it: this shews that in cases of necessity he had a
largeness of thought, far from being engaged blind-
fold into the humours or interests of the priests of that
time ; to whom this must have appeared one of the
most dangerous of all heresies.

And whereas persecution and cruelty seem to be
the indelible characters of popery ; he, as he gives us
the character of the religion of the Utopians, " that
they offered not Divine honours to any but to God
alone," p. 173; so, p. 177, he makes it one of the
maxims of the Utopians, " that no man ought to be
punished for his religion;" the utmost severity prac-
tised among them being banishment, and that not for
disparaging their religion, but for inflaming the people
to sedition : a law being made among them, that
" every man might be of what religion he pleased,"
p. 191. And though there were many different forms
of religion among them, yet they all agreed in the
main point of " worshipping the Divine Essence ; so
that there was nothing in their temples, in which the
several persuasions among them might not agree."

" The several sects performed the rites that were
peculiar to them in their private houses; nor was there
any thing in the public worship that contradicted the
particular ways of the several sects ;" by all which he
carried not only toleration, but even comprehension
further than the most moderate of our divines have
ever pretended to do. It is true, he represents all this
in a fable of his Utopians ; but this was a scene dressed
up by himself, in which he was fully at liberty to frame
every thing at pleasure ; so here we find in this a
scheme of some of the most essential parts of the Re-
formation. " He proposes no subjection of their priests
to any head ; he makes them to be chosen by the peo-
ple, and consecrated by the college of priests ; and he
gives them no other authority but that of excluding
men that were desperately wicked from joining in their
worship, which was short and simple : and though
every man was suffered to bring over others to his
persuasion, yet he was obliged to do it by amicable

PART III. BOOK 1. 47

and modest ways, and not to mix with these either
reproaches or violence : such as did other wise were to
be condemned to banishment or slavery."

These were his first and coolest thoughts; and
probably, if he had died at that time, he would have
been reckoned among those, who, though they lived in
the communion of the church of Rome, yet saw what
were the errors and corruptions of that body, and only
wanted fit opportunities of declaring themselves more
openly for a reformation. These things were not writ
by him in the heat of youth ; he was then thirty-four
years of age, and was at that time employed, together
with Tonstal, in settling some matters of state with
(the then Prince) Charles; so that he was far advanced
at that time, and knew the world well. It is not easy
to account for the great change that we find afterwards
he was wrought up to : he not only set himself to op-
pose the Reformation in many treatises, that, put to-
gether, make a great volume : but when he was raised
up to the chief post in the ministry, he became a per-
secutor even to blood ; and defiled those hands, which
were never polluted with bribes, by acting in his own
person some of those cruelties, to which he was, no
doubt, pushed on by the bloody clergy of that age
and church.

He was not governed by interest; nor did he aspire
.so to preferment, as to stick at nothing that might con-
tribute to raise him ; nor was he subject to the vani-
ties of popularity. The integrity of his whole life,
and the severity of his morals, cover him from all these
suspicions. If he had been formerly corrupted by a
superstitious education, it had been no extraordinary
thing to see so good a man go to be misled by the
force of prejudice. But how a man who had eman-
cipated himself, and had got into a scheme of free
thoughts, could be so entirely changed, cannot be
easily apprehended ; nor how he came to muffle up
his understanding, and deliver himself up as a pro-
perty to the blind and enraged fury of the priests. It
cannot indeed be accounted for, but by charging it
on the intoxicating charms of that religion, that can

°''

48 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

darken the clearest understandings, and corrupt the
best natures: and since they wrought this effect on
Sir Thomas More, I cannot but conclude, that " if
these things were done in the green tree, what shall
be done in the dry?"

His friend Tonstal was made bishop of London

fo°'T!' by the Pope's provision ; but it was upon the King's
recommendation signified by Hannibal, then his
ambassador at Rome. Tonstal was sent ambassador
to Spain, when Francis was a prisoner there. That
King grew, as may be easily believed, impatient
to be so long detained in prison : and that began to
have such effects on his health, that the Emperor, fear-
ing it might end in his death, which would both lose
the benefit he had from having him in his hands, and
lay a heavy load on him through all Europe, was in-
duced to hearken to a treaty, which he pretended he
concluded chiefly in consideration of the King's me-
diation. The treaty was made at Madrid, much to
the Emperor's advantage : but because he would not
trust to the faith of the treaty, Francis was obliged to
bring his two sons as hostages, for the observance of
it. So he had his liberty upon that exchange : soon
after he came back to France, and then the Pope sent
him an absolution in full form, from the faith and
obligation of the treaty. It seems his conscience re-
proached him for breaking so solemn an engagement,
but that was healed by the dispensation from Rome :
of which the original was sent over to the King ; per-

i;*mer. haps only to be shewed the King, who upon that kept
it still in his secret treasure ; where Rymer found it.
The reason insinuated in it is, the King's being bound
by it to alienate some dominions that belonged to the
crown of France. For he had not yet learned a secret,
discovered, or at least practised since that time, of
princes declaring themselves free from the obligations
of their treaties, and departing from them at their
pleasure.

MSS.

PART III. BOOK II. 49

BOOK II.

OF MATTERS THAT HAPPENED DURING THE TIME COMPRE-
HENDED IN THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE
REFORMATION.

WILL repeat nothing set forth in my former work, 1525.
but suppose that my reader remembers how Charles
the Fifth had sworn to marry the King's daughter,
when she should be of age, under pain of excommu-
nication, and the forfeiture of 100, OOO/. : yet, when
his match with Portugal was thought more for the
interests of the crown, he sent over to the King, and
desired a discharge of that promise. It has been said,
and printed by one who lived in the time, and out of
him by the Lord Herbert, that objections were made
to this in Spain, on the account of the doubtfulness
of her mother's marriage. From such authors I took Amoiig
this too easily ; but in a collection of original instruc-
tions, I have seen that matter in a truer light.

Lee, afterwards archbishop of York, was sent am- Many
bassador to Spain, to solicit the setting Francis at ™',
liberty ; and, in reckoning up the King's merits on
the Emperor, his instructions mention, " the King's
late discharge of the Emperor's obligation to marry his
dearest daughter, the Princess Mary; whom, though
his grace could have found in his heart to have be-
stowed upon the Emperor, before any prince living,
yet, for the more security of his succession, the further-
ance of his other affairs, and to do unto him a gratuity,
his grace hath liberally, benevolently, and kindly con-
descended unto it." There are other letters of the
12th of August, but the year is not added, which set
forth the Emperor's earnest desire to be with all pos-
sible diligence discharged of his obligation to marry
the Princess. At first the King thought fit to delay
the granting it, till a general peace was fully conclud-
ed, since it had been agreed to by the treaty at
Windsor ; but soon after, a discharge in full form
under the great seal, was sent over by an express to

VOL. in. E

na.bassa-
rs i-i

50 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Spain : but from some hints in other papers, it seems
there were secret orders not to deliver it : and Kino-

^5

Henry continued to claim the money due upon the
forfeiture, as a debt still owing him. The peace was
then treated, chiefly with a view to resist the Turk,
and to repress heresy, that was then much spread
both through Germany and Poland.

Another original letter was writ after Francis was
at liberty, setting forth " that the nobles and courts in
France would not confirm the treaty that Francis had
signed to obtain his liberty ; and therefore earnest
persuasions were to be used to prevail with the Em-
peror to restore the hostages, and to come into rea-
sonable terms, to maintain the peace, and to call his
army out of Italy." By these it appears, that the
league against the Emperor was then made, of which
the King was declared the Protector ; but the King
had not then accepted of that title. He ordered his
ambassadors to propose a million of crowns for re-
deeming the hostages, to be paid at different times ;
yet they were forbid to own to the Emperor, that if
the offices, in which the King interposed, were not
effectual, he would enter into the league.

~

There are in that collection some of Wolsey's let-
ters; by one of the 17th of July he claims his pen-
sions of 7500 ducats, upon the bishopricks of Palentia
and Toledo ; besides 9000 crowns a year, in recom-
pence for his parting with the bishoprick of Tournay,
and the abbey of St. Martin's there ; for which there
was an arrear of four years due. On the 29th of
September, he wrote over a severe charge, to be laid
before the Emperor, for the sack of Rome, the indig-
nities put on the person of the Pope, the spoiling the
church of St. Peter, and other churches, and the ig-
nominious treating the ornaments of them : all the
blame was cast on the Cardinal Colonna and Hugo
de Moncada, they being persuaded that it was done
without the Emperor's knowledge or order. He pro-
poses the King to be mediator, as a thing agreed on
by all sides : he uses in this that bold way of joining
himself with the King, very often saying, " the King

PART III. BOOK II. 51

and I." And on the 20th of October, he presses with
great earnestness the mediating a peace between
France and the Emperor; in all which nothing ap-
pears, either partial or revengeful, against the Empe-
ror. The true interest of England seems to be pur-
sued in that whole negotiation.

There was then in the Emperor's court a very full
embassy from England ; for in one or other of these
letters, mention is made of the Bishops of London,
Worcester, and of Bath ; of Dr. Lee and Sir Francis
Bryan. But since the dismal fate of Rome and of
Pope Clement is mentioned in these letters, I must
now change the scene.

Pope Clement, as soon as he could after his impri- collect.
sonment, wrote over to Wolsey an account of the mi- ifcTwJ
serable state he was in, which he sent over by Sir of Reme
Gregory Cassali, who saw it all, and so could give a
full account of it. " The Pope's only comfort and
hope was in Wolsey's credit with the King, and in
the King's own piety towards the church and himself,
now so sadly oppressed, that he had no other hope
but in the protection he expected from him." There
were many other letters written by the cardinals, set-
ting forth the miseries they were in, and that in the
most doleful strains possible ; all their eyes being then
towards the King, as the person on whose protection
they chiefly depended. Upon this Wolsey went over to
France in a most splendid manner, with a prodigious
and magnificent train, reckoned to consist of a thou-
sand persons ; and he had the most unusual honours
done him, that the court of France could invent to
flatter his vanity. He was to conclude a treaty with
Francis, for setting the Pope at liberty, and to deter-
mine the alternative of the marriage of the Princess
Mary, either to the King of France, or to the Duke
of Orleans, his second son, and to lay a scheme for
a general peace. He came to Compiegne in the end
of September, and from thence he wrote the first
motion that was made about the divorce to the Pope : Serl "»•
for the first letter that I found relating to that matter,
begins with mentioning that which he wrote from

E 2

torn. :t.

52 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Compiegne. Mr. Le Grand told me, he had seen that
dispatch, but he has not printed it.

Grand. From that place, Wolsey, with four cardinals, wrote
to the Pope, " setting forth the sense that they had of
the calamity that he was in, and their zeal for his
service, in which they hoped for good success : yet
for a fun fearing lest the Emperor should take occasion from
fi^ta his imprisonment to seize on the territories of the
church, and to force both him to confirm it, and the
cardinals now imprisoned with him to ratify it, which
they hoped neither he nor they would do ; yet, if
human infirmity should so far prevail, they protested
against all such alienations : they also declare, that
if he should die, they would proceed to a new elec-
tion, and have no regard to any election, to which the
imprisoned cardinals might be forced. In conclusion,
they do earnestly pray, that the Pope would grant
them a full deputation of his authority; in the use of
which they promise all zeal and fidelity ; and that,
they would invite all the other cardinals that were at
liberty, to come and concur with them." This was
signed by Wolsey, and by the Cardinals of Bourbon,
collect. ^ Salviati, Lorrain, and Cardinal Prat. Wolsey wrote
' to the King, expressing the concern he had for him,
with relation to his great and secret affair ; it seems
expecting a general meeting of cardinals that was to
be called too-ether in France, which he reckoned

o *

would concur to the process that he intended to make;
but apprehending that the Queen might decline his
jurisdiction, he would use all his endeavours to bring
the King of France to agree to the Emperor's demands,
as far as was reasonable ; hoping the Emperor would
abate somewhat, in consideration of the King's me-
diation ; but if that did not succeed, so that the Pope
was still kept a prisoner, then the cardinals must be
brought to meet at Avignon, and thither he intended
to go, and to spare no trouble or charge in doing the
King service. When he was at Avignon, he should
be within a hundred miles of Perpignan ; and he
would try to bring the Emperor, and the French
King's mother thither, if the King approved of it, to

PART III. BOOK 11. 53

treat for the Pope's deliverance, and for a general
peace. This is the substance of the minute of a letter
writ in the Cardinal's hand.

The King at this time intended to send Knight, then Knight
secretary of state, to Rome, in point of form to con- R°^°
dole with the Pope, and to prevent any application
that the Queen might make by the Emperor's means
in his great matter : so he appointed the Cardinal to
give him such commissions and instructions as should
seem requisite, with all diligence ; and he pressed Nutub l3
the Cardinal's return home, with great acknowledg-
ments of the services he had done him. By this letter
it appears, that the Queen then understood somewhat
of the King's uneasiness in his marriage. The King
of France sent from Compiegne a great deputation,
at the head of which Montmorency, then the great
master, was put, to take the King's oath, confirm-
ing the treaties that Wolsey had made in his name :
one in the commission was Bellay, then bishop of
Bayonne, afterward of Paris, and Cardinal.

When that was done, the King's matter, that had
been hitherto more secretly managed, began to break
out. Mr. Le Grand has published a letter that Pace
wrote to the King, as he says, in the year 1 526 ; but
no date is added to the letter. The substance of it ^s
is, " that the letter and book which was brought to divurce.
the King the day before, was writ by him ; but by the nZb 'i.
advice and help of Doctor Wakefield, who approved
it, and was ready to defend every thing in it, either
in a verbal disputation, or in writing. The King had
told him, that some of his learned counsellors had
written to him, that Deuteronomy abrogated Levi-
ticus; but that was certainly false: for the title of
that book in Hebrew was the two first words of it: it
is acompend and recapitulation of the Mosaical law;
and that was all that was imported by the word Deu
teronomy. He tells the King, that, after he left him,
Wakefield prayed him to let him know, if the King
desired to know the truth in that matter, whether it
stood for him or against him. To whom Pace an-
swered, that the King desired nothing but what be-

IT

54 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

came a noble and a virtuous prince; so he would do
him a most acceptable thing, if he would set the plain
truth before him. After that, Wakefield said, he
would not meddle in the matter, unless he were com-
manded by the King to do it ; but that when he re-
ceived his commands, he would set forth such things
both for and against him, that no other person in his
kingdom could do the like." The letter is dated from
Sion, but I have reason to believe it was written in
the year 1527 ; for this Wakefield (who seems to have
been the first person of this nation that was learned in
the oriental tongues, not only in the Hebrew, the
Chaldaic, and the Syriac, but in the Arabic) wrote a
book for the divorce: he was at first against it, before
he knew that Prince Arthur's marriage with Queen
Katherine was consummated : but when he under-
stood what grounds there were to believe that was
done, he changed his- mind, and wrote a book on the
subject: and in his own book, he with his own hand
inserts the copy of his letter to King Henry, dated
from Sion, 1527 ; which it seems was written at the
same time that Pace wrote his ; for these are his
words (as the author of Ath. Oxon. relates, who says
he saw it), " He will defend his cause or question in
all the universities of Christendom :" but adds, " that
if the people should know that he, who began to de-
fend the Queen's cause, not knowing that she was
carnally known of Prince Arthur, his brother, should
now write against it, surely he should be stoned of
them to death, or else have such a slander and obloquy
raised upon him, that he would die a thousand times
rather than suffer it."

Rosier He was prevailed on to print his book in Latin,
" with a Hebrew title ; in which he undertook to prove,
that the marrying the brother's wife, she being car-
nally known of him, was contrary to the decrees of
holy church, utterly unlawful, and forbidden both by
the law of nature, and the law of God, the laws of
the gospel, and the customs of the catholic and or-
thodox church.

It appears from the letters writ in answer to those

PART III. BOOK II. 55

that Knight carried to Rome, that the Pope granted 15C8-
all that was desired. This was never well understood sem'to
till Mr. Rymer, in his diligent search, found the first JS
original bull, with the seal in lead hanging to it : he themar

^5 ^^ ^2 ri3.!Tf*

has printed it in his 14th volume, p. 237. and there-
fore I shall only give a short abstract of it. It is
directed to Cardinal Wolsey, and bears date the Ides
of April, or the 13th day, in the year 1528. "It em-
powers him, together with the Archbishop of Can-
terbury, or any other English bishop, to hear, examine,
pronounce, and declare concerning the validity of the
marriage of King Henry and Queen Katherine, and
of the efficacy and validity of all apostolical dispen-
sations in that matter, and to declare the marriage
just and lawful, or unjust and unlawful, and to give
a plenary sentence upon the whole matter ; with li-
cense to the parties to marry again, and to admit no
appeal from them. For which end he creates Wolsey
his vicegerent, to do in the premises all that he him-
self could do, with power to declare the issue of the
first as well as of any subsequent marriage legitimate:
all concluded with a non obstantc to all general coun-
cils and apostolical constitutions."

This rare discovery was to us all a great surprise, it
as soon as it was known : but it does not yet ap-
pear how it came about that no use was ever made
of it. I am not lawyer enough to discover whether
it was that so full a deputation was thought null
of itself; since by this the Pope determined nothing,
but left all to Wolsey ; or whether Wolsey, having
no mind to carry the load of the judgment on him-
self, made the King apprehend that it would bring
a disreputation on his cause, if none but his own
subjects judged it ; or whether it was that Wolsey
would not act in conjunction with Warham, or any
under the degree of a cardinal. I leave the rea-
sons of their not making use of the bull as a secret,
as great as the bull itself was, till it was found out bv
Rymer. Another bull was after that desired and
obtained, which bears date the 8th of June (6to idus)
from Vite.rbo. This I take from the license granted

was

QOt

use of.

56 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

under the great seal to the legates to execute the
commission of that date ; but it seems they did not
think they had the Pope fast enough tied by this : and
therefore they obtained from him, on the 23d of July
following, a solemn promise, called in their letters
pollidtatiOj by which he promised, in the word of a
Pope, that he would never, neither at any persons
desire, nor of his own motion, inhibit or revoke the
commission he had granted to the legates to judge
the matter of the King's marriage. This I did not
publish in my former work, because the Lord Herbert
had published it : but since that history is like to be
confined to our own nation, and this may probably
go further, I put it in the Collection : and the rather,
because the Lord Herbert, taking it from a copy as
I do, seems in some doubt concerning it : but proba-
bly he had not seen the letter that Wolsey wrote to
Gardiner, in which he mentions the pollicitation, that
he had in his hands, with several other letters that
mention it very frequently. The copy that I publish
collect, was taken from a transcript attested by a notary,
Jsumb-13- which is the reason of the oddness of the subscription.
ihebi- In the mean time Warham called such bishops as
were in town to him, and proposed to them the King's
scruples '•> which being weighed by them, a writing-
was drawn up to this purpose : that having heard
the grounds of the King's scruples, relating to his
marriage, they all made this answer, that the causes
which gave the King the present agitation, and dis-
turbance of conscience, were great and weighty ; and
that it did seem necessary to them all, for him to
consult the judgment of their holy father the Pope in
15*9. that matter. This was signed by Warham, Tonstal,
Fisher, and the Bishops of Carlisle, Ely, St. Asaph,
Lincoln, and Bath, on the 1st of July, 1529. And I
incline to think, that this was the paper of which Ca-
vendish, whom I followed too implicitly in my former
work, gave a wrong account, as brought out when the
legates were sitting on the King's cause. There is no
reason to doubt of Fisher's signing this ; and Caven-
dish who wrote upon memory almost thirty years after,

PART III. BOOK II. 57

might be mistaken in the story ; for the false account
that he gives of the battle of Pavia shews how little
he is to be depended on. At this time the Pope in
a letter to Wolsey offered to go in person to Spain,
or to any place where an interview should be agreed
on, to mediate a general peace. This Wolsey wrote cotton,
over to the King's ambassadors at Rome, on the 19th "tdi.
of December ; and in the same letter he orders them B- "•
to offer the guard to the Pope in the name of the two
Kings ; and adds, that Turenne should command
that part of it which was to have their pay sent from
France, and Sir Gregory Cassali that which the King
was to pay.

In prosecuting the history of the divorce, I must
add a great deal out of some French authors. Bel-
lay, the Sieur de Langey, has writ memoirs of that
time with great judgment, and very sincerely. I find
also many letters relating to those transactions both
in the Melanges Historiques, and in Le Grand's third
tome. These I shall follow in the series in which
things were transacted, which will be found to give

<j * £5

no small confirmation, as well as large additions to
what I formerly published in my history. The first
of these was much employed in embassies, and was
well informed of the affairs of England, both his bro-
thers being at different times employed to negotiate
affairs in that court. John in particular, then bishop
of Bayonne, afterwards of Paris ; and Cardinal Le Page se
Grand, as Lord Herbert had done before, has given
the relation of the answer that the Emperor gave by
word of mouth, and afterwards in writing, to Claren-
cieux, when he came with a French King at arms to
denounce war in the name of the two Kings to the
Emperor.

Demand was made of great debts, that the Emperor Jan. c7,
owed the King ; among these, the sum forfeited for
his not marrying the Princess Mary is one. To that
the Emperor answered, that before he was married, '
he required the King to send her to him, which was *"
not done : and by letters that he intercepted, he saw Kine hy
that the King was treating a marriage for her with "

15C8.

The Em-
peror's
answer
the

58 BURNETS REFORMATION.

the King of Scotland, long before the Emperor was
married. It was farther said to that herald, that a
report went current, that the King designed a divorce,
and upon that to marry another wife. " The Em-
peror said, he had in his hands ample dispensations
for the marriage ; nor could the King go on in that
design, without striking at the Pope's authority ;
which would give great scandal, and occasion much
disturbance, and give the Emperor just cause of war.
This would shew what faith, what religion, what con-
science, and what 'honour the King had before his
eyes. He had offered his daughter to him in mar-
riage, and was now going to get her declared a
bastard : he ascribed all this to the ill offices done by
the Cardinal of York, who was pushed on by his am-
bition and avarice, because he would not order his
army in Italy to force the electing him to the pope-
dom; which, he said, both the King and the Cardinal
desired of him in letters that they wrote to him on
that occasion : and, because he had not in that satisfied
his pride, he had boasted that he would so embroil the
Emperor's affairs, though England should be ruined
by it, that he should repent his using him so." This
seems to be much aggravated; for it may be easily
supposed, that the King and Wolsey might, in the
letters that they wrote to the Emperor at the last
conclave, desire him to order his troops to draw near
Rome, to keep all quiet, till, if he was chosen, he
might get thither. Yet it is not probable, that they
could desire so barefaced a thing as the Emperor
here fastened on them. He in that, perhaps, was no
truer, than when he said he had in his hands ample
dispensations for the King's marriage; though it
appears these were forged ; for the date of the breve
being the same with the bull, both bearing date the
26th of December 1503, it was plainly false. For
Rymer has printed one attestation from Rome, that
the year in the breves begins on Christmas-day ;
so if it had been a true piece, it must have had the
date of 1504. He has likewise published an authentic
attestation, signed by the Cardinal Chamberlain, that

ro

PART III. BOOK II. 59

in the register of the breves, there was none to be
found relating to the King's dispensation for his mar-
riage, but one dated the 6th of July 1504, and an-
other the 22d of February 1 505

The Bishop of Bayonne made a bold proposition i* Graud,
to Wolsey : he thought it might be a proper method
to engage the Pope to depose the Emperor for such
enormous felony as he had committed against him;
which would secure that see from all such attempts the°E
for the future. The Cardinal, after a little reflection peror-
on it, swore to him that he would pursue that thought;
but, it seems, it was let fall.

When Gardiner and Fox were sent to Rome, they
passed through France, with letters from Wolsey to
Montmorency for his assisting them. It seems the
people were expressing their uneasiness upon these
steps made in order to the divorce ; of which the
Bishop of Bayonne wrote to the court of France ;
which was, upon his letters, so talked of at Paris, that
Wolsey reprimanded him for it ; though in his own
excuse he writes, that the Bishop of Bath had said it
more openly, than he had written it.

On the 8th of June, it seems, matters went not well
at Rome ; for Wolsey complained to the Bishop of p
Bayonne of the Pope, for not doing them justice; who
had served him so well, both before his advancement,
and ever since. They also apprehended, that Cam-
pegio, then named to come over as legate, who was
subject to the gout, would by that pretence manage
matters so as to keep them long in suspense.

At that time the sweating-sickness raged so, that ^ Grand,
the court was in dread of it. It broke out in the
Legate's house ; some died of it : he upon that stole
away privately, without giving notice whither he went.
The King made his last will, and received all the
sacraments : he confessed himself every day, and re-
ceived the sacrament every holy-day. The Queen
did the same ; and so did Wolsey.

In another letter, without date, Bayonne gives an
account of a free conference he had with Wolsey; who f'
told him, "he had done many things against the opi-

GO BURNET'S REFORMATION.

nion of all England ; upon which, many took occasion
to reproach him, as being wholly French ; so he must
proceed warily : the French would feel their loss, if
his credit were lessened ; therefore it was necessary
that the Bishop should make the King and his council
here apprehend, that this alliance was not to their
prejudice. The King had of late (as Bayonne had from
good hands) said some terrible words to the Cardinal,
apprehending that he was cold in his matter. Wolsey
said to him, that if God gave him the grace once to
see the hatred of the two nations extinguished, and a
firm friendship settled between the two Kings ; and
that he could get the laws and customs of the nation
a little changed, the succession secured, and, upon the
King's second marriage, an heir male born, he would
immediately retire, and serve God all the rest of his
life." Here were many things to be done before his
retirement : yet the Bishop did believe he indeed in-
tended, upon the first good occasion, to retire from all
affairs ; for he could not but see, that his credit must
lessen upon the King's second marriage. He was also
making haste to furnish his episcopal palaces, and to
finish his colleges ; and he seemed to him to prepare
for a storm. Gardiner was at this time advancing the
King's business all that was possible at Rome. I did,
in my second volume, publish among the records a
vol. «. letter of his that was written in April after his coming
Nu^se! to Rome. The substance of it is, " He had acquainted
P-S9T* the Pope with the secret message that the princes of
Germany had sent the King, to see if that would work
on his fears ; for he says, the Pope was a man of such
a nature, that he is never resolved in any thing, but
as he is compelled by some violent affection. He
assures the King the Pope will do nothing that may
offend the Emperor ; nor was it reasonable for him to
do it, except he would remove his see to some other
place : for while he was at Rome he was in the Empe-
ror's power. By his words and manner, the Pope
seemed to favour the King ; but he was confident he
would do nothing. He believed if the cause were
determined by the legates, they at Rome would be glad

PART III. BOOK II. 61

of it : and if the Emperor should begin a suit against
that, they would serve him, as they now did the King,
and drive off the time by delays : so he put the King
on getting Campegio to judge for him, which should
be a short work ; and he assures him nothing was to
be expected from Rome but delays. They had put
the King's cause, if it should be brought to Rome, in

o * o

the hands of two advocates, (the same that pleaded
for the King afterwards in the excusatory plea.) The
Pope would hear no disputation about his power of
dispensing; but, so the Pope did not decide upon that
ground, he would not care whether the King's cause
were decided upon it, or not : and he believed the
Pope was resolved to meddle no more in the King's
matter, but to leave it with the legates. He desired
his letter might not be shewed to either of the legates.
With that bearer he sent over the Pope's promise, in
which he had got some words to be put, that he
thought favoured the King's cause, as much, and
more, than if the decretal commission, that was in
Campegio's hands, should be shewed ; so he thought
the Pope ought to be no more moved in that matter."
The words he mentions are, cum nos justitiam cjus
causa perpendenies ; ive considering t lie justice of his
cause. These are in the promise, or pollicitation,
which I do now publish, and they prove this to be a
true copy, since we have an authentic proof of the
very words that seemed the greatest ground to doubt
of its truth.

About a fortnight after this, Gardiner wrote another c"ll(ict-
letter to the King, which will be found in the Collec- *
tion. A motion was then made at Rome for recall-
ing the powers sent to the legates ; but he did not
think it was made in earnest, but only to stop the am-
bassadors in their other suits. The Pope told them
that the Emperor had advertised him that the Queen
would do nothing in the matter but as the King should
command her; therefore he would look after the cause
the more earnestly. This the Pope seemed to tell
them, that they should not inquire who was the
Queen's proctor. The ambassadors were amazed to

(>2 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

see by Campegio's letters that were shewed them, that
neither he, nor Campanus, had made any promise in
the Pope's name to the King, but only in general
terms : considering that they had mentioned the pleni-
tude of the Pope's power, which they trusted he would
use in that cause. He writes he did not succeed in
that which he was ordered to move, which he did in-
deed apprehend could not be obtained : he lays the
blame on the Pope, or some other, but it became not
him to fasten that on any (perhaps this pointed at
Wolsey) ; the rest relates to the bulls, probably de-
manded by the Cardinal for his colleges : this was
dated the 4th of May ; he had a letter writ to him a
month before this, by Anne Boleyn, in which she ex-
presses a great sense of the service he was doing her :
it seems by it, that, at his first coming to Rome, he
had great hopes of success, but these were then much
abated.

Ki°g ( At this time King Henry was writing every day
utters * letters full of passion to that lady. Some way or other,
"e they fell into the hands of those who carried them to
Rome, where they lie in the library of the Vatican.
I saw them there, and knew King Henry's hand too
well, not to be convinced at first sight that they were
writ by him. I did not think it fit for me to copy them
out, but I prevailed with my worthy friend Dr. Fall
to do it for me. They were very ill writ, the hand
is scarce legible, and the French seems faulty : but
since our travellers are encouraged to look on them,
I gave a copy of them to the printer, to be printed
apart; for I could not think it proper to put them in
the collection. Objections lay in my way, even as to
this ; they were trifling letters ; some insinuations are
not very decent, and little wit occurred in them to
season them in any sort ; yet they carry the charac-
ters of an honourable love, directed all to marriage ;
and they evidently shew that there was nothing amiss,
as to the main point in their commerce. So, since
those at Rome make so ill an use of them, as to pre-
tend that they are full of defilement, and in derision
call them the true original of our reformation, all these

PART III. BOOK II. C3

considerations prevailed on me to suffer them to be
printed apart, for I did not think it fitting that such
stuff should be mixed with graver matters. So I or-
dered them to be printed exactly from the copy, and
to take no other care about them, but to give them
as I had them.* But since I mention that lady, I must
add some passages out of a relation made by a son of
Sir Thomas Wyat's, of his father's concerns, marked E*M.V.
on the back by a hand very like Lord Burghley's. °
He shews how false that story must be, of his father's
pretending to King Henry that he had corrupted her.
He was then esquire of the body, and did continue
still about his person in that post, except when he was
employed in embassies abroad. This shews how in-
credible that fiction of Sanders was; since, if he had
pretended to make any such discovery, he must have
fallen either under the King's jealousy, or the Queen's
power; or, to avoid both, he would have withdrawn
himself: and probably he would have been afterwards
set up a witness to disgrace her at her trial. That
relation adds that she was secretly tried in the Tower.
Some of the lords declared that her defence did fully
clear her ; none of the women that served her, were
brought to witness the least circumstance against her:

O O

and all the evidence upon which she was convicted
was kept so secret, that it was never known. This
I know is put here out of its place, but the thread of
other things led me into it: I shall have occasion to
mention this paper again in Queen Mary's reign.

The Bishop of Bayonne writes, that even after Cam- i-e Grand,
pegio came into England, both King and Queen did o'cX.
eat at one table, and lodged in one bed. The Queen ™e

h ing and

put on so good a countenance, that to see them toge- Q»een
ther one could discern no breach between them; he TiTvt
tells in that letter, that the Earl of Angus, who was ^etj^
married to the Queen of Scotland, King Henry's sis-

* These letters, 17 in all, are to be seen in the Pamphleteer, Nos. 42, 43,
correctly copied from the autographs in the Vatican Palace, with a valuable
introduction, and some fac similes of the writing and notes. They may also
be seen (those in French being literally translated) in Turner's Modern History
of England ; Henry VIII. ch. xxiii. Burnet seems to have judged full harshly
of them. — N.

G4 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

trr, was come up, being banished out of Scotland, be-
cause the Queen had taken another husband, who was
a handsomer man than he was, (plus beau compagnon
, quc /«j/.) In his next letter he writes, that Wolsey
Oct. ei. said to him, that the General of the Cordeliers, that
good prophet, then a cardinal, had capitulated with
the Pope in the Emperor's name, when the Pope was
set at liberty. That Cordelier Cardinal was then to
sail to Spain : he wished the French would set out
some vessels to seize on him, and draw from him the
particulars of that treaty ; for they knew that, in the
articles of that treaty, the reason that obstructed the
King's matter, would appear. Upon this, after some
expostulation that the King of France did not help
them in it as he might, Wolsey added, that the first
project of the divorce was set on foot by himself, to
create a perpetual separation between England and
the house of Burgundy: and he had told the King's
mother at Compiegne, that, if she lived a year to an
end, she would see as great a union with them, and
as great a disunion from the other, as she could de-
sire, and bid her lay that up in her memory.

In his next he writes, that both the legates had
^i88and' been with the King and Queen. In Campegio's speech
The ie- to the King, he set forth his merits upon the apostolic
to^e60 see with great pomp. Fox answered him decently
Queen.nd H1 tne King's name : the Queen answered them more
roundly : she spoke with respect to Campegio, but
said, "she thanked the Cardinal of York for the trou-
ble she was put to: she had always wondered at his
pride and vain-glory ; she abhorred his voluptuous
life and abominable lewdness, and little regarded his
viteiiius Power an(i tyranny : all this rose from his malice to
B. 12. her nephew, the Emperor, whom he hated worse than
a scorpion, because he would not satisfy his ambition,
and make him Pope. She blamed him both for the
war in which the King was engaged, and for the trou-
ble he put her to by this new-found doubt." The
Cardinal blushed, and seemed confounded: he said,
" he was not the beginner nor the mover of the doubt;
and that it was sore against his will that the marriage

PART III. BOOK II. 65

was brought into question ; but since the Pope had
deputed him as a judge to hear the cause, he swore
upon his profession he would hear it indifferently."

On the first of November the Bishop writes, th
the Queen had chosen for her council the Archbishop p> 198>
of Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Bath, Roches-
ter, Ely, and Exeter, with the Dean of the chapel :
but of these, the Bishops of London and Rochester,
and the Dean of the chapel, were the only persons
that, in their opinion, were of the Queen's side. She
expected an advocate, a proctor, and a counsellor from
Flanders. It was not allowed her to bring any over
from Spain; for there was then war between England
and Spain, but the Netherlands had a neutrality grant-
ed them. "The Bishop reckoned that the marriage
must be condemned ; for, though the Pope and all
the cardinals had approved it, they could not main-
tain it, if it was proved, as he was told it would be,
that her former marriage was consummated ; for, in
that case, God himself had determined the matter."

On the 8th of November he writes, that Wolsey Le Grand,
had asked him if he could say nothing to invalidate I'^ll
the Pope's dispensation, and to prove the marriage g'aopo°nfne,s
unlawful, so that the Pope could not dispense in that opinion
case ; since nothing could unite the two Kings so p0^s
entirely, as the carrying on the divorce must do : he dispen

** * ^ satiuo,

heard he was a great divine, so he prayed him to
speak his mind freely. The Bishop excused himself;
but being very earnestly pressed, he put his thoughts
in writing, referring for these to his last letter : he
sent over a copy of it to Montmorency, and desired
he would shew it to the Bishop of Bourges, who would
explain it to him. Wolsey desired that the King's
mother would write earnestly to Campegio in favour
of the King's cause. The Bishop makes great excuses
for giving his opinion in the matter: he did not sign
it; and he gave it only as a private person, and not i* Grand.
as an ambassador.

On the 27th of November the Bishop writes, that *
he had been with Campegio, and had talked of the
Pope's dispensation. Campegio would not bear to

VOL. in. F

srd°'rs

^

()C BURNET'S REFORMATION.

have the Pope's power brought into debate : he
thought his power had no limits, and so was unwil-
ling to let that be touched ; but he was willing to
hear it proved that the dispensation was ill founded.
He gives in that letter a relation of the King's send-
ing for the Lord Mayor of London, to give the citi-
zens an account of the scruples he had concerning his
marriage : and he writes, that he had said the Bishop
of Tarbe was the first person that made him enter-
tain them ; nor doth the Bishop of Bayonne pretend
to call the truth of that in question.

The same Bishop, in his letter of the 9th of Decem-
ber, writes, " That Anne Boleyn was then come to
court, and was more waited on than the Queen had
been for some years : by this they prepared all people
for what was to follow. The people were uneasy, and
seemed disposed to revolt. It was resolved to send
all the strangers out of the kingdom ; and it was reck-
oned there were above fifteen thousand Flemings in
London. So the driving all these away would not
be easily brought about : care was taken to search
for arms, and to keep all quiet. Wolsey, in a great
company, above a hundred persons of quality being
present, reported, that the Emperor had said he would
drive the King out of his kingdom by his own sub-
jects : one only of all that company expressed an in-
dignation at it. The advocates that the Queen ex-
pected from Flanders were come, but had not yet their
audience."

In one of the 20th of December the Bishop writes,
" That the King had shewed him what presumptions
there were of the forgery of the breve, that they pre-
tended was in Spain ; and upon that he went through
the whole matter so copiously with him, that he saw
he understood it well, and indeed needed no advo-
cate : he desired that some opinions of learned men
in France might be got, and be signed by them, if it
LeGrand, could be obtained."

By the letter of the 25th of December, it appears
to there was an argument of more weight laid before
Campegio, for he was offered Duresme instead of

E

vc

gain Cam-

WoUey'j
credit is

PART III. BOOK II. 67

Salisbury. He said to them who offered it, that the
Pope was about to give him a bishoprick of that value
in Spain ; but the Emperor would not consent to it.
The lawyers that came from the Netherlands had an
audience of the King, in which they took great liber-
ties : for they said to him, they wondered to see him
forsake his ancient friends, and to unite himself to his
mortal enemies. They were answered very sharply.
They applied themselves to Campegio with respect,
but neglected Wolsey ; and after that they had lodged
such advices as were sent by them with the Queen,
they returned home.

On the 25th of January the Bishop of Bayonne
writes, " That the court apprehending the Pope was
changing; his measures with relation to the King's

o O

affair, had sent Gardiner to Rome, to let the Pope
know, that if he did not order Campegio to proceed
in the divorce, the King would withdraw himself from
his obedience : he perceived Wolsey was in great fear ;
for he saw, that if the thing was not done, the blame
would be cast wholly on him, and there it would end.
Sir Thomas Cheyney had some way offended him,
and was for that dismissed the court ; but by Anne
Boleyn's means he was brought back ; and she had
upon that occasion sent Wolsey a severe message."
The Bishop had, in a letter sent him from Paris, a list p- "99-
of the college of the cardinals, by which they reckoned
fifteen of them were Imperialists ; and Campegio is
reckoned among these : eighteen were of the contrary
party; three had not declared themselves, but might
be gained to either side ; and six were absent. This
canvassing was occasioned by the Pope's sickness,
and it was writ as news from France, that an English-
man, passing through and going to Spain, had re-
ported with joy that there would be no divorce : that
Campegio served the Pope well ; that this was very
acceptable to all the great men of England; and that
the blame of all was laid on Wolsey, whose credit
with the King was sinking ; that he was not at the
feast of St. George, for which the King had chid him
severely, he being chancellor of the order.

F 2

C8 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

In a letter of the 22d of May he writes, " That
Wolsey was extremely uneasy. The Dukes of Nor-
folk and Suffolk, and others, made the King believe
that he did not advance his aifair so much as he
could : he wishes that the King of France and his
mother would make the Duke of Suffolk desist ; for
he did not believe that he, or the other Duke, could
be able to manage the King as Wolsey had done.
They at court were alarmed at the last news from
Rome, for the Pope seemed inclined to recall the
commission : upon which Benet was sent thither, to
use either promises or threatenings, as he should see
cause. They pressed the Pope to declare the breve
from Spain null ; but he refused to do it." He adds,
" that in the breve lay one of the most important
points of the whole matter :" (probably that was, that
the consummation of the former marriage was ex-
pressly affirmed in it.) " Wolsey had pressed the Bi-
shop very earnestly, to move his master to concur
zealously to promote the King's cause; upon which
he pressed on Montmorency, that the King of France
should send one to the Pope, to let him know that he
believed the King's cause was just, and that both
kingdoms would withdraw from his obedience, if jus-
tice was denied on this occasion. To this were to be
added, all sorts of promises when it should be done ;
which Wolsey protested, such was his love to the
King, he would value much more, than if they made
him pope. The point then to be insisted on, was to
hinder the recalling the commission."

BV letters of the 30th of June it appears, that Gar-
diner was returned from Rome, with the proofs of the
breve being a forgery. Campegio was then forced to
delay the matter no longer. The Bishop of Bayonne
had pressed Campegio to it by authority from the
court of France. On the 13th of July, Cassali wrote
from Rome, that the Pope had recalled the King's
cause, at the Emperor's suit.

But I come now to give an account of the proceed-
ings of the two legates ; in which I must correct the
errors of all the writers of that time, whom I had too

PART III. BOOK II. 61)

implicitly followed. I go upon sure grounds ; for I
have before me the original register of their proceed-
ings, made up with such exactness, that, at the end,
the register and clerk of the court do not only attest it
with their hands and marks, but reckon up the number
of the leaves with the interlinings that are in every
page ; and every leaf is likewise signed by the clerk,
all in parchment. This noble record was lent me, by
my reverend and learned brother, Dr. More, bishop
of Ely, who has gathered together a most invaluable
treasure, both of printed books and manuscripts, be-
yond what one can think that the life and labour of
one man could have compassed, and which he is as
ready to communicate, as he has been careful to col-
lect it.

The legates sat in a room, called the Parliament The
Chamber, near the church of the Black Friars. Their rf
first session was on the 31st of May. The Bishop of legates
Lincoln presented to them the bull, by which the Pope
empowered them to try and judge the cause concern-
ing the King and Queen's marriage, whether it was
good or not, and whether the issue by it was legiti-
mate or not. The legates, after the reading of the
bull, took it into their hands, and saw it was a true
and untouched bull, so they took upon them to exe-
cute it : and they ordered the King and Queen to be
cited to appear before them on the 18th of June; and
appointed, that the Bishop of Lincoln should cite the
King, and the Bishop of Bath and Wells the Queen.

On the 18th, the form of the citation was brought
before them, in which the bull was inserted at full
length, and the two Bishops certified, that they had
served the citation both on the King and Queen on
the 15th; and Sampson, dean of the chapel, and Dr.
Bell appeared, with a proxy from the King in due
form ; but the Queen appeared personally, and read
an instrument by which she declined the legates, as
not competent judges, and adhered to an appeal she
had made to the Pope : upon reading this she with-
drew, and though she was required to return, she had
no regard to it. Upon which they pronounced her

70 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

contumacious; and on the 21st of June, they ordered
the Bishop of Bath and Wells to serve her with a
monition and a peremptory citation, certifying, that
if she did not appear, they would proceed in the cause.
And on the 25th of June the Bishop certified upon
oath, that he had served the citation, but that the
Queen adhered to her protestation ; so she was again
judged contumacious : and as she never came more
into the court, so the King was never in it. And from
this it is clear, that the speeches that the historians
have made for them are all plain falsities.*

The next step made was, that the legates exhibited
twelve articles, setting forth the whole progress of
the Queen's first and second marriage, and of the dis-
pensations obtained from Rome, all grounded upon
public fame ; and the Queen was ordered to be cited
again on the 28th of June. The Bishop certified upon
oath, that he had served the Queen with the citation ;
but she not appearing, was again judged contuma-
cious, and witnesses were sworn to prove the articles.
The King's answer to the articles was laid before
them, in which, by his answer to the seventh, it ap-
peared, that he was married to the Queen by virtue
of a papal dispensation.

On the 5th of July, the King's proctors brought
the bull of Pope Julius, dispensing with the impedi-
ments in the marriage, as likewise the copy of the
breve, of which the original was in Spain, but attested
very solemnly from thence. The legates ordered more
witnesses to be sworn on the 9th of July. In another
session additional articles were offered ; in which it
was set forth, that impediments lay against the mar-
riage, as being prohibited both by the divine and the
ecclesiastical laws ; so that it could not be maintained
by the dispensations, and that they were of no force,
but were null and void. Then they set forth all the
objections formerly made against the bull ; by which
it appeared, that the Pope was surprised by the false
suggestions made to him, on which he had granted it ;

* See vol. i. 117, 118. Preface to this Volume, p. xii. and General
Preface to the present Edition.

PART III. BOOK II. 71

and in particular, that there was no war, nor appear-
ance of war, between England and Spain at that time.
They did also set forth the presumptions, on which
they concluded that the breve was not a genuine, but
a forged piece. On the 12th of July, commission
was given to examine the witnesses. On the 14th,
additional articles were brought in ; and on the 16th
of July, the King's proctors were required to bring all
instruments whatsoever, relating to the articles, before
the legates ; and another commission was given, to
examine some absent witnesses.

On the 19th of July, publication was made of the
depositions of the witnesses : by which it appears,
that Warham in his examination said, he referred the
matter of the lawfulness of the King's marriage to
divines ; but that he himself believed, that it was
contrary both to the laws of God and to the ecclesi-
astical laws ; and that otherwise there was no need
of a dispensation from the Pope. He confesses there
were great murmurings against the marriage ; for
nothing of that sort had ever been heard of in this
kingdom before ; and that he himself murmured
against it, and thought it detestable and unnatural ;
and that he had expostulated with the Bishop of
Winchester for his advising it ; but he acquiesced
when the Pope's dispensation was obtained. The
Bishop of Ely deposed, that he doubted concerning
the consummation of the Queen's marriage with
Prince Arthur ; for the Queen had often, upon her
conscience, denied it to him : yet many witnesses were
brought to prove the consummation, some, because
the Prince and the Queen constantly lodged in the
same bed, and that Prince Arthur continued in a state
of good health till the beginning of Lent: some in-
ferred it from what they themselves had done when
they were of his age. Some swore to words that he
spake next morning after his marriage, not decent
enough to berepeated. Other witnesses were brought
to prove, that there was no war between England and
Spain when the dispensation was granted; but that
a free intercourse had been kept up between these

72 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

nations for many years. It was likewise proved, that
the matter set forth in the preamble of the bull was
false, and that the breve was a forgery. On the 21st,
the protestation the King had made, that he did not
intend to marry the Queen, was read and proved. With
that the King's counsel closed their evidence, and
demanded a final sentence ; so the 23d of July was
assigned for concluding the cause.

On that day, the King's proctor moved, that judg-
ment should be given ; but Cardinal Campegio did
affirm, on the faith of a true prelate, that the harvest
vacation was then begun in Rome, 'and that they
were bound to follow the practice of the consistory ;
so he adjourned the court to the 28th of September.

At the end of every session, some of the men of
quality then present are named ; and at this time the
Duke of Norfolk and the Bishop of Ely are only
named, which seems to contradict what is commonly
reported of the Duke of Suffolk's being there, and of
what passed between him and Cardinal Wolsey. This
record is attested by Clayberg the register, and Wat-
kins the clerk of the court. And four years after that,
on the 1st of October, anno 1533, it is also attested
by Dr. Wotton ; which he says he does, being re-
quired to attest it by Clayberg and Watkins. How
this came to be desired, or done at that time, is that
of which I can give no other account, but that this
is affixed to the register. By this extract that I have
made of this great record it appears, that Campegio
carried on this cause with such a trifling slowness, that
if the King had not thought he was sure of him, he
could never have suffered such delays to be made;
by which the Cardinal had a colour from the vacation,
then begun in the consistory in Rome ; to put off the
cause, on the day in which a present sentence was
expected. It is very natural to think, that, as the
King was much surprised, so he was offended out of
measure, when he found he was treated with so much
scorn and falsehood.

r 136. On the 23d of August a sad embroilment happened
upon the Duke of Suffolk's returning from France.

PART III. BOOK II. 73

Wolsey complained to the King that he had done him
ill offices at that court. Suffolk denied it ; the Car-
dinal said he knew it by the Bishop of Bayonne; upon
which Suffolk came and challenged him. The Bishop
denied he had said it. Suffolk confessed, indeed, he
had said some things to his disadvantage; but the
Bishop prayed him that the matter might be carried
no farther. Yet he offered to deny, in Wolsey 's pre-
sence, that which was charged on him. But he
saw the Duke of Suffolk intended to oblige him to
deny it in the King's presence. The Bishop, appre-
hending the ill effects this might have, resolved to
keep out of the King's way for some time, and he
hoped to avoid the being further questioned in the
matter: he found both the King and Wolsey desired
that he might make a journey to Paris, to get the opi-
nions of the learned men in the King's cause. He
would not undertake it, till he knew whether the King
of France approved of it or not ; he desired an an-
swer might be quickly sent him ; adding, that if it
was not agreed to by France, it would increase the
jealousies the King had of that court. He saw they
designed to hold a parliament in England, and they
hoped by that to make the Pope feel the effects of his
injustice.

By the Bishop's letter of the 18th of Septem-
ber, it appears that Campegio having got his revo-
cation, "resolved to go to court, that he might have
his audience of leave; where it was thought best to
dismiss him civilly: in the meanwhile, Wolsey, who
seemed full of fear, pressed the Bishop to get the
matter to be examined by the divines : and though he
disguised his fears, yet he could not quite cover them.
Some had left him whom he had raised ; probably
this was Gardiner; for he united himself to the Duke
of Norfolk in all things. The Bishop of Bayonne de-
sired leave to go over, on the pretence of his father's
old age and weakness, but really to know the sense
of the French divines ; and also desired that his
brother, William de Bellay, might be sent to the
court of England during his absence.

74 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

p. tot. On the 4th of October he writes, " that he saw the
parliament was set to ruin Wolsey. Campegio was
well treated by the King, and had good presents at
parting ; and the King desired that they would use
him well, as he passed through France ; and parti-
cularly, that they would suffer him to resign an abbey
he had there in favour of his son. He was stopped
at Dover; for it was suspected that he was carrying
p over Wolsey 's treasure."

Th« car. On the 17th of October he describes the Cardinal's
dSlce. fell : " the Bishop thought it was the greatest ex-
ample of fortune that could be seen : both heart and
voice failed him ; he wept, and prayed that the King
of France and his mother would pity him, if they
found that he had been true in all that he had pro-
mised to them. His visage was quite altered ; and
the disgrace was so sudden and heavy, that even his
enemies pitied him. The Bishop saw he would be
hotly pursued, and that nothing but intercessions from
France could save him : he did not pretend to con-
tinue either legate or chancellor ; he seemed ready
to quit all to his shirt, so he might recover the King's
favour again. He was capable of no comfort. He
proposed, that the French King and his mother should
write to the King, to this purpose : that they heard
of his disgrace, and of the design to ruin him ; that
they prayed him not to proceed too suddenly ; he had
been a good instrument between them ; if there was
just cause for it, his power might be lessened ; but
that they prayed the King would not carry things to
extremity. The Bishop lays this before Montmo-
rency, without presuming to give advice in it ; only
he thought this could do no hurt. Whatsoever was
done, must seem to be of their own motion, and not
as coming from a desire of the Cardinal; for that

O '

would precipitate his ruin. It seems he had re-
ceived great presents from the King's mother, of
which he hoped she would say nothing that might
hurt him. It was intended, as he thought, on his ruin,
to destroy the state of the church, and seize on their
lands, which had been openly talked at some tables.

PART III. BOOK II. 75

If the King of France intended to interpose in his fa-
vour, no time was to be lost. Anne Boleyn, as it was
believed, had got a promise of the King, that he would
not admit him to a private audience, lest that might
beget some pity in him."

On the 22d of October, he wrote, " that all his p. 377.
goods were seized on, and that his spirit was quite ^"ds"
sunk. It was not known who should have the great sei!!ed o
seal ; it was believed, it would no more be put into a
priest's hands ; but he saw Gardiner was like to have
a great share in affairs. The Cardinal's goods that
were seized on, were valued at 500,000 crowns, p. 379.
More, who had been chancellor of the duchy of Lan-
caster, was made lord chancellor. The see of York
was to be left in his hands ; and some of his goods
were to be sent back to him. The Bishop did appre-
hend, that if the new ministry did not agree, which
he believed they would not do long, he might be
brought back to court again."

I have given the relation of this great transaction
more particularly than was perhaps necessary ; but
finding so clear a thread in those letters, I thought it
not improper to follow them closely ; the rather, to
shew, that none of the papers that Mr. Le Grand has
published, do in the least contradict, but rather esta-
blish all that I had written : and so punctual a rela-
tion being laid before me, by those who bore no good
will to me, nor to my work, seemed an invitation to
me to enlarge further than perhaps was necessary. I
will end therefore all that relates to Cardinal Wolsey,
at once.

Upon his going to York, he behaved himself much woUey-
better than he had done in the former parts of his life. c°°Juct
In a book that was printed in the year 1536, entitled
A Remedy for Sedition, writ by one that was no friend
to popery, this character is given of the last part of
Wolsey 's life. " None was better beloved than he,
after he had been there a while. He gave bishops
a good example, how they might win men's hearts.
There were few holy-days but he would ride five or
six miles from his house ; now to this parish church,

the

varsities

70 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

now to that ; and there cause one of his doctors to
make a sermon unto the people : he sat among them,
and said mass before all the parish. He saw why
churches were made, and began to restore them to their
right and proper use. If our bishops had done so, we
should have seen, that preaching the gospel is not the
cause of sedition, but rather lack of preaching it. He
brought his dinner with him, and bade divers of the
parish to it. He inquired if there was any debate or
grudge between any of them ; if there were, after din-
ner he sent for the parties to the church, and made
them all one."

I had, in my work, mentioned the concluding cha-
racter that I found Cavendish gave of him, that was
left out in the printed editions; which made me vouch
the manuscript, from which I had it ; but the last
edition agreeing with that copy, I need say no more
to justify my quotation, for it will be found in it.

It may seem strange, that when the Bishop of
Bayonne first suggested to Wolsey, that if the King's
marriage was against the law of God, the Pope's dis-
pensation could be of no force ; yet no inferences
were made from this. All our writers give Cranmer
the honour of having started that first; and they make
that the foundation of his advancement. I can see
no other way to reconcile all this, but that it may be
supposed Wolsey, as true to the interests of the papacy,
was unwilling to let it be moved in public ; and that
he kept this between the Bishop of Bayonne and him-
self, without communicating it to the King. Now the
cause was called away to Rome, and so a new pro-
cess followed with a very slow progress : delays upon
delays were granted, and yet all was precipitated in
conclusion.

In the meanwhile, the King sent his question to the
s faculties of law and divinity, in the several universi-
."t°^ ties of Europe : and understanding that Martin de
Bellay, the elder brother of the Bishop of Bayonne,
distinguished by the title of Sieur de Langey, had great
credit in the universities, both in France, Italy, and
Germany, he engaged him to procure their opinions

PART III. BOOK II. 77

upon the point of the unlawfulness of his marriage ;
who, in the view of this service, prevailed with the
King to lend the King of France 150,000 crowns,
being to be advanced as a part of the two millions,
that he was to pay for the redemption of his sons ;
which was to be repaid to King Henry in five years.
Besides, he assigned over to him the forfeiture due by Man.
the Emperor, for not marrying his daughter : and he
sent, in a present to his godson Henry, afterwards king p-
of France, a jewel, with some of that which was be-
lieved to be the true cross, that had been left in pawn
with the King, by Philip, Charles's father, for 50,000
crowns : so ready was the King to engage the King of
France into his interest at no small charge to himself.

I come next to open the transactions in the convo-
cation that was summoned to meet on the 5th ofcTvo"
November, 1529, two days after the opening of thecat10"'
parliament. At their first meeting, a reformation of
abuses was proposed ; and with that an inquiry was
made concerning heretical books. A committee of
bishops was appointed with relation to heretics. On
the 1 9th of December secrecy was enjoined, and that
was again a second time enjoined under the pain of
excommunication : then the Prolocutor came up, and
had secret conference with the Upper House. They
remitted to the King the loan that they had made him ;
and they put an end to that work on Christmas-eve,
a week after the parliament was risen.

The bishops were much offended at the translations Mar 2
of the New Testament by Tindall, Joyce, and others;
and proceeded severely against those who read them :
yet it was not easy to put a stop to the curiosity and
zeal of the people. The King came to the star-cham-
ber, and conferred with the bishops and other learned
men on this subject: the bishops said, these transla-
tions were not true, and complained of the prologues
set before them. So the King commanded by a pro-
clamation, issued and printed in June, 1530, that these
translations should be called in, and promised that a
new one should be made. On this occasion it is not
unfit to mention what Doctor Fulk writes, that he

78 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

heard Miles Coverdale say, in a sermon he preached
at Paul's Cross. After he had finished his translation
some censured it ; upon which King Henry ordered
divers bishops to peruse it : after they had it long in
their hands he asked their judgment of it ; they said,
there were many faults in it ; but he asked upon that,
if there were any heresies in it ; they said, they found
none : then said the King, In God's name, let it go
abroad among my people. The time is not marked
when this was said, therefore I insert it here : for in
the beginning of the following year, the King ordered
a Bible of the largest volume to be had in every
church, but it does not appear to me by whom it was
translated.

On the 19th of September, 1530, another procla-
mation was made against all who should purchase any
thing from the court of Rome, contrary to the King's
prerogative, or to hinder his intended purposes. The
convocation was again brought together, about the
7th of January ; their greatest business was to pur-
chase their pardon : for, as the Cardinal had fallen
under a premunire by the act of the sixteenth of
Richard the Third ; so they were generally involved,
more or less, in the same guilt : the sum was soon
agreed to, with the consent of the Lower House ;
100,000/. was to be their ransom.

On the 7th of February some of the King's coun-
The sellers and judges came and conferred with them about

steps in 11 11 • i

carry- some words that were proposed to be put into the pre-
amble of the bill of subsidy, which were these, " The
King, who is the protector, and the only supreme head
of the church and clergy of England." Upon this the
Prolocutor and clergy were called up to confer about
it : the Lord Chief Justice with others, came into the
convocation, and conferred with the Archbishop and
his brethren : the next day the Prolocutor desired a
further time, and the Archbishop assigned them one
o'clock; then the Archbishop had some discourse with
them concerning the King's pardon. Some of the
judges came and communicated to them a copy of the
exceptions in the act of grace : this was in the twenty-

PART III. BOOK II. 79

third session : in the twenty-fourth session there was
yet further talk about the King's supremacy.

The judges came and asked them whether they were
agreed upon the exceptions ; and added, that the King
would admit of no qualifications : when these were
gone, the Prolocutor came up and asked yet more
time ; the Archbishop appointed two o'clock the same
day ; a long debate followed. The next day the
Archbishop had a secret conference with the bishops,
and Cromwell came and had some discourse with
him ; when he went away, the bishops resolved to
send the Bishops of Lincoln and Exeter to the King,
it seems, to soften him ; but they came back, and re-
ported that the King would not speak with them. The
judges told them, they had no orders to settle the
King's pardon till they did agree to the supremacy.
They were prorogued till the afternoon, and then
there was so great a variety of opinions, that no agree-
ment was like to follow. The Lord Rochford, Anne
Boleyn's father, was sent by the King with some ex-
pedients ; the Archbishop directed them to consider
of these, and that when they were come to a resolu-
tion upon them, that they should send three or four
of each House to treat with the King's council, and
with the judges ; but the King would admit of no
treaty, and asked a clear answer. It was put off a
day longer, and on the llth of February the article
was thus conceived in Latin, Ecclesite et cleri Angli-
cam singularem protectorem et unicum et supremum
dominum, ct quantum per Christi legem licet, etiam
supremum caput, ipsius Majestatem recognoscimus.
In English thus, We recognize the King's Majesty to
be our only sovereign lord, the singular protector of the
church and clergy of England ; and, as far as is to be
allowed by the law of Christ, likewise our supreme head.

The form being thus agreed on, the Archbishop The
offered it to the whole body ; all were silent : upon
which he said, Whosoever is silent seems to consent ;
to this one answered, Then we are all silent. The
meeting was put off till the afternoon ; and then, after
a long conference, all the Upper House agreed to it,

80 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

none excepted ; Fisher is expressly named as present :
and in the evening the Prolocutor came and signified
to the Archbishop, that the Lower House had also
consented to it : and thus the bill of subsidy was pre-
pared, and offered to the King on the 1st of April.
Thus this matter was carried, by adding this limita-
tion, which all parties understood, according to their
different notions.

Though these words of limitation had not been
added, the nature of things required that they should
have been supposed ; since, among Christians, all au-
thority must be understood to be limited by the laws
that Christ has given : but those who adhered to their
former notions, understood this headship to be only
a temporal authority, even in ecclesiastical matters ;
and they thought that by the laws of Christ, the se-
cular authority ought not to meddle in ecclesiastical
matters : whereas others of the new learning, as it
was then called, thought that the magistrate had a full
authority, even in ecclesiastical matters ; but that the
administration of this was so limited to the laws of
the gospel, that it did not warrant him to command
any thing, but what was conform to these. So that
these words wrere equivocal, and differently under-
stood by those who subscribed, and afterwards swore
them.

- It seems the King thought it was of great advan-
tage to him to have this matter settled with any limi-
tation ; for that in time would be dropped and for-
gotten, as indeed it was : this, no doubt, was intended
to terrify the court of Rome ; since it was published
over all Europe, that it went unanimously in the con-
vocation of this province.

Tonstal was now translated to Duresme; and being
a man of great probity, he could not at first approve
of a thing in which he saw a fraudulent management,
and an ill design : so he protested against it : he ac-
knowledged the King's headship in temporal matters,
but did not allow it in spirituals : but the King, who
had a particular friendship for him, wrote him a letter,
which, from the printed title to it, I too hastily thought

PART III. BOOK II. 81

"was directed to the convocation at York ; but it was
writ only to Tonstal ; and it seems it so far satisfied
him, that he took the oath afterwards, without any
limitation.

I shall now go through the rest of the abstract of
that convocation, by which it will appear what was
the spirit that prevailed among them. In the forty-
ninth session, after all had agreed to the preamble of heretics,
the bill of subsidy, the Bishop of London laid before
them a libel against the clergy : in the next session,
Crome, Latimer, and Bilney, were examined upon
some articles : it does not appear whether the libel
was laid to their charge, or not ; only their examina-
tion following the other motion so soon, gives ground
to apprehend that it might be the matter under exa-
mination. In the fifty-fifth session, the King's pardon
was read to them ; and it seems, exceptions being taken
to some things in it, in the fifty-eighth session, the
emendations that the King's council had made, were
read to them, in which it seems they acquiesced, for
we hear no more of it.

After that there was a long conference with relation complaint*
to Crome's errors ; but the matter was referred to the T
Prolocutor and the clergy. The Prolocutor had, in the
forty-fifth session, complained of Tracy's Testament,
but, no answer being made, he renewed his complaint
in the sixty-second session, and desired that it might
be condemned, and that Crome should be proceeded
against ; as also that Bilney and Latimer might be
cited : but, for some reasons not expressed, the Arch-
bishop thought fit to delay it. In the sixty-fourth
session the Prolocutor repeated his motion for con-
demning Tracy's Testament ; so in the sixty-sixth
session, on the 23d of March, the Archbishop gave
judgment against it. Tracy's son was examined about
it : he said it was all written in his father's own hand ;
and that he had never given a copy of it to any per-
son, except to one only. In the sixty-ninth session,
the Archbishop examined Lambert (alias Nicolson,
who was afterwards burnt) before two notaries ; and
in the seventieth session, the sentence condemning

VOL. III. G

82 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Tracy's Testament was publicly read ; and, after two
other sessions, the convocation was prorogued to Oc-
tober.

It appears from all this, that the convocation was
made up of men violently set against our Reformation.
But I turn now to another scene. The King, seeing
no hope left of succeeding in his suit at the court of
Rome, resolved to try the faculties of divinity in the
several universities : his chief reliance was upon
France ; and on those three brothers formerly men-

p.383. tioned : he began to suspect there was some secret
negotiation between the court of Rome and the King
of France ; yet, though he opened this to the Bishop
of Bayonne, he did on all other occasions express an
entire confidence in that King; and the new ministry
seemed zealous in the interests of France, and studied
to remove all the jealousies that they apprehended
Wolsey might have given of them.

te At this time the Bishop of Tarbe, then Cardinal
d- Grandimont, was with the Pope, and had a particular
charge sent to him to assist the English ambassadors.
He wrote to the French King on the 27th of March,

p. 399. « that he had served Boleyn, then Lord Rochford, all
he could ; that he had pressed the Pope to shew the
regard he had for the King of France, as well as to
the King of England : he writes, that the Pope had
three several times said to him in secret, that he
wished that the marriage had been already made in
England, either by the Legate's dispensation, or
otherwise, provided it was not done by him, nor in
diminution of his authority, under the pretence of the
laws of God. He also wrote that the Emperor had
pressed the Pope to create some new cardinals upon
his recommendation ; but that the Pope complained,
that when he was a prisoner, he had made some car-
dinals who were a disgrace to the college : the Em-
peror said, he was sorry for it ; but it was not by his
order. The Pope said, he knew the contrary; for he
saw the instructions sent to the Cardinal Cordelier,
signed by the Emperor, in which they were named : so
the Pope refused to give the two caps that he desired."

PART III. BOOK II. 83

There was then an Italian, Joachim Sieur de Veaux, p-4u.
at the court of England, who was an agent of France :
he, in a letter to the King of France, March the 15th, "
writes, that the King thought, that by his means he aud
might have the opinion of the faculty at Paris, in his ^T&'
cause. On the 4th of April, he writes, that the King-
expected no good from the Pope, and seemed resolved
to settle his matter at home, with the advice of his
council and parliament. He looked on the Pope as
simoniacal, and as an ignorant man, and not fit to be
the universal pastor ; and resolved not to suffer the
court of Rome to have any advantage from the bene-
fices in his kingdom, but to govern it by a provincial
authority and by a patriarch ; and he hoped other
kingdoms would do the same.

After some interval, the Bishop of Bayonne's let- An°pinioa

1 ** given by

ters are again continued. In one, of the 29th of De- some in
cember, he writes, " That the King was marvellously p.
well pleased with the account his ambassadors wrote
to him, of what the divines of Paris had done ; though
he understands there is one Beda, a dangerous person,
among them. That declaration which their divines
had made, was such, that all other things were for-
given, in consideration of it."

The next letter is from his brother William ; who
writes, " That the good answer that came from the
doctors and universities of Italy, made the King won-
der that those of Paris were so backward. It was
suspected in England, that the King of France, or his
counsellors, had not recommended the matter effec-
tually to them. He had a letter from one Gervais, a
doctor there, who had much advanced the Kind's af-

O

fairs, for which Montmorency had made him great
acknowledgments. He shewed this letter to Kino:

^J C5

Henry ; who, upon that, carried h im to his closet where
his books lay, and there he entertained him four hours :
he told him, he was in such perplexity, that it was
not possible for him to live longer in it."

This De Bellay was to go to Paris, 'to talk with the ™
doctors ; therefore he prayed Montmorency, that he

1- £ 1 1 f 1 17 • • 1 • Sen °

might rind a letter trom the King, empowering him pan».

G 2

84 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

so to do, that so he might not seem to act without his
orders; and he promised to manage the matter with
discretion.

P. 427. In a letter that the Bishop of Bayonne wrote from
Lusignon, on the 13th of April, where he was then
with the French king, he says, that the matter of the
divorce was entirely dispatched at Paris, as it had
been before that done at Orleans, by his brother's
means. But he adds, some represented to the King,
that he had shewed too much diligence in procuring
it, as if he was serving two masters. Joachim had

p. 442. before that, on the 15th of February, written to the
King, that King Henry thanked him for his commands
to the doctors in Paris in his matter, which he laid to
heart more than all other things ; and desired they
would give their opinions in writing, that they might
be laid before the Pope.

cardinal It does not appear that the Pope took any other
pains to be well informed in the matter, but by con-
suiting Cardinal Cajetan, who was then justly es-
teemed the learnedest man of the college. He, when
he wrote commentaries upon Thomas's Sum, though

ouaest. that father of the schoolmen thought, that the laws in

An, 9. Leviticus, concerning the degrees of marriage that are
prohibited, were moral, and of eternal obligation; Caje-
tan, in his commentary, declares himself to be of another
mind, but takes a very odd method to prove it : for,
instead of any argument to evince it, he goes only on
this ground ; that they cannot be moral, since the popes
dispensed with them ; whereas they cannot dispense
with a moral law : and for that he gives an instance
of the marriage of the King of Portugal; to which he
adds, the present Queen of England had likewise con-
summated her marriage with the late brother of the

^5

King of England, her husband. By which, as it ap-
pears, that they took it then for granted at Rome, that
her first marriage with Prince Arthur was consum-
mated, so he departed only from Aquinas's opinion,
because the Pope's practice of dispensing in such cases,
could not be justified, unless he had forsaken his mas-
ter in that particular. And here he offers neither rea-

PART III. BOOK II. 85

son nor authority to maintain his opinion, but only
the practice of the court of Rome. Which is, in plain
words, to say, that what opinion soever is contrary to
the practice of the popes, must for that reason be laid
aside : for he offers no other argument, but three mo-
dern instances, of which this of the Queen of England
is one, of popes dispensing with those laws. But now,
being required by the Pope to consider the present
case more particularly, he, on the 13th of March this
year, gave his opinion in writing to him. Raynaldus
lias inserted it in his Annals. In it, after he had com- Ad. AD.
pared the laws in Leviticus and Deuteronomy toge- >fum. 194.
ther, he concludes, " That the marrying a brother's
wife was simply unlawful; but that in some circum-
stances it might have been good, if a much greater
good should follow on such a marriage, than that
provided for in Deuteronomy, of continuing the name
of a brother dead without children. Now he argues,
that the reason of a provision made in a private case,
would be much stronger in a case of a public nature;
so that a marriage being made to keep peace between
two nations, must be held lawful, since a dispensation
was obtained for it. This was not only good in itself,
but it was warranted by the apostolical authority. He
confesses, that the pope cannot in the least alter or
derogate from the laws of God, or of nature : but in
doubtful cases, he may determine with relation to the
laws of God. and of nature. He insists chiefly upon
England's being delivered from a war by the marriage.
He acknowledges that both councils, popes, and holy
doctors, have condemned such marriages, as contrary
to the laws of God and of nature ; but they do not
condemn them, when other circumstances accompany
them, when it is not for the good of both parties, and
for a common good ; and therefore he justifies Pope
Julius's dispensation :" who, as the same Raynaldus Ad. AD.
tells us, did it with the view of the advantages that
Spain and England would have ; but chiefly, because
it was hoped, that by this conjunction of force3 they
would be able to depress the French.

This opinion of so great a man was sent over to

Cott.

I.il.r.

86 BURNETS REFORMATION.

King Henry, signed by himself, bearing date the 27th
of January, 1534 ; but this date is, perhaps, only the
' date of his signing that copy. It had not the effect
they expected from it; especially because it was de-
fective in that way of writing that was then the most
cried up against heretics. For he brought no autho-
rity from any ancienter writer to confirm his opinion;
so that he argued from his private way of comment-
ing on Scripture, against the streams of tradition ;
which was called the heretics' way of writing.

The The Pope made a new step on the 7th of March;

firT" for he sent a breve to the Kino-, setting forth a com-

, O ' O

against plaint made by Queen Katherine, " that King Henry

<hedi- intended to proceed to a second marriage; he there-
fore prohibited that, under the pain of the severest
censures, threatening to put the whole kingdom un-
der an interdict ; and charged the King, in the so-
lemnest manner, to live with the Queen as formerly."
This was granted at Boulogne, upon the Emperor's
pressing instances. This had been attempted before,
but was afterwards disowned by the Pope. For when

nymer, the avocation was sent over to England, there was
sent with it an inhibition to proceed further in the
matter: threatening censures and punishments in case
of disobedience. But complaint being made of this,
the Pope did by a bull, dated the 5th of October, 1529,
declare, that the censures threatened in the inhibition
were added against his mind; so he annuls them, and
suspends the cause to the 25th of December.

p. 454. In a letter that the Cardinal Grandimont wrote to
Montmorency, he tells him, that the Emperor said
he would have the matter of the marriage carried
through : if it was judged unlawful, he would not
support his aunt; but if otherwise, he would support
her. And when Boleyn once offered to answer him,
he stopped him, and said, he was a party, and ought
not to speak in the matter. The Cardinal told Boleyn,
he had orders from the King of France to solicit that
matter as if it was his own; but Boleyn thought it
was best to look on for some time, to see how matters
went; for if the Pope and the Emperor should fall

PART III. BOOK II. 87

into new quarrels, then they might hope to be better
heard.

On the 12th of June, Bellay wrote to the King a P. «8.
long account of his proceedings with the doctors of proceed-
the Sorbonne ; by which, it seems, what is formerly j°f s°^
mentioned of their giving opinion in the King's fa- bonne-
vour, was only as private doctors, and not in a body,
as a faculty. " The young princes of France were
yet detained in Spain ; so it was necessary to proceed
with such caution, as not to irritate the Emperor. He
had delayed moving it for some days ; but the Eng-
lish ambassadors were impatient. He complains, that
there were few honest men in the faculty ; but, ap-
prehending the inconvenience of delaying the matter
any longer, he presented the King's letters to them.
The assembly was great; the Bishop of Senlis, seve-
ral abbots and deans, the guardians of the four men-
dicant orders, and many others were present; so that
of a great while there had not been so numerous an
assembly. The proposition was made on King Henry's
part, with great advantage : an express law in the
Scripture was quoted ; the four great doctors of the
church, eight councils, and as many faculties or uni-
versities, were of his side; so, in respect to them, the
King desired they would determine the matter in the
doctrinal way. The Emperor, on the other hand, who
was likewise the King's ally, opposed the divorce, the
Queen of England being his aunt ; for he thought
himself bound to interpose on her account. So the
King being pressed by two allies, who both were re-
solved to be governed by the laws of God, and of
right reason, laid the whole matter before them, who
were now assembled in an extraordinary manner, and
enjoined them to recommend themselves to God ;
and, after a mass of the Holy Ghost, to consider that
which was to be laid out to them, without fear or fa-
vour; and after full consideration, to determine it as
God should inspire their consciences. This was the
substance of Bellay's speech. Beda spoke next: he
said, they all knew how much the King studied to
please the King of England. Many strangers that

88 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

were of the faculty seemed to applaud this. Bellay
replied, there was certainly a great friendship between
the two kings : the Emperor was likewise the King's
ally. But they ought to have God only before their
eyes, and to search for the truth. And having said
that he withdrew.

Great " Those who spoke first, thought the King's desire
ineatheir was reasonable ; and that, therefore, they ought to
debates. examme ^ne matter : this could not be refused, if
asked on the behalf of the meanest person. Others
said, the faculty was subject to the Pope, from whom
they had their privileges; and since this question
related to his power, they ought not to speak to it
till they sent to know his mind ; or at least, till they
sent to know how the King approved of it, and if he
would ask the Pope's leave to suffer them to debate
about it. Another party moved, that while their
letters were dispatched to that purpose, they should
proceed to examine the question, but suspend the
coming to a final resolution, till an answer was brought
them. They said, they thought that they had their
privileges from the King, as well as from the Pope;
and that it was a reflection on the Pope to imagine
that he would be offended, if they should examine a
case, in which the conscience of a Christian was dis-
quieted ; and that even an order from the Pope to the
contrary, ought not to restrain them from examining
the matter. Upon these different opinions, the beadle
began to gather their votes ; whether they ought to
proceed to examine the question or not. But one of
the doctors rose from his place, and plucked the scroll
out of the beadle's hands, and tore it in pieces ; and
so they all rose up in a tumult, crying out that no-
thing ought to be done without writing first to the
King and to the Pope. Thus the meeting broke up
in confusion. The English ambassadors were near
enough to see and hear all this. They said, they
knew this was laid by Beda and his party ; Bellay did
not then think so, and prevailed with them not to
write to England till he tried what might be done.
He went to Lizet, the first president of the court of

PART III. BOOK II.

parliament, to whom the King in especial manner
had recommended the managing of that affair. Lizet
sent for Beda, and other his complices, and prevailed
with them to meet again the next day, and to proceed
according to the third opinion ; which was to discuss
the question provisionally, and to seal up their con-
clusion, and send it to the King ; so next morning
they met, and appointed to begin the Monday fol-
lowing to examine the question.

" This did not satisfy the English ambassadors ;Thejes

»/ o j I

they thought this was only an artifice to gain time ;
and indeed they had just ground of suspicion from
what several of the doctors did openly talk. Bellay
therefore desired the King would write to the Dean,
that he would cut off impertinent digressions, and
bring the matter to as speedy a conclusion as was
possible ; for some said they would make it last a
year. Beda did give it out, that he knew that what
he did was for the King's service ; of this he made no
secret. Bellay complaining of this to Lizet, he sent
for Beda, and spake so earnestly to him, that he swore
very positively, he would be so far from hindering the
doctors from obeying the King's commands, that he
would employ himself, as if it were for the saving of
his life, to get the matter to pass without noise or
scandal ; but Bellay saw that the President trusted
him, so he did acquiesce, though he knew that, by the
noise he had already made, he had broken a promise
which he had made to Montmorency. The Bishop
of Senlis was very sensible of the disorder of that
body : it appearing that the English ambassadors did
suspect the court of France was dealing doubly in
the matter ; the Bishop of Senlis was resolved to go
to the King, and to let him see how matters were ma-
naged in that faculty, and to shew him the necessity
of reforming them."

At this time the Duke of Norfolk wrote to Mont- P. 471.
morency, that they wondered to find the faculty was ^™£
so much altered, that before this time fifty-six doctors the di-
were on their opinion on the King's side, and there "'
were only seven against him ; but that in the late

1>0 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

congregation thirty-six were against it, and twenty-
two only were for it. The King of England had reason
upon this to suspect some underhand dealing; there-
fore he hoped they would so manage the matter, as to
clear all suspicions.

p. 473. The next letters of De Bellay did certainly give the
progress of the deliberations of the Sorbonne ; but
we find nothing of that in Le Grand's Collection. It
is somewhat strange, and may be liable to suspicion,
that, after so close a series of letters concerning that
affair, no letter is produced from the 12th of June to
the 15th of August : thus we have no account given
us of the deliberations of the Sorbonne ; and yet it is
not to be doubted, but that a very particular relation
was written to the court of every step that was made
in it. The producing no letters for these two months,
must leave a very heavy suspicion of unfair dealing
somewhere; for the first letter of De Bellay 's that is
published by him after that of the 12th of June, is of
the 15th of August.

The de- Rymer has published the original decision of the
thesor. Sorbonne, on the 2d July, 1530, but he adds avulso
De' sigillo : yet after that he publishes an attestation of
the notaries of the court of Paris (Curies Parisiemis)
of the authenticalness of this original decision. The
attestation of the notaries, dated the 6th of July, men-
ti°ns both seal and subscription, free from all blemish,
and liable to no suspicion. It is probable this precau-
tion was thought necessary, in case the messenger that
was to carry it to England, had fallen into the hands
of any of the Emperor's parties in their way to Calais,
who, no doubt, would have destroyed this instrument :
but this notarial attestation would have been a full
proof of it; for the difficulties in obtaining it might
make those who had conducted the matter, think it
would be no easy thing to procure a new instrument
from the Sorbonne itself. How it came that the seal
was pulled from the instrument itself, must be left to
conjecture : perhaps it was pulled from it in Queen
Mary's time.

" Bellay, in his letter of the 15th of August, writes,

PART III. BOOK II. 91

that he had moved Lizet to send for Beda, and to let Lizet
him know the King's intentions; Beda talked as a Jdecnptie
fool, he would not say as an ill man; but the President |^J
was possessed with a good opinion of him : the King against
of France had, at the Earl of Wiltshire's desire, or- "
dered an examination to be made of his behaviour ;
he had also ordered the President to demand of the
beadle an authentic copy of an act that Beda had
once signed, but then wished he had not signed it;
but Lizet would not command the beadle to do this
till he had the consent of the faculty to give it, though
he had an order from the King to require it. So Bellay,
having got the King's letter, went to the President
and delivered it to him : he promised he would exe-
cute it, and get the authentic copy into his hands ;
towards the evening he went to the President to see
what he had done; he said the beadle told him he
could not give it without the consent of the faculty :
upon which Bellay said, that might be a rule in case
a private person asked it : but when the prince de-
manded it, he thought it was no just excuse. The act
which was demanded, was approved by the faculty,
by the Dean, and the students, and by all concerned
in it : the beadle pretended that it might be said, that
he had falsified the act; Bellay answered, that was
the reason why they desired the act ; he was present
when it passed, and had minuted it ; but since Beda
and his complices repented that they had signed it,
and that the minute they had signed was in some
places dashed and interlined, they might make new
dashings and interlineations, therefore he prayed the
President to command the beadle to bring him the mi-
nute that he said was conform to the original : for an
hour together the President would do no more but
desire the beadle to do it ; at last he commanded him,
but so mildly, that the beadle did not think fit to obey
him: upon which 'Bellay said to him, if he suffered
himself to be so treated, he was unworthy of the cha-
racter that he bore : this quickened Lizet so, that he
commanded the beadle, all excuses set aside, to obey
him. The act was brought and read, and he promised

1)2 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

to bring- him a copy of it by the next morning : the
President thought that Bellay had spoken too boldly
to him, and he would not let him have it, but sent it
directly to the King : Lizet had that esteem for Beda,
that he thought him a saint, and he would not believe

O *

him capable of the faults that he saw him guilty of,
which were such, that Bellay wrote, that if he had
been to be charged with them, and had a dozen of
heads, he had deserved to lose them all. He writes,
that Beda was not the only bad man of the faculty ;
he had many companions, who seemed to desire an
occasion to provoke the King to do that to them which
would make them pass for martyrs among the people.
He had often heard of their wicked designs, under the
hypocritical disguise of sincerity, but could not have
believed the tenth part if he had not seen it.
r. 480. Next to this we have in Le Grand's Collection, the
tei'of*" letter that Lizet wrote to Montmorency of the same
whole date, " mentioning that, according to the King's let-
matter. ters to hirn^ he had procured the copy of the act, which
the King of England desired : for though the Bishop
of Bayonne asked it of him, that he might carry it to
that King, yet that not being ordered in the King's
letters to him, he therefore thought it his duty to send
it directly to the King himself: and, as touching the
examination that the King had ordered to be made of
the conduct of that matter, he desired it may be de-
layed, till he was heard give an account of it ; for that
information would perhaps be a prejudice, rather than
a service, to the King of England. In it he desires
to know the King's pleasure, that he might follow it
as carefully as was possible."
A design The Bishop of Bayonne gives a further account of

to make ... . i ' • fl i i r

aeon- this matter; and writes, 'that alter the assembly or
the Sorbonne was dismissed by the Dean, and that the
Bishop of Senlis, with many abbots, and nine or ten
either generals, provincials, guardians, or priors, of
the chief convents of the kingdom, and others of great
rank and credit, were gone, Beda and his accomplices
did by their own private authority meet, and study
to overturn that which had been settled in so great

trary
decree.

PART III. BOOK II. 93

an assembly. He writes, that this disease was of a
long* continuance, and was still increasing-. This
company, pretending they were a capitular congrega-
tion, sent an order to the Bishop of Senlis, who was
gone into his diocese, and had carried the original act
of the determination with him, requiring him, under
the pain of disobedience, to send it to them. He wrote
in answer to them, that he had orders to deliver it to
none but to the King ; he was resolved to obey the
King's orders, and advised them to do the same : upon
which, they moved to deprive him as a rebel to the
faculty : he was not frightened with this, but wrote
to them, that he was bound to obey the faculty as his
mother, but to obey the King- as his father : yet they
resolved to proceed further after the feasts. In this
letter he tells what pains his brother had taken to
prevent the scandal that such proceedings would give,
which were better hindered than punished : but he
complains, that those who had authority to restrain
such insolences did secretly encourage them." By
which it is clear he means Lizet. The date of this
letter is printed the 14th of August; but it is more
probable it was the 14th of July, some days after the
determination was made : for this matter has no re-
lation to the business of the former letter, that was
written by his brother a day after this, if it is the
true date.

It is plain from this, that there were two instru-
ments : the one was the act of the determination,
which, at the time of the writing this letter, was in
the Bishop of Senlis's hands; the other was a minute
signed by them all ; to which the former letter re-
lates, and that might have had rasures and glosses
in it, which are not to be imagined could be in the
authentic act: it seems the English ambassadors de-
sired both.

There is another letter on the 15th of August, of
the Bishop of Bayonne's to Montmorency ; in which,
" he complains that the faction was going to make a
determination contrary to the former ; and had made
an order that none of the faculty might sign against

94 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

the marriage, but left it free for any to sign for it.
But that the King had ordered that the determination
already made should remain entire. The Bishop had
pressed the President to obey the King's orders : he
had promised him to do it ; but Beda promised the
contrary to his party. Bellay feared the King of
England would suspect that the King did not act
sincerely. He confessed, that, from the appearances
of things, he should do so himself, if he had not seen
the concern that the King was in, upon this occasion.
When he pressed Lizet to obey the King's orders, he
spoke two or three hours to him in bad Latin (he calls
it the Latin of Auvergne), but he could not under-
stand what he meant. He says the beadle pretended
there was one little fault in the act, upon which he
might be accused of forgery. Upon this the Bishop
suspected Beda's practice more than he had done, and
he had required the President to obey the King's
orders, otherwise he would protest if he did not : and
he secretly told him, he did say that, to justify them
at their hands, whom he saw he was resolved not to
offend. The President then promised him the act that
night ; but then delayed it till next morning at five :
when he sent for it, sometimes the gate was not
opened, and the key was lost ; sometimes the Presi-
dent was asleep ; and then it was said that he had
taken physic, and that the Bishop must have patience :
but he understood that he had gone out by a back-
door to the abbey of St. Germain's; thither he follow-
ed him, and asked for the act; but he said he had
sent it to the King. He reckons many other imper-
tinencies, that gave a mean character of Lizet."

^U^ wn^e this matter was transacted thus at Paris,
; though the university of Angiers had determined
' against the marriage, yet the faculty of divinity there
for the din on tjie 7tn Of ]yfay 153o determine, " that it was

divorce, 7 J '

and the lawful for a Christian to marry his brother's widow,
he dying without children ; but having consummated
the marriage, that such marriage was not contrary to
the laws of God and of nature, and therefore the Pope
might, upon reasonable grounds, dispense in that

PART III. BOOK II. 95

case." This was the judgment of the faculty ; but that
university did, in a body, on that same day, decree the
quite contrary, without any mention of this opinion of p- #>s.
the divines ; so, it seems, that was kept secret.

Thus I have fully opened all that M. Le Grand
has thought fit to publish concerning the divines of
France. By the relation given of the proceedings in
the Sorbonne, it appears, that in the opinion of the
Bishop of Bayonne, and his brother, that body was
then much corrupted ; that a few incendiaries influ-
enced many there, so that it was far from deserving
the high character that it had in the world. It is
highly probable, they apprehended, that the carrying
on the divorce might open a door to let in that which
they called heresy into England ; which, considering
the heat of that time, was enough to bias them in all
their deliberations.

I turn next homeward, to give a more particular collect.
account of the proceedings both in Cambridge and The™
Oxford. I begin with the former, because it was first £|°egr'ss
ended there ; and I have a sure ground to go on. A £ "^
worthy person found among the manuscripts of Bennet sity of
College, a manuscript of Dr. Buckmaster, then the °
vice-chancellor ; in which there is a very particular
relation of that affair. It was procured to that house
in Queen Elizabeth's reign, by Dr. Jegon, then head
of that house, and was by him given to that college :
for there is nothing remaining in the registers of the
University relating to it, as that learned person has
informed me.

The Vice-chancellor was then a fellow of Peter-
house, of which Dr. Edmonds was head, who was
then a vicar and prebendary in the diocese and cathe-
dral church of Salisbury. The whole will be found
in the Collection. " It begins with a short introduc-
tory speech of the Vice-chancellor's, upon which he
read the King's letter to them. It set forth, that
many of the greatest clerks in Christendom, both
within and without the realms, had affirmed in writ-
ing, that the marrying the brother's wife, he dying
without children, was forbidden both by the law of

J)G BURNET'S REFORMATION.

God, and by the natural law : the King, therefore,
being desirous to have their minds, to whom he had
shewed a benevolent affection, did not doubt but they
would declare the truth, in a case of such importance,
both to himself and to the whole king-dom. For this

o

end he sent Gardiner and Fox to inform them parti-
cularly of the circumstances of the matter ; and he
expected their answer, under the seal of the Univer-
sity." The King's letter is dated the 1 Gth of February.
" After this was read, the Vice-chancellor told them,
they saw what the King desired of them. They were
men of free and ingenuous tempers ; every one of their
consciences would dictate to them what was most ex-
pedient. After this follows the form of the grace that
was proposed and granted, that the Vice-chancellor
and ten doctors, and the two proctors, with seventeen
masters of arts, should have full authority to deter-

•1

mine the question proposed, and to answer it in the
name of the whole University. And whatsoever two
parts in three of these persons should agree in, that,
without any new order, should be returned to the King,
as the answer of the University : only the question was
to be disputed publicly; and the determination that
they should make was to be read in the hearing of
the University.

" On the 9th of March, at a meeting of the Uni-
versity, the Vice-chancellor told them, that the per-
sons deputed by them, had with great care and dili-
gence examined the question, and had considered both
the passages in the Scriptures, and the opinions of
the interpreters ; upon which they had a public dis-
putation, which was well known to them all; so now,
after great labours and all possible industry, they came
to the determination then to be read to them. Then
follows the determination ; in which they add to the
question proposed to them these words, after brother's
wife, She being carnally known by her former hus-
band :" so, after above a fortnight's study or practice,
this was obtained of them. The Vice-chancellor came
to Windsor, and on the second Sunday of Lent, after
vespers, he delivered it to the King. Of this he gave

PART III. BOOK II. 97

an account to Dr. Edmonds, in a letter ; in which he
tells him, he came to court while Latimer was preach-
ing : the King gave him great thanks for the deter-
mination ; and was much pleased with the method in
which they had managed it with such quietness. The
King praised Latimer's sermon ; and he was ordered
to wait on the King the next day. Dr. Butts brought
twenty nobles from the King to him, and five marks
to the junior proctor that came with him ; scarce
enough to bear their charges, and far from the price
of corruption ; and gave him leave to go when he
pleased. But after dinner the King came to a. gal-
lery, where Gardiner and Fox, with the Vice-chan-
cellor, Latimer, and the Proctor, were, and no more,
and talked some hours with them. He was not pleased
with Gardiner and Fox, because the other question,
Whether the Pope had power to dispense with such
a marriage ? was not likewise determined. But the
Vice-chancellor said, he believed that could not have
been obtained. But the King said, he would have
that determined after Easter. It appears by his letter,
that there was a great outcry raised against Cambridge
for that which they had done. The Vice-chancellor
was particularly censured for it ; and he had lost a
benefice that the patron had promised him, but had
upon this changed his mind. Those who did not like
Latimer were not pleased with his preaching.

He heard those of Oxford had appointed a select
number to determine the King's question ; and that
Fox, when he was there, was in great danger. But
a more particular account of the proceedings in that
University I take from three of King Henry's letters
to them, communicated to me by my learned friend
Dr. Kennet ; which, since they have not yet been
printed, will be found in the Collection. N°u"eot\

In the first letter that the King wrote to the Uni-
versity, he sets forth, " that, upon certain considera-
tions moving his conscience, he had already consult-
ed many learned men, both within the kingdom and
without it ; but he desired to feel the minds of those
among them, who were learned in divinity, to see how

VOL. nr. n

BURNET'S REFORMATION.

they agreed with others : therefore he hoped they would
sincerely and truly declare their consciences in that
matter, and not give credit to misreports. He requires
them, as their sovereign lord, to declare their true and
just learning in that cause : therefore, in a great va-
riety of expressions, mixing threatenings with pro-
mises, if they shoul d not uprightly, according to Divine
learning, handle themselves, he leaves the declaring
the particulars to the Bishop of Lincoln, his confessor,
to whom they were to give entire credit.

" By the second letter, the King tells them, he un-
derstood that a great part of the youth of the Uni-
versity did in a factious manner combine together, in
opposition to the wise and learned men of that body,
to have a great number of regents and non-regents
to be joined in a committee of the doctors, proctors,
and bachelors of divinity, for the determination of
the King's question: this he believed had not been
often seen, that such a number of men of small learning
should be joined with so famous a sort, to stay their
seniors in so weighty a cause. The King took that
in very ill part, since they shewed themselves more
unkind and wilful than all other universities had done :
he hoped they would bring those young men into
better order, otherwise they should feel what it was
to provoke him so heinously.

" By his third letter, he complains that they de-
layed to send him their determination. He tells them,
the University of Cambridge had in a much shorter
time agreed upon the manner of sending their answer
under their common seal. He would have more ea-
sily borne with a delay in making the answer, if they
had so far obeyed him as to put the matter in a me-
thod. He therefore, being unwilling to proceed to
extremities, had sent his counsellor, Fox, to them;
hoping that the heads and rulers would consider their
duty in granting his request; which was only, that
they would search the truth, in a cause that so nearly
concerned both himself and his people. And there-
fore he desired that the number of private suffrages
might not prevail against their heads, their rulers,

PART III. BOOK IT. 99

and sage fathers ; but that they would so try the opi-
nions of the multitude, as the importance of the mat-
ter did require. Hoping that their constitution was
such, that there were ways left to eschew such incon-
veniences, when they should happen: as he trusted
they would not fail to do, and so to redeem the er-
rors and delays that were past." In conclusion, the
matter was brought into the method set forth in my
history.

Here is no threatening them,* by reason of any
determination they might give; but, on the contrary,
all the vehemence in those letters is only with rela-
tion to the method of proceeding ; and it was certainly
a very irregular one, to join a great number of per-
sons, who had not studied divinity, with men of the
profession, who could only by a majority carry the
point against reason and argument.

Here I shall insert some marginal notes that Dr.
Creech wrote in his own book of my History, which
is now in my hands. He says, that in the determi-
nation of Oxford, they added the words of the bro-
ther's wife, (ab eadem carnaliter cognitam}, that the
first marriage was consummated ; though this was not
in the question sent to the University, by their chan-
cellor, Archbishop Warham. He says further, that
they mention the King's letters, in which it is writ-
ten, that an answer was already made by the Univer-
sities of Paris and Cambridge. This of Paris, though
not in the King's letter, might have been written to
them by their Chancellor ; for it has appeared, from
the letters published by Le Grand, that though the
decision of the Sorbonne was not made till July, yet
several months before the doctors of Paris had given
their opinions for the divorce. He also writes, that
a letter came from their chancellor, Warham, to re-
move all the masters of arts out of the convocation,
as unfit to determine so weighty a question. Warham
also, as he says, made the proposal of choosing thirty,
to whom the question might be referred. In another
place, he quotes the book that was published for the

* See Note, vol. i. p. 138. and the King's Letter, Records, N° XVII.

H2

100 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

divorce ; which affirms, that the determinations of
the Universities were made without any corruption.
The questions were not proposed to all the L Diver-
sities in the same terms : for, to some, as to the fa-
culty of the canon-law at Paris, and to those of An-
giers and Bourges, the consummation of the marriage
is expressly asserted in it. And in the book in which
the determinations of the Universities are printed,
those of the Universities in England are not men-
tioned. These are all the strictures he wrote on this
part of my History.
Tom. xiv. Some more particulars are given us by Rymer con-

The de- . ., , *• . . r> i f T T •

cernmg the determination ol the foreign Universities.
. A copy of that made at Bologna was carried to the
governor; upon which five doctors swore before
Crook, that they had not carried it to him ; and that
they had kept no copy of it. This is attested by a
notary; and the clerks and notaries swore the same,
and that they did not know who carried it. By this,
it seems, Crook had engaged them to secrecy; and
that the matter coming some way to the governor's
knowledge, they took these oaths to assure him, that
they had not broken their word to him.
And at The decree in Padua was made July the 1st, and

Padua. *

was attested by the Podesta, and afterwards by the
Doge of Venice, on the 20th of September ; who
affirm, that eleven doctors were present ; and that the
determination was made with the unanimous consent
of the whole body. And this is attested by notaries.
But now the scene must be removed to Rome for
some time. The Pope had ordered a citation to be
made of the King to appear before him, to hear his
cause judged. The King would not suffer any such
citation to be intimated to him : so it was affixed
at some churches in Flanders, at Tournay, and Bru-
ges. The King treated this with contempt ; while the
Emperor and his ministers were pressing the Pope
to proceed to censures. The King of France inter-
posed, to obtain delays ; in consideration of whom
several delays were granted, and the Pope said, if
King Henry would proceed no further in the matter

PART III. BOOK II. 101

of the supremacy, he would yet grant a further delay :
and whereas the French King pressed for a delay of
four months, the Pope said, if the King of England
would own him as his judge, he would give not only
the time that was asked, but a year or more.

Here I shall give an account of a long letter that
the King wrote to the Pope ; there is no date put to
it in the copy from which I took it, but the substance
of it makes me conclude, it was writ about this time.
It will be found in the Collection. collect.

" In it he conplains that no regard was had neither
to his just desires, nor to the intercession of the Most AmoD«
Christian King : that the prayers of the nobility were MSS"'
not only despised, but laughed at. All this was far ™neg

contrary to what he expected ; and was indeed so *ritei
i i 11 i • i i r» ^u"y

strange, that he could scarce think the rope was ca- to the

pable of doing such things, as he certainly knew he r°pe<
was doing. The Pope, against what all men thought
just, refused to send judges to come to the place
where the cause lay. The holy councils of old had
decreed, that all causes should be determined there
where they had their beginning : for this he quotes
St. Cyprian among the ancients, and St. Bernard
among moderns ; who were of that mind. The truth
would be both sooner and more certainly found out,
if examined on the place, than could possibly be at a
distance. The Pope had once sent legates to Eng-
land, and what reason could be given why this should
not be done again ? But he saw the Pope so devoted
to the Emperor, that every thing was done as he
dictated. The Queen's allegation, that England was
a place so suspected by her that she could not expect
to have justice done her in it, must be believed, against
the clearest evidence possible to the contrary. The
King bore with the liberties that many took who es-
poused her cause more than was fitting ; nor did he
threaten any, or grow less kind than formerly, to those
who declared for the marriage; and yet the Pope
pretended he must give credit to this, and he offered
no other reason for his not sending judges to Eng-
land. This was to fasten a base reflection upon the

102 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

King, and an injustice, which he must look on as a
great indignity done him.

" He further complains, that the Pope took all pos-
sible methods to hinder learned men from delivering
their opinion in his cause ; and though after long
and earnest applications, he did give leave by his
breves to all persons to give their opinion in it-; yet
his own magistrates did, in his name, threaten those
that were against the power of dispensing with the
laws of God : this was particularly done at Bologna.
The Emperor's ministers every where, in contempt of
the permission granted by the Pope, terrified all who
gave their opinion for the King ; at which the Pope
connived, if he did not consent to it. The Pope's
nuncio did in France openly, and to the King himself,
declare against the King's cause, as being founded
neither on justice nor on reason : he still expected,
that the Pope would have no regard to the preroga-
tive of his crown, and to the laws of England, which
are as ancient as the Pope's laws are ; and that he will
not cite him to answer out of his kingdom, nor send
any inhibitions into it: for he will surfer no breach to
be made on the laws during his reign. He was re^
solved to maintain that which was his own, as he
would not invade that which belonged to another : he
did not desire contention, he knew the ill effects such
disputes would have : upon all which he expected the
Pope's answer." This had no effect upon the Pope,
so far from it, that (upon a representation made to
him) in Queen Katherine's name, that King Henry
1531 seemed resolved to proceed to a second marriage, the
The Pope sent out a second breve on the 5th of January
second 1531, declaring any such marriage to be null, and the
a^Jnst issue by it to be illegitimate, denouncing the severest
the censures possible against all that should be any ways

King's f . . T • i

marry- assisting in it ] and requiring the King to live with
mLT the Queen in all conjugal affection until the suit was
wife, brought a conclusion.

piead- Something was to be done to stop proceedings at
's / Rome ; or upon this an immediate rupture must follow.
' This brought on the sending an excusator in the name

an ex
cusator

PART III. BOOK II. 103

of the King- and kingdom, to shew that the King was
not bound to appear upon the citation ; nor yet to send
a proctor to appear in his name. Sigismund Dondalus
and Michael de Conrades, two eminent advocates,
were brought to Rome, to maintain the plea of the ex-
cusator. They sent over the substance of their plead-
ings, which was printed at London by Berthelet. The
sum of it was, Capisuchi, dean of the Rota, had cited
the King to Rome to answer the Queen's appeal : the
chief instructions sent by Cam were, to insist on the
indignity done the King, to cite him to come out of
his kingdom: but it seems that was a point that the
advocates thought fit to leave to the ambassadors ; they
thought it not safe for them to debate it, so they plead-
ed on other heads.

They insisted much on that (de loco tuto\ that no
man ought to be cited to a place where he was not in
full safety. It could not be safe neither for the King
nor the kingdom, that he should go so far from it.
They shewed likewise, that to make a place safe, all
the intermediate places through which one must pass
to it, must be likewise safe. The Pope therefore ought
to send delegates to a safe place, either (in partibus)
where the cause lay, or in the neighbourhood of it.
It was said against them, that a cause once revived
in the court of Rome could never be sent out of it :
but they replied, the Pope had once sent delegates
into England in this cause, and upon the same reason
he might do it again : indeed, the cause was never
in the court, for the King was never in it. But it was
said, the King might appear by a proctor : they an-
swered, he was not bound to send a proxy where he
was not bound to appear in person, but was hindered
by a just impediment : nor was the place safe for a
proxy. In a matter of conscience, such as marriage
was, he could not constitute a proctor ; for by the
forms he was to impower him fully, and to be bound
by all that he should do in his name. It is true, in
a perpetual impediment, a proctor must be made ; but
this was not perpetual : for the Pope might send de-
legates.

104 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

An excusator was to be admitted in the name of
the King and kingdom, when the impediment was
clear and lasting: they confessed if it was only pro-
bable, a proctor must be constituted. There was no
danger to be apprehended in the King's dominions :
the Queen's oath was offered, that she could not ex-
pect justice in that case. They shewed this ought
not to be taken, and could not be well grounded; but
was only the effect of weak fear : it appearing evi-
dently, that not only the Queen herself, but that all
who declared for her, were safe in England. They
did not insist on this, that the court ought to sit (in
partibus) in the place where the cause lay : it seems
they found that would not be borne at Rome : but
they insisted on a court being to sit in the neighbour-
hood. They shewed, that though the excusator's
powers were not so full as to make him a proxy; yet
they were not defective in that which was necessary
for excusing the King's appearance, and for offering
the just impediments, in order to the remanding of
the matter. The book is full of the subtilties of the
canon law, and of quotations from canonists.
The Thus this matter was pleaded, and, by a succession

Kins'* of many delays, was kept on foot in the court of Rome
rhtams above three years : chiefly by the interposition of
delays. Francis : for Langley tells us, that the King of France
MeUDge. wrote once or twice a week to Rome, not to precipi-
Ses tate matters. That court on the other hand, pressed
de Roy, him to prevail with King Henry not to give new pro-
vocations. He wrote to Rome from Arques in the
beginning of June 1531, and complained of citing
the King to Rome : he said, learned persons had as-
sured him that this was contrary to law, and to the
privilege of kings, who could not be obliged to leave
their kingdom ; adding, that he would take all that
was done for or against King Henry as done to himself,
p. 8. There is a letter writ from the Cardinal of Tournon
to King Francis, but without a date, by which it ap-
pears that the motion of an interview between the
Pope and the King of France was then set on foot :
and he assures the King, that the Pope was resolved

PART III. BOOK II. 105

to satisfy him at their meeting ; that he would con-
duct King Henry's affair so dexterously, that nothing
should be spoiled : he must in point of form give way
to some things that would not be acceptable to him,
that so he might not seem too partial to King Henry;
for whom, out of the love that he bore to King Francis,
he would do all that was in his power, but desired
that might not be talked of.

On the 4th of May he wrote to him, that the Em-
peror threatened, that, if King Henry went on to do
that injury to his aunt, he would make war on him by
the King of Scotland ; but they believed he would nei-
ther employ his purse, nor draw his sword in the quar-
rel. Langey reports the substance of King Henry's
letters to Francis ; he complained of the Pope's citing
him to answer at Rome, or to send a proxy thither.
In all former times, upon such occasions, judges were
sent to the place where the cause lay. Kings could
not be required to go out of their dominions : he also
complained of the papal exactions.

Now there were two interviews set on foot in hopes
to make up this matter, that seemed very near a
breach. Francis had secretly begun a negotiation
with the Pope for the marriage of the Duke of Or-
leans, afterwards King Henry the Second, and the fa-
mous Katherine de Medicis : Francis, whose heart
was set on getting the Duchy of Milan above all
other things, hoped by this means to compass it for
his second son. He likewise pretended, that, by gain
ing the Pope entirely to his interests, he should be able
to make up all matters between King Henry and him.
But to lay all this matter the better, the two Kings
were to have an interview first in the neighbourhood
of Calais, which the Bishop of Bayonne, who was
now again in England, was concerting. King Henry ^ Gr»Dd»
pressed the doing it so, that he might come back by "
All-Saints to hold his parliament. The Bishop saw
King Henry would be much pleased, if Francis would
desire him to bring Anne Boleyn over with him, and
if he would bring on his part the Queen of Navarre.
The Queen of France was a Spaniard, so it was de-

p. 553.

106 BURi\7ET'S REFORMATION.

sired she might not come : he also desired that the
King of France would bring his sons with him, that
no Imperialists might be brought, nor any of the Rail-
lieurs (Gaudiseurs), for the nation hated that sort of
people. Bayonne writes, he had sworn not to tell from
whom he had this hint of Anne Boleyn : it was no
hard thing to engage Francis into any thing that looked
like gallantry ; for he had writ to her a letter in his
own hand, which Montmorency had sent over. At
the interview of the two Kings, a perpetual friendship
between was vowed between them : and King Henry after-
KingT.0 wards reproached Francis for kissing the Pope's foot
at Marseilles, which, he affirms, he promised not to
do ; nor to proceed to marry his son to the Pope's niece,
until he gave the King of England full satisfaction ;
and added, that he promised, that if the Pope did pro-
ceed to final censures against Henry, he would likewise
withdraw himself from his obedience; and that both
the Kings would join in an appeal to a general council .
™« Soon after that the King returned from this inter-

marries view, he married Anne Boleyn; but so secretly, that
none were present at it but her father and mother, and
her brother, with the Duke of Norfolk. It went ge-
nerally among our historians, that Cranmer was pre-
sent at the marriage; and I reported it so in my His-
tory : but Mr. Strype saw a letter of Cranmer's to
Hawkins, then the King's ambassador at the Empe-
ror's court; in which he writes, "notwithstanding it
hath been reported thro ugh out a great part of the realm
that I married her, which was plainly false : for I
myself knew not thereof a fortnight after it was done:
and many other things he reported of me, which be
mere lies and tales." In the same letter, he says it
was about St. Paul's day. This confirms Stow's re-
lation. But to write with the impartial freedom of
an historian: it seems, the day of the marriage was
given out wrong on design. The account that Cran-
mer gives of it cannot be called in question. But
Queen Elizabeth was born, not, as I put it, on the
7th,* but as Cranmer writes in another letter to Haw-

* Queen Elizabeth wai born on the 7th of September, see vol. i. p. 218.— '•N.

PART III. BOOK II. 107

kins, on the 13th or 14th of September; so there not
beino- full eight months between the marriage and that
birth, which would have opened a scene of raillery to
the court of Rome, it seems the day of the marriage
was then said to be in November. And in a matter
that was so secretly managed, it was no hard thing to
oblige those who were in the secret to silence. This
seems to be the only way to reconcile Cranmer's letter
to the reports commonly given out of the day of the
marriage.

The news of this was soon carried to Rome. Car- Coiton
dinal Ghinnuccius wrote to the King;, "that he had

a long conversation with the Pope, when the news
was first brought thither. The Pope resolved to take
no notice of it ; but he did not know how he should
be able to resist the instances that the Emperor would
make. He considered well the effects that his cen-
sures would probably have. He saw, the Emperor
intended to put things past reconciliation ; but it was
not reasonable for the Pope to pass censures, when it
did not appear how they could be executed. He could
not do any thing prejudicial to the King, unless he
resolved to lay out a vast sum of money ; which he
believed he would not do, the success being so doubt-
ful. And he concludes, that they might depend upon
it, that the Emperor could not easily bring the Pope
to pass those censures that he desired."

At this time, the third breve was published against
the King on the 13th of November : but, it seems, it
was for some time suppressed ; for it has a second
date added to it, of the 23d of December in the year
1532 : " in which, after a long expostulation upon his
taking Anne as his wife, and his putting away the
Queen, while the suit was yet depending ; the Pope
exhorts him to bring back the Queen, and to put Anne
away, within a month after this was brought to him ;
otherwise he excommunicates both him and Anne :"
but the execution of this was suspended. Soon after
this, Bennet wrote a letter to the King, all in cipher;
but the deciphering is interlined. He writes, " the
Pope did approve the King's cause as just and good ;

108 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

and did it in a manner more openly. For that reason,
he did not deliver the severe letter that the King wrote
upon this breve, lest that should too much provoke
him. The Emperor was then at Bologna, and pressed
for the speedy calling a general council; and, among
other reasons, he gave the proceedings against the
King for one. The King's ambassadors urged the
decree of the council of Nice, that the bishops of the
province should settle all things that belonged to it;
so by this, he said, the Pope might put the matter out
of his hands. But the Pope would not hear of that.
He writes further, that an old and famous man, who
died lately, had left his opinion in writing, for the
King's cause, with his nephew, who was in high fa-
vour with the Pope. The Emperor was taking pains
to engage him in his interests, and had offered him a
bishoprick of 6000 ducats a year, likely soon to be
void. The King's ambassadors had promised him, on
the other hand, a great sum from the King: they,
upon that, ask orders about it speedily, lest too long
a delay might alienate him from the King."

There is also a long letter, but without a date,
written by one who was born in Rome, but was em-
ployed to solicit the King's cause. He told the Pope,
and was willing to declare it to all the cardinals in
the consistory, " that if they proceeded further in the
King's cause, it would prove fatal to the see. They
had already lost the Hungarians, with a great part of
Germany ; and would they now venture to lose Eng-
land, and perhaps France with it ? The King thought
his marriage with Queen Anne was firm and holy,
and was resolved to prosecute his cause in that court
no more. The King said, he was satisfied in his own
conscience ; but yet, if the Pope would judge for his
present marriage, both he and his ministers said, it
would be agreeable to him,"

^ie cardinals of France pressed the King of France
to use all endeavours to bring King Henry with him to
p. ass. the interview at Marseilles, or one fully empowered
to put an end to the matter of the divorce. Langey
was sent to propose it to King Henry ; but that King

1531.

PART III. BOOK II. 109

told him, since he saw such a train of dissimulation
in the Pope's proceedings, and delays upon delays,
that had quite disgusted him. He had now ob-
tained a sentence in England of the nullity of his
marriage, in which he acquiesced; and upon that he
was married, though secretly. He was resolved to
keep it secret till he saw what effects the interview
had : if the Pope would not do him justice, he would
deliver the nation from that servitude.

He had obtained the judgment of some universi- R*me^
ties concerning the citation to Rome. The univer- iTsl."2
sity of Orleans gave their opinion, that he was not
bound to appear at Rome, neither in person nor by
proxy ; and that the citation was null ; but that there
ought to be a delegation of judges in the place where June \*.
the cause lay. Many advocates in the court of par- Aug.' 19
liament of Paris gave their opinions to the same pur- 15il
pose. The canonists in Paris thought that the King
could not be cited to go to Rome ; but that judges
ought to be sent to determine the matter in some safe
place.

King Henry wrote to his ambassadors with the King
King of France, to divert him from the interview "pe^8
with the Pope, as a thing too much to the Pope's ho- £ev!"'
nour. And whereas the King of France wrote, that with *«
his chief design in it was to serve the. King : he wrote vaT. '"
upon it, that he was so sure of his Nobility and Com- J|mer*
mons, that he had no apprehension of any thing the
Pope could do. He therefore desired him to write
to the cardinals of Tournon and Grandimont, and to
his ambassadors at Rome, to press the admitting the
excusator's plea ; for that was a point in which all
princes were concerned.

King Francis pretended, that the breaking off the
project of the interview could not be done ; it had
now gone too far, and his honour was engaged. He
was very sorry that the excusator's plea was re-
jected ; yet he did not despair but that all things
might be yet set right ; which made him still more
earnest for the interview. And he was confident, if
the King would come to the meeting, all would be

110 BURNETS REFORMATION.

happily made up : but since he saw tio hope of
prevailing with the King for that, he desired that
the Duke of Norfolk might be sent over, with some
learned persons, who should see the good offices he
would do.
The The Duke of Norfolk was sent over upon this, and

Duke of i p , i -.. • p n i» it

Norfolk he tound the King ot Trance at Montpeher, in the
F«nce. ei1^ °f August, but told him, that, upon the last
sentence that was given at Rome, the King looked on
the Pope as his enemy, and he would resent his
usage of him by all possible methods. He studied to
divert the interview, otherwise he said he must return
immediately. King Francis answered, that the sen-
tence was not definitive; but though he could not
break the interview that was concerted by King
Henry's own consent, he promised he would espouse
the King's affair as his own. He pressed the Duke of
Norfolk so earnestly to go along with him, that once
he seemed convinced that it might be of good use in
the King's cause, and a memorial was given him of
the method of settling it: he upon this sent the Lord
Rochford to the King, to see if he would change the
orders he had given him ; and he stayed only a few
days after he had dispatched him. But he said his
orders f°r his return were positive ; if a change of
' orders should come, he would quickly return ; if not,
he would get some learned men to be sent, to see
what might be devised at Marseilles.

The King of France wrote to his ambassador with
King Henry, that if the Duke of Norfolk could have
been allowed to go with him to Marseilles, much
might have been done : and he sent with that a part
of the Cardinal of Tournon's last letter to him of the
17th of August, in which he wrote, " that he had
spoke fully to the Pope, as the King had ordered
him, about the Kingof England's affair ; the Pope com-
plained that King Henry had not only proceeded
to marry contrary to the breve he had received,
but that he was still publishing laws in contempt
of his see; and that Cranmer had pronounced
the sentence of divorce as legate. This gave the

PART III. UOOK II. Ill

cardinals such distaste, that they would have been
highly offended with the Pope, if he had done no-
thing- upon it : he therefore advised the King- to
carry the Duke of Norfolk with him to Marseilles :
for if King Henry would but seem to repair the
steps he had made in the attentates, as they called
them, and do that which might save the Pope's ho-
nour, he assured him, such was his love to him, that
for his sake he would do all that was desired, with
all his heart. But he feared expedients would not be
readily found, if the Duke of Norfolk went not to
Marseilles."

The King of France sent such messages to King The
Henry by the Duke of Norfolk, and such compli- France
ments to Queen Anne, as highly pleased them : for i
his Ambassador wrote to him, that, since the Duke of s°d fa-
Norfolk's coming, King Henry expressed his confi- Queen
dence and friendship for him in a very particular brought
manner : King Henry had asked him, if he had no a son-
order to stand godfather in the King of France's name,
in case the Queen should be delivered of a son. He
answered, he had none, but he would write to the
King upon the subject. The Duke of Norfolk said,
he had spoke to the King of France about it ; who
agreed to it, that either the ambassador, or some
other sent express, should do it. The child's name
was to be Edward or Henry (but the birth proving
a daughter, this went no further). He adds in his
letter, that Gardiner, then bishop of Winchester, was
sent to Marseilles. The King of France sent from
Aries, on the 17th of September, an order for the
christening.

But now the next scene is at Marseilles, where, The in-
after the ceremonies were over, the King of France- IT TuT.
set himself, as he writes, with great zeal to bring th e se'lles-
Pope to be easy in the King's matter : he protested
he minded no business of his own, till he should see
what could be done in the matter of the King's di-
vorce. The Pope said, he left the process at Rome;
so that nothing could be done in it. The French "
Ambassador wrote to his master, that Kino- Henrv

' t$ ./

Hist.
. li't.

112 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

charged him with this, that he himself brought over
instructions, with promises that Francis would not
proceed to the marriage of his son, until the King's
matter was done : the Ambassador denied this, and
offered to shew his instructions, that it might appear
that no such article was in them. King Henry in-
sisted that the French King had promised it both to
himself and to the Queen; and if he failed him in
this, he could depend no more on his friendship.
When the Ambassador told the Duke of Norfolk how
uneasy this would be to the King of France, who had
the King's concerns so much at heart, and that all
the interest that he could gain in the Pope would be
employed in the King's service ; for if he should
break with the Pope, that must throw him entirely
into the Emperor's hands ; the Duke of Norfolk con-
fessed all that was true; but said, that the King's head
was so embroiled with this matter, that he trusted no
living men, and that both he and the Queen suspected
himself.

Mti.Hist. The Bishop of Auxerre, the French ambassador,
Great' had wrote from Rome, " that the Pope would do all
madTiJ that they asked, and more if he durst or could : but he
the pope. was so pressed by the Emperor's people, that though
it was against God and reason, and the opinion, even
of some of the Imperial cardinals, ae was forced to do
whatsoever Cardinal Dosme demanded." In a letter
to Cardinal Tournon, the Bisfiop of Auxerre com-
plains, that the King of England was ill used ; and
in a letter to the Pope's legate in France, he writes,
" that the Pope was disposed to grant King Henry's
desire, yet he was so pressed by the Imperialists, that
he expected no good from him, unless in the way of
dissembling : he firmly believed he would do well if
he durst : his answer to the King of France was as
good as could be wished for, he hoped the effects
would agree to it : Cardinal Farnese, the ancientest
cardinal (afterwards Pope Paul the Third), \vas wholly
for them : the Cardinal of Ancona, next to him in
seniority, was wholly Imperialist. He writes, that
the ambassadors had an audience of three hours of

PART III. BOOK II. 113

the Pope, when they delivered the King of France's
letters on the King of England's behalf: the Pope said
he was sorry that he must determine the matter ; for Meh r
he should have small thanks on both sides. The thing P
had been now four years in his hands, he had yet done
nothing ; if he could do as he wished, he wished as
they all wished : and he spake this in such a manner,
that they were much mistaken if he spoke not as he
thought. The Pope asked them what made the King
of France to be so earnest in this matter : they an-
swered, that the two Kings were so united, that they
were both more touched with the affairs each of the
other than with their own."

In another letter to Montmorency, he writes, " that
there was a new delay granted for four months. The
Pope, upon his granting it, pressed him to write to
the King, to prevail with King Henry to send a proxy.
He answered, he believed that would not be done,
unless assurance was given, that the cause should be
remitted. If the matter had been then put to the vote,
the ancient and learned cardinals would have judged
for the King of England ; but they were few, and the
number of the others was great ; so that the cause
would have been quite lost."

At the same time the Cardinal of Ancona proposed cou.
to Bennet and to Cassali, that, if a proxy were sent Si,
to Rome, they should have not only justice, but all J™-
manner of favour : for both the Pope and the cardinals "
did very positively promise, that a commission should
be made to delegates to hear the witnesses in Eng-
land, reserving only the final sentence to the Pope.
Cassali was, upon this, sent to England; but his nego-
tiation had no effect : only he seems to have known
well the secret method of practising with the cardinals.
For, upon his return, he met the King of France at
Compeigne, with whom he had much discourse about
managing the cardinals; particularly Cardinal de
Monte, (afterwards Pope Julius the Third.) The
King of France had sent forty thousand crowns, to be
distributed in the court of Rome ; upon which, he
offers some very prudent suggestions. The letter to

VOL, III. I

114 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

the King from thence seemed so considerable that I
have put it in the Collection.

collect. These were the preparations on all hands for the
meeting at Marseilles ; where Francis protested that
he set himself so earnestly to get satisfaction to be
given to Henry, that he minded no business of his
own, till he should see what could be done in that.
The Pope said indeed, that he had left the process at
Rome ; but they wrote over, that they knew this was
false : yet, by that, they saw the Pope intended to do
nothing in it. Francis indeed complained, that there
was no proxy from the King sent to Marseilles : if there
had been one, he said, the business had been ended.

M.I. nist. Jt was aiso reported, that the King of France had said
to the Duke of Norfolk, he would be the King's proxy ;
(here, in the margin, it is set down, The Duke of
Norfolk denies he said this;) but the King of France
knew that the King would never constitute a proxy,
that being contrary to the laws of his kingdom. The
Pope confessed that his cause was just : all the
lawyers in France were of that mind. But the Pope
complained of the injuries done the see by King Henry.
Francis answered, The Pope begun doing injuries : but
King Henry moved, that, setting aside what was past,
without asking reparation of either side, justice might
be done him ; and if it was not done, he would trouble
himself no more about it.

lbia- He afterwards charged King Francis, " that in se-
veral particulars he had not kept his promises to him.
He believed, that if he had pressed the Pope more,
he would have yielded. It was said, King Henry was
governed by his council ; whereas he said he governed
them, and not they him. Upon this audience, the
Duke of Norfolk seemed troubled that the King was
so passionate : he had advised the King, but in vain,
to let the annats go still to Rome." This is put in
the margin.

p- 21. In another memorial, set next to the former, and,
as it seems, writ soon after it, it is said, that the Em-
peror had sent word to the Queen and her daughter
not to come to Spain, till he had first got right to be

CODVO

cation
mtets.

PART III. BOOK II. 115

done them : and that the people were in a disposition
to join with any prince that would espouse their quar-
rel. This is said to be the general inclination of all
sorts of people : for they apprehended a change of re-
ligion, and a war that would cut off their trade with

O '

the Netherlands ; so that the new Queen was little
beloved.

But now I must return, and set out the progress of jhe
matters that provoked the Pope and court of Rome so "'
much. I shall give first the several proceedings of
the convocation.

The parliament had complained of the oath e.v
officio, by which the ordinaries obliged persons to an-
swer to such accusations as were laid to their charge,
upon oath : and as they answered, charging them-
selves, they were obliged either to abjure or to burn.
To this they added some other grievances. When
they presented them to the King, he told them he
could give no answer till he heard what the clergy
would say to them. They also passed acts about some
points that the clergy thought belonged to them ; as
mortuaries, plurality of benefices, and clergymen tak-
ing farms.

The first motion made by the Lower House was
concerning Tracy's Testament ; who had left his soul
to God through Jesus Christ, to whose intercession
alone he trusted, without the help of any other saint:
therefore he left no part of his goods to any that should
pray for his soul. This touching the clergy very sen-
sibly, they begun with it ; and a commission was given
for the raising his body.

In a following session, the Prolocutor complained
of another Testament, made by one Brown, of Bristol,
in the same strain. So, to prevent the spreading of
such an example, it was ordered, that Tracy's body
should be dug up, and burnt. In the eighty-fourth
session the House being thin, an order was made,
that all the members should attend, for some consti-
tutions were at that time to be treated of.

In the ninety-first session, which was in the end of concern
February, the Prolocutor came up with a motion, that

i 2

116 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

those who were presented to ecclesiastical benefices
should not be obliged by their bishops to give any
bond obliging them under temporal punishment to
residence : but to this no answer was given, nor was
any rule made against it. There had been complaints
made of clerks non-residents in the former session of
parliament ; and it seems some bishops thought, the
surest way to stop that clamour was to take bonds for
residence. And though this complaint shews the ill
temper of the Lower House, since they did not offer
any other better remedy ; yet the Upper House offer-
ing no answer to it, seems to imply their approving
of it.

In the 93d session, Latimer, who had been thrice
required to subscribe some articles, refused to do it:
he was excommunicated, and appointed to be kept
in safe custody in Lambeth. Session 96th it was re-
solved, that if Latimer would subscribe some of the
articles, he should be absolved. Upon that he sub-
mitted, confessed his error, and subscribed all the
articles except two.

In the 97th session, on the 12th of April 1532, the
Archbishop proposed to them the preparing an an-
swer to the complaints that the Commons had made
to the King against the proceedings in their courts.

An an- In the 98th session, the preamble of that complaint
- was read by Gardiner, with an answer that he had pre-
pared to it. Then the two clauses of the first article,

com. with answers to them, were also read and agreed to,
and sent down to the Lower House. Latimer was also
brought again before them, upon complaint of a
letter that he had written to one Greenwood, in Cam-
bridge.

In the 99th session, an answer to the complaint of
the Commons was read and agreed to, and ordered
to be laid before the King ; with which he was not
satisfied. Latimer being called to answer upon oath,
he appealed to the King, and said he would stand to

proceed- nis appeal.

Peyto and Elston, two brethren of the house of the
observants in Greenwich, accused Dr. Curren for a

PART III. BOOK II. 11?

sermon preached there ; but the Archbishop ordered
them to be kept in custody, with the Bishop of St.
Asaph, till they should be dismissed.

In the 100th session, the King sent a message by
Gardiner, intimating, that he remitted Latimer to the
Archbishop ; and upon his submission he was re-
ceived to the sacraments. This was done at the King's
desire; but some bishops protested, because this sub-
mission did not import a renunciation used in such
cases. After this, four sessions were employed in a
further consideration of the answer to the complaints
of the House of Commons.

In the 105th session, the Prolocutor brought up
four draughts concerning the ecclesiastical authority,
for making laws in order to the suppression of he-
resy ; but declared that he did not bring them up as
approved by the House ; he only offered them to the
bishops, as draughts prepared by learned men. He
desired they would read them, and choose what was
true out of them ; but added, that he prayed, that if
they prepared any thing on the subject, it might be
communicated to the Lower House. Some of these
are printed : I shall therefore only insert one in my Ki«hts
Collection, because it is the shortest of them, and yet
does fully set forth their design. It was formed in the
Upper House, and agreed to in the Lower, with two

1 T 1 • ir • 1 f

alterations. In it they promise the King, " that for the
future, such was the trust that they put in his wis-
dom, goodness, and zeal, and his incomparable learn- Kmg-
ing, far exceeding the learning of all other princes
that they had read of, that, during his natural life,
they should not enact, promulge, or put in execu-
tion, any constitution to be made by them, unless the
Kin^; by his royal assent did license them so to do.
And as for the constitutions already made, of which
the Commons complained, they would readily submit
the consideration of these to the King only; and
such of these as the King should judge prejudicial
and burdensome, they offered to moderate or annul
them according to his judgment. Saving to them-
selves ail the immunities and liberties granted to the

20.

118 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

church by the King and his progenitors, with all such
provincial constitutions as stand with the laws of
God, and holy church, and of the realm, which they
prayed the King to ratify: providing that, till the
King's pleasure should be made known to them, all
ordinaries might go on to execute their jurisdiction
as formerly." This did not pass easily ; there was
great debating upon it : but upon adding the words,
during the King's natural life, which made it a tem-
porary law; and by adding the words, holy church,
after the laws of God, which had a great extent, this
form was agreed to ; but what effect this had, or
whether it was offered to the King, does not appear.
The alterations that were afterwards made will ap-
pear to any who compares this with the submission ;
of which a particular account will be found in my
History.

The Bishop of London, presiding in the absence
of the Archbishop, told them, that the Duke of Nor-
folk had signified to him, that the House of Com-
mons had granted the King a fifteenth, to be raised
in two years ; so he advised the clergy to be as ready
as the laity had been to supply the King. The Pro-
locutor was sent down with this intimation : he im-
mediately returned back, and proposed that they
should consider of an answer to be made to the King,
concerning the ecclesiastical authority; and that
some might be sent to the King, to pray him that he
would maintain the liberties of the church, which he
and his progenitors had confirmed to them; and they
desired, that the Bishops of London and Lincoln,
with some abbots, the Dean of the King's chapel,
and Fox, his almoner, would intercede in behalf of
the clergy; which they undertook to do.
The sub jn t|1€; io6tn session, which was on the 10th of

miMinn

May, the Archbishop appointed a committee to go
and treat with the Bishop of Rochester at his house
°hopbl upon that matter. In the 107th session, the 13th of
o»iy dis May, the Archbishop appointed the Chancellor of

sen ting. TTT * . ^ * i i i i l

Worcester to raise Iracy s body: then they agreed
to the answer they were to make to the King. In the

mission

PART III. BOOK II. 119

108th session, on the 15th of May, the writ for pro-
roguing the convocation was brought to the Arch-
bishop : at the same time, the Duke of Norfolk, the
Marquis of Exeter, the Earl of Oxford, the Lord
Sands, Lord Chamberlain, and the Lord Bullen, and
Lord Rochford, were in secret conference with the
archbishops and bishops for the space of an hour ;
when they withdrew the Prolocutor and clergy came
up. The Archbishop asked, how they had agreed to
the schedule, which, as appears, was the form of the
submission. The Prolocutor told him how many
were for the affirmative, how many for the negative,
and how many were for putting off the three articles
of the submission. The Archbishop said, he expected
those lords would come back to him from the King,
and so sent them back to their House. These lords
came back to the chapter-house, and, after some dis-
course with the bishops, they retired. After dinner
the schedule was read in English, and the Archbishop
asked if they agreed to it : they all answered, they
did agree to it; only the Bishop of Bath dissented.
Then he sent it down by his Chancellor, to propose
it to the Lower House. After that, on the 15th of
May, it seems the schedule was sent back by the
Lower House, though that is not mentioned in the
abstract that we have remaining. For that day the
convocation was prorogued, and the next day the
Archbishop delivered it to the King, as enacted and
concluded by himself and others. The convocation
was prorogued to the 5th of November.

And thus the great transaction was brought about
in little more than a month's time : the first motion to-
wards it being made on the 12th of April, and it was
concluded on the 15th of May. It appears by their
heat against Tracy's Testament, and against Latimer,
that they who managed the opposition that was made
to it, were enemies to every thing that looked towards
a reformation. It seems Fisher did not protest; for
though by their sending a committee to his house, it
may be supposed he was sick at the time, yet he might
have sent a proxy, and ordered a dissent to be entered

120 BURiYET'S REFORMATION.

in his name ; and that, not being done, gives ground
to suppose that he did not vehemently oppose this
submission. By it, all the opposition that the convo-
cations would probably have given to every step that
was made afterwards in the Reformation, was so en-
tirely restrained, that the quiet progress of that work
was owing chiefly to the restraint under which the
clergy put themselves by their submission : and in
this the whole body of this reformed church has cheer-
fully acquiesced till within these few years, that great
endeavours have been used to blacken and disgrace it.
I have seen no particular account how this matter
went in the convocation at York, nor how matters
went there; save only it was agreed to give a tenth.
The pro j have seen a letter of Magnus, one of the Kino-'s

(.•ceilings 1 ' -i • 1 1 O

at York, chaplains, who was required by Cromwell to go thi-
ther, where Dr. Lee was to meet him. There is no year
added in the date of the letter ; but since he mentions
the last convocation, that had given a great sum of
money, and owned the King to be the supreme, that
fixes it to this session. He dates it from Marybone
collect, the 21st of April, as it will be seen in the Collection.

Numb. 21. TT i . . ,, /> , , .

lie was then in an ill state ot health, but promises
to be at York soon after the beginning of their convo-
cation. He complains, that he had no assistance at the
last meeting ; and that the books, which the King
had promised should be sent after him, were not sent :
which made the King's cause to be the longer in treat-
ing, before it came to a good conclusion. The pre-
lates and clergy there would not believe any report of
the acts passed at London, unless they were shewed
them authentically, either under seal, or by the King's
letters. He hopes both these things which had been
neglected formerly would be now done ; otherwise
the clergy in those parts would not proceed to any
strange acts ; so he warns him that all things may be
put in order."

Whatsoever it was that passed either in the one or
the other convocation, the King kept it within him-
self for two years : for so long he was in treating
terms with Rome; and if that had gone on, all this

PART III. BOOK II. 121

must have been given up : but when the final breach
came on, which was after two years, it was ratified
in parliament.

Before the next meeting Warham died. He had
all along concurred in the King's proceedings, and
had promoted them in convocation ; yet, in the last
year of his life, six months before his death, on the
9th of February 1531, he made a protestation of a
singular nature, not in the House of Lords, but at
Lambeth ; and so secretly, that mention is only made
of three notaries and four witnesses present at the
making of it. It is to this effect : " that what sta-
tutes soever had passed, or were to pass in this pre-
sent parliament, to the prejudice of the Pope, or the
apostolic see, or that derogated from, or lessened, the
ecclesiastical authority, or the liberties of his see of
Canterbury, he did not consent to them; but did
disown and dissent from them." This was found
in the Longueville library, and was communicated to
me by Dr. Wake, the present bishop of Lincoln. I
leave it with the reader to consider what construc-
tion can be made upon this : whether it was in the
decline of his life put on him by his confessor about
the time of Lent, as a penance for what he had done;
or if he must be looked on as a deceitful man, that,
while he seemed openly to concur in those things, he
protested against them secretly. The instrument will
be found in the Collection. Upon his death, the c°»e«;
prior and convent of Christ's Church of Canterbury proceed-"'
deputed the Bishop of St. Asaph to preside in the j^"'
convocation. On the 20th of February, in the fourth
session, the Bishop of London moved that the two
universities should be exempted from paying any part
of the subsidy : the same was also desired for some
religious orders, and it was agreed to ; Gardiner only
dissenting as to the exemption of the religious orders.
It may reasonably be supposed, that his opposing
this was in compliance with the King, who began to
shew an aversion both to the monks and friars :
seeing they were generally in the interests of Queen
Katherine ; and Gardiner was the most forward in his

122 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

compliances of all the clergy, Bonner only excepted,
though the old leaven of popery was deep in them both.

In the 11 1th session, on the 26th of March, Latimer
was again brought before them; and it was laid to
his charge, that he had preached contrary to his pro-
mise. Gardiner inveighed severely against him; and
to him all the rest agreed. When the Prolocutor
came up, the President spoke to him of the subsidy;
then the matter of the King's marriage was brought
before them. Gardiner produced some instruments,
which he desired them to read : they were the judg-
ments of several universities. Some doubted if it
was safe to debate a matter that was then depending
before the Pope; but the President put an end to that
fear by producing a breve of the Pope's, in which all
were allowed to deliver their opinions freely in that
matter ; so he exhorted them to examine the ques-
tions to be put to them carefully, that they might be
prepared to give their opinions about them.

Jn the hundred-and twelfth session, the President

111 • • i • ft • •

produced the original instruments or the univerM-
ties of Paris, Orleans, Bologna, Padua, Bourges, and
Thoulouse, (Angiers and Ferrara are not named);
and after much disputing, they were desired to de-
liver their opinions as to the consummation of the
marriage. But because it was a difficult case, they
asked more time. They had till four o'clock given
them ; then there were yet more disputings : in con-
clusion, they agreed with the universities. This was
first put to them ; though in the instrument made upon
it, it is mentioned after that which was offered to them
in the next session.

. On th e 2d of April 1533, Cranmer being now con-
secrated, and present, two questions were proposed
and put to the vote. The first was, " Whether the
prohibition to marry the brother's wife, the former
marriage being consummated, was dispensable by the
Pope?" Or, as it is in the minutes. " Whether it was
lawful to marry the wife of a brother dying without
issue ; but having consummated the marriage ? and
if the prohibition of such a marriage was grounded

PART III. BOOK II. 123

on a Divine law, with which the Pope could dispense
or not ?" There were present sixty-six divines, with
the proxies of one hundred and ninety-seven absent
bishops, abbots, and others : all agreed to the affirma-
tive, except only nineteen.

The second question was, " Whether the consum-
mation of Prince Arthur's marriage was sufficiently
proved ?" This belonged to the canonists ; so it was
referred to the bishops and clergy of that profession,
being forty-four in all, of whom one had the proxy
of three bishops : all these, except five or six, affirmed
it ; of these, the Bishop of Bath and Wells was one.
Of all this a public instrument was made.

In the account I formerly gave of this matter, I
offered a conjecture concerning the constitution of the
two Houses, that deans and archdeacons, who sat in
their own right, were then of the Upper House ; which
I see, was without any good ground. I likewise com-
mitted another error, through inadvertence: for I said,
the opinions of nineteen universities were read; where-
as only six were read . And the nineteen, which I added
to the number of the universities, was the number of
those who did not agree to the vote.

These questions were next sent to the convocation The A.<.h

c -\r i l bishop

of the province ot York, where there were present cran™,
twenty-seven divines, who had the proxies of twenty- f^5t>
four who were absent: and all these, two only ex- asaiusl "•
cepted, agreed to the first question. There were like-
wise forty-four canonists present, with the proxies of
five or six: to them the second question was put;
all these were for the affirmative, two only excepted.
The whole representative of the church of England,
in the convocation of the two provinces of Canter-
bury and York, did in this manner give their answer
to the two questions put to them ; upon which Cran-
mer wrote to the King on the llth of April, com-
plaining that the great cause of his matrimony had
depended long; and upon that hedesiredhislicen.se
to judge it: which the King readily granted. So he
gave sentence, condemning it on the 23d of May :
and then the King openly owned his second marriage,

s

124 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

for the new Queen's big belly, could be no longer con-
cealed.

This was highly resented at Rome, as an open at-

that the i T> > i

coortof tempt upon the Popes authority; and these steps,
*°me in their style, were called the attentates ; so consi-
dering the blind submission to the popes, in which
the world had been kept for so many ages, it was no
wonder to find the Imperialists call upon the Pope,
almost in a tumultuary manner, to exert his authority
to the full when he saw it so openly affronted. And
it is very probable, that if the Pope had not, with
that violent passion that Italians have for the advanc-
ing their families, run into the proposition for marry-
ing his niece to the Duke of Orleans, he would have
fulminated upon this occasion : but he, finding that
might be broke off if he had proceeded to the utmost
extremities with King Henry, was therefore resolved
to prolong the time, and to delay the final sentence ;
otherwise the matter would have been ended much
sooner than it was.

Gardiner, Brian, and Bennet, were sent as ambas-
sadors to the King of France, to Marseilles. Bonner
was also sent thither on a more desperate service ; for
he was ordered to go and read the King's appeal from
the Pope to a general council, in the Pope's own pre-
sence at such time and in such a manner as the Kind's

o

ambassadors should direct. Of the execution of this

he gave the King a very particular account, in a letter

cotton t0 njm bearing date at Marseilles, the 13th of Novem-

v'iteii. her 1533 ; which the reader will find in the Collection,

copied from the original : in it he tells the King,

" That being commanded by his ambassadors, to
intimate to the Pope in person, the provocations and
appeals that he had made to a general council ; he
carried one Penniston, who it seems was a notary,

ntmaes • i i • • • mi

the King's with him to make an act concerning it. 1 hey came
to the Pope's palace on the 17th of November, in
the morning. He found some difficulty in getting
access ; for he was told that the Pope was going to
hold a consistory, so that no other business was to in-
terpose : yet he got into the Pope's chamber, where

intimates

PART III. BOOK II. 125

the Pope was with the two cardinals, de Medicis and
Lorrain : the Pope being apparelled in his stole to go
to the consistory: the Popeaquickly observed Bonner,
for he had prayed the Datary to let the Pope know he
desired to speak with him : the Datary said, it was
not a proper time ; but Bonner was resolved to go im-
mediately to him; so he told the Pope of it: who upon
that dismissed the Cardinals, and going to a window
he called him to him; upon that Bonner told him the
message he had from the King to read before him ;
making such apology first in the King's name, and
then in his own, as was necessary to prepare him for
it. The Pope cringed in the Italian way, but said he
had not time then to hear those papers; but bade him
come again in the afternoon, and he would give him
a full audience. When he came again, he was, after
some others had their audience, called in ; Penniston
following him, whom the Pope had not observed in
the morning. So Bonner told him that it was he who
had brought over his commission aud orders ; upon
that the Pope called for his Datary, and for Simonetta
and Capisuchi. Till they came in, the Pope in dis-
course asked both for Gardiner and Brian, seeming
not to know that they were at Marseilles; and he la-
mented the death of Bennet : he complained of the
King's using him as he did. Bonner, on the other
hand, complained of his unkind usage of the King ;
and that he had, contrary to his promise, avocated
the cause when it was brought to the point of giving
sentence : and had now retained the cause to Rome,
whither the King could not come personally, nor was
he bound to send a proctor : and he urged the matter
very close upon the Pope. He also complained that
the King's cause being just, and esteemed so by the
best learned men in Christendom, yet the Pope kept
it so long in his hands : the Pope answered, that had
not the Queen refused the judges as suspect, and taken
an oath that she expected no justice in the King's
dominions, he would not have avocated the cause:
but in that case, notwithstanding his promise, he was
bound to do it; and the delay of the matter lay wholly

12G BURNET'S REFORMATION.

at the King's door, who did not send a proctor.
While Bonner was replying, the Datary came in, and
the Pope cut him short; and commanded the Datary
to read the commission ; which he did. The Pope
often interrupted the reading it, with words that ex-
pressed a high displeasure. And when the appeal
was read to the next general council, to be held in a
proper place, he expressed with some rage his indig-
nation ; but restrained himself, and said all that came
from the King was welcome to him : but by his ges-
ture and manner, it appeared he was much discom-
posed. Yet, after that, he shewed how willing he was
to call a council, but that the King seemed to put it
off; he ordered the Datary to read it quite through:
in the end, mention being made of the Archbishop of
Canterbury's sentence, he spake of that with great
contempt. He also observed, that the King in words
expressed respect to the church, and to the apostolic
see, yet he expressed none to his person. While they
were thus in discourse, the King of France came to
see the Pope, who met him at the door. That King
seemed to know nothing of the business, though
Bonner believed he did know it. The Pope told him
what they were about ; they two continued in pri-
vate discourse about three quarters of an hour, and
seemed very cheerful : then that King went away,
the Pope conducted him to the door of the anti-cham-
ber. When the Pope came back, he ordered the
Datary to read out all that remained, the Pope often
interrupting him as he read. When the first instru-
ment was read to an end, Bonner offered the two ap-
peals that the King had made to a general council ;
these the Pope delivered to the Datary, that he might
read them,
u was "When all was read, the Pope said he would con-

rejected '11 I'll

by t;!e sider with the cardinals what answer was to be given
them ; and seemed to think that the writings were to
remain with them : but Bonner pressing to have them
again, he said he would consider what answer he was
to give to that. So the Pope dismissed him, after an
audience that lasted three hours. The Datary told

PART III. BOOK II. 127

Bonner there was to be a consistory next day ; after
that he might come to receive his answer. On the
1 Oth, a consistory was held ; in the afternoon, the Pope
was long taken up with the blessing of beads, and
admitting persons of quality of both sexes, to kiss his
foot. When that was over he called Bonner in, and
the Pope began to express his mind towards the King,
that it was to do him all justice, and to please him
all he could ; and though it had not been so taken,
yet he intended to continue in the same mind : but
according to a constitution of Pope Pius, that con-
demned all such appeals, he rejected the King's ap-
peal to a general council, as frivolous and unlawful.
As for a general council he would use all his dili-
gence to have it meet, as he had formerly done: but
the calling it belonged wholly to him : he said he
would not restore the instruments; and told Bonner,
that the Datary should give him his answer in writ-
ing. Bonner went to the Datary 's chamber, where
he found the answer already written, but not signed
by him. Next day he signed it ; adding the salvo of
answering it more fully and more particularly, if it
should be thought meet.

" The Pope left Marseilles the next day, and went
towards Rome. Bonner concludes that the French
knew of their design, and were willing it should be
done, two or three days before the Pope's departure ;
yet when it was done, they said it had spoiled all their
matters, and the King's likewise." He says nothing
of any threatening of bad usage to himself. The King
of France, indeed, when he expostulated upon the af-
front done the Pope, while in his house, said, that he
durst not have done that in any other place: this
makes it probable that the Pope told him how he would
have used Bonner, if he had served him with that
appeal in his own territories. So, whether this came
to be known afterwards from the court of France, or
whether Bonner might have spread it in England, at
his return, to raise the value of that piece of service,
which he was capable of doing, cannot be determined.
It is certain it was reported in England so, that in the

K'8 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Anli- answer to Sanders it is set down; and from him I took
d.rus. it : but I will leave it with the reader, to consider
what credit may be due to it.

At the same time Cranmer hearing the Pope de-
signed to proceed against him, did, by the King's
order, appeal likewise to a general council, and sent
the instrument with a warrant to execute it, to Crom-
well, that it might be sent to the Bishop of Winches-
ter, to get it to be intimated to the Pope, in the best
manner that could be thought of : he therefore, by the
King's command, sent this to him in a letter, dated
the 22d of November, which will be found in the
collect. Collection ; but it does not appear to me what was

?> limb. 2 K i

done upon it.

i* Grand, I shall in the next place give an account of the in-
Beiiay structions that the King of France sent by Bellay,
iT'the*"" then translated from Bayonne to Paris, whom he dis-
hing'by patched immediately after he came back from Mar-
Francis, seilles, as the person in the kingdom that was the most
acceptable to the King. The substance of them is,
" That Francis had at the interview studied nothing
so much as to advance Henry's matters : yet he heard
that he complained of him as having done less than
he expected, which he took much amiss. It was
agreed by the two Kings, that a proposition should
be set on foot for the Duke of Orleans' marrying the
Pope's niece, which had not been before thought of.
The matter was so far advanced, and the interview so
settled, that Francis could not afterwards put it off with
honour; all being done pursuant to their first agree-
ment at Calais. The Pope promised to make no new
step in King Henry's matter, if he would do the same.
But King Henry did innovate in many particulars ;
yet, contrary to all men's expectations, he had effec-
tually restrained the Pope from shewing his resent-
ments upon it : and he was in a fair way to have en-
gaged the Pope against the Emperor, if King Henry
would have given him any handle for it. Once Francis
hoped to have brought Henry to Marseilles ; but he
judged that was not fit for him, and promised to send
the Duke of Norfolk in his stead : for notwithstanding

PART in. BOOK n. 1-29

the sentence passed at Rome, a remedy was proposed,
if a person was sent with full powers, as was expected.
When Gardiner came to Marseilles, he said he had
orders to do whatsoever Francis should direct him,
but indeed he brought no such powers. The Pope was
resolved to do all that he could advise him for Henry's
satisfaction : and Francis would enter upon none of
his own affairs, till that was first settled : he still waited
for powers fiom England, but none were sent. This
might have provoked Francis to have been less zealous,
but it did not: instead of sending what Francis ex-
pected, there was an appeal made from the Pope to
a general council, which so highly provoked the Pope,
that what he had been labouring to do a whole week,
was pulled down in one hour. It was also an in-
jury to Francis to use the Pope ill without his know-
ledge, when he was in his house, doing that there
which they durst not have done any where else. This
gave great joy to the Spaniards, and though the Pope
offered to put Leghorn, Parma, and Placentia, with
other places of greater importance, into Francis's hand,
yet, upon the rupture with Henry, he would treat of
nothing, so he concluded the marriage, with no ad-
vantage to himself from it ; and yet for all this zeal
and friendship that he had expressed to King Henry,
he had no thanks, but only complaints. He saw he
was disposed to suspect him in every thing, as in par-
ticular for his treating with the King of Scotland,
though by so doing he had taken him wholly out of
the Emperor's hands. He proposes of new to King-
Henry, the same means that were proposed at Mar-
seilles, in order to the reconciling him to the Pope,
with some other motions, which he will see are good
and reasonable, and upon that all that passed would
be easily repaired : he perceived plainly at Marseilles,
that the King's ambassadors had no intentions to bring
matters to an agreement ; and when he told them that
he saw there was no intention to make up matters,
they only smiled. It touched the King of France very
sensibly, to see all his friendship and good offices to
be so little understood and so ill requited. He was
VOL. in. K

130 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

offered the duchy of Milan, if he would suffer the
Emperor and the Pope to proceed against the King
of England. But he was now to offer to King Henry,
if he would reconcile himself to the Pope, a league
between the Pope and the two Kings, offensive and
defensive. But if King Henry would come into no
such agreement, yet he was to assure him that he would
still continue in a firm and brotherly friendship with
him; and if, by reason of his marriage, and the cen-
sures that might be passed on that account, any prince
should make war upon him, that he would assist him
according to their treaties : and that he would so ma-
nage the King of Scotland, that he should engage
him into a defensive league with him. In conclusion,
he desired that some other better instruments than the
Bishop of Winchester might be employed, for he
thought he had no good intentions, neither to the one
nor the other of them."

There is some reason to suspect that these instruc-
tions are not fully set forth by Le Grand ; for the best
argument to persuade the King to come to terms of
reconciliation, was to tell him what the Pope had said
to him of the justice of his cause. It is certain that
Francis owned that on other occasions ; this makes it
highly probable that it was set forth in those instruc-
tions : so that I cannot help suspecting, that some
part of them is suppressed.

At this time the King, in a letter to his Ambassador
that was at the Emperor's court, after he had ordered
him to lay open the falsehood of the reports that had
- been carried to the Emperor of Queen Katherine's
to being ill used; and to complain of her obstinate
™' temper, and of her insisting on her appeal to the
Pope, after the law was passed against all such ap-
peals. He adds, that, as he had told the Emperor's
Ambassador at his court, the Pope had to the French
King confessed that his cause was just and lawful ;
and that he had promised to him at Marseilles, that
if the King would send a proxy, he would give sen-
tence for him in his principal cause : which the King
refused to do, looking on that as a derogation from

PART III. BOOK II. 131

his royal dignity. The Pope, it seems, looked on his
refusing to do this, as a contempt, and pronounced
sentence against him, notwithstanding his appeal to a
general council, that had been personally intimated to
him. This the King imputed to his malice, and his
design to support his usurped authority.

The Bishop of Paris coming1 to London, had very Mem°ira

, r &. , J d« Bell.

long and earnest conferences with the King : in con- P. iu.
elusion, the King promised, that if the Pope would
supersede his sentence, the King would likewise su-
persede the separating himself entirely from his obe- KiGg
dience: upon that; though it was in winter, he went Gutt
immediately post to Rome. At the same time the £h'h?s
King sent a letter to his ambassadors at Rome; hetohis
tells them, " That after the interview at Marseilles,
he had heard, both by Bonner and Sir Gregory, that
the Pope had in a lively manner spoken to the Em-
peror in favour of the King's cause, and seemed more Numb. 25.
inclined than formerly to do him justice. He had
proposed that the King should send a mandate, de-
siring his cause might be tried in an indifferent place :
upon which he would send a legate and two auditors
to form the process; reserving the judgment to him-
self: or, that the King of France and he would con-
cur to procure a general council, by concluding a
truce for three or four years, upon which he would
call one, and leave the King's cause to be judged in
it. The same overtures were made to the King by
the Pope's Nuncio. He pretended that Sir Gregory
had made them to the Pope in the King's name; and
that the Pope had agreed to them ; yet the King had
never sent any such orders to Sir Gregory, but rather
to the contrary. Yet since the Pope, in these over-
tures, shewed better inclinations than formerly, which
indeed he was out of hope of, he ordered thanks to
be given him in his name. The King asked nothing
in return for all the service he had done him and the
see, but justice according to the laws of God, and the
ordinances of the holy councils; which, if he would
now do speedily, setting aside all delays, he might
be sure that he and his kingdom would be as loving

K 2

132 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

to him and his see, as they had been formerly ac-
customed to be: but for the truce, how desirous so-
ever he was of outward quie t, yet he could not set
himself to procure it, till he had first peace in his
own conscience, which the Pope might give him;
and then he would use his best endeavours fora ge-
neral peace with the King of France ; from whom he
would never separate himself. He therefore charges
them to press the Pope to remit the fact, to be tried
within the kingdom, according to the old sanctions
of general councils. If the Pope would grant his
desire, he would dispose all his allies to concur in
the service of that see. He could not consent to let
his cause be tried out of the realm; it was contrary
both to his prerogative, and to the laws of his king-
dom : and by his coronation oath, he was bound to
maintain these. So, without the consent of his par-
liament, he could not agree to it ; and he was sure
they would never consent to that. He hoped the
Pope would not compel him fco do things prejudicial
to the papal dignity, as it was then exercised, which,
unless he were forced to it by the Pope's conduct
towards him, he had no mind to do. The Pope had
said to Sir Gregory, that by their laws the Pope could
not dispense in such a marriage, unless there was an
urgent cause pressing it : and the clearing this point,
he thought, would more certainly advance the King's
cause, than the opinion of lawyers and divines, that
the Pope could not dispense with it. The Emperor
had said to the Pope, that there was an extreme
bloody war at that time between England and Spain ;
for the pacifying which, the dispensation allowing the
marriage was granted : whereas, in the league signed
by his father, and by Ferdinand and Isabella, upon
which the dispensation was obtained, no such thing
was pretended ; the marriage was agreed to for the
continuance and augmentation of their amity ; and
upon the account of the good qualities of the Queen :
it was also plainly expressed in that league, that her
former marriage was consummated. So the dispen-
sation was granted without any urgent cause. An.l

PART III. BOOK II. 133

therefore by the Pope's own concession, it could not
be valid: he sent to Rome an attested transcript of
that league ; so if the Pope would refer the judging
in this matter to the church of England, and ratify
the sentence given in it, he will not only acquire the
obedience of us and of our people, but pacify the
disputes that have been raised, to the quiet of all
Christendom. He concludes, that if the Pope seemed
disposed to be benevolent to the King, they were not
to declare all this, as his final answer, but to assure
him that he would study, by all honourable ways,
to concur with the Pope's towardly mind, if he
will earnestly apply himself and persevere in such
opinion as may be for the acceleration of the said
cause." This is all that I can find of the submission
that he offered: but how much further his pro-
mises, sent by the Bishop of Paris, went, does not
appear to me.

To quicken the court of France to interpose effec- Diike off
tually with the Pope, to bring this matter to the con- iette°to
elusion that all the papists of England laboured ear-
nestly for; the Duke of Norfolk wrote, on the 27th of
January, a very full letter on the subject to Montmo-
rency. " He was glad that the Bishop of Paris was i* Grand,
sent to Rome, with instructions expressing the entire F'
union that was between the two Kings. He wished
he might succeed ; for if the Pope would persist in
his obstinacy to favour the Emperor, and to oppress
the King in his most just cause, an opposition to his
authority would be unavoidable ; and it would give
occasions to many questions, greatly to his prejudice,
and against his usurpations. It began to be believed,
that the Pope had no authority out of Rome, any more
than any other bishop has out of his diocese: and that
this usurped authority grew by the permission of
princes, blinded by popes ; who, contrary to the laws
of God, and the good of the church, had maintained
it. To support this, many clear texts of Scripture were
brought, with reasons founded on them : and many
histories were alleged, to prove, that popes themselves
were made by the emperors ; and tliat their authority

MoQtmo-
reocy.

3B8.

134 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

was only suffered, but not granted, nor confirmed, by
emperors or kings. Of all this, the bishops, and other
doctors, had made such discoveries, that he himself
and other noblemen, as well as the body of the people,
were so convinced of it, that if the King would give
way to it (which, if no interposition saves it, proba-
bly he will do), this present parliament will withdraw
from the Pope's obedience ; and then every thing
that depends on it will be hated and abhorred by the
whole nation : and other states and kingdoms may
from thence be moved to do the same. He, out of
the friendship that was between them, gave him this
advertisement. He apprehended some ill effects, from
the readiness the King of France had expressed to
favour the Pope, even to the prejudice of his own
authority. For he had taken a bull, to do justice in
his own kingdom ; as if he had not full authority to
do that without a bull. The Pope and his successors
might make this a precedent for usurping on the royal
authority. He also complains, that though their King
had promised to the Earl of Rochford, that Beda, who
had calumniated the King so much, and was his enemy
in his just cause, should be banished not only from
Paris, but out of his kingdom ; yet he was now sud-
denly recalled. He wishes these things may be con-
sidered in time : he does not propose that the King
of France should turn the Pope's enemy ; but if there
came a rupture between the King and the Pope, that
he would not so favour the Pope, as to give him more
boldness in executing his malice against the King,
or his subjects : and that they might not be deceived
by his promises, as if he would enable Francis to
recover his dominions in Italy, if he should be thereby
engaged to lose the friendship of the King, and his
allies."

This came in time to quicken the court of France :
for, by a letter writ from Rome on the 20th of Febru-
xhe4' ary, it appears, that the Pope was at that time in great
wTin anxiety« He was pressed hard by the Imperialists,
great On the one hand ; and he saw the danger of losing
r' England, on the other hand. To some about him, he

Libr.

PART III. BOOK II. 135

expressed a great inclination to be reconciled to the
King : he sent secretly for some great lawyers ; they
were positive that the King's cause was just, and that
his second marriage was good. But now the matter
being brought to a crisis, I shall give it in the words
of Du Bellay, who, no doubt, had his information from
his brother. " King Henry, upon the remonstrances ?.%!*,'
that the Bishop of Paris made to him, condescended, 415'41
that if the Pope would supersede the sentence, till he
sent judges to hear his matter, he would supersede the
executing that which he was resolved to do : which

O

was, to separate himself entirely from obedience to the
see of Rome. And the bishop of Paris offering to
undertake the journey to Rome, he assured him, that
when he obtained that which he went to demand
there, he would immediately send him sufficient powers
to confirm that which he had promised ; trusting in
him, by reason of the great friendship that he had for
so long a time borne him : for he had been ambassador

^j

in his court for two years.

" It was a very severe winter ; but the Bishop
thought the trouble was small, so he might accomplish IT
that which he went upon. So he came in good time J"1^*
to Rome, before any thing was done ; and in an "p the

,...!• ~ breach.

audience in the consistory, he gave an account 01 that
which he had obtained of the King of England, for
the good of the church. The proposition was judged
reasonable, and a time was assigned him for getting
the King's answer : so he dispatched a courier to the
King, with a charge to use such diligence, that he
might return within the time limited.

" The day that was set for the return of the messen- The final
ger being come, and the courier not come back, the
Imperialists pressed in consistory, that the Pope should
give sentence. The Bishop, on the other hand, pressed
both the Pope in particular, and all the cardinals, that
they would continue the time only for six days ; alleg-
ing that some accident might have happened to the
courier ; the sea might not be passable, or the wind
contrary, so that either in going or coming the courier
might be delayed : and since the King had patience

136 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

for six years, they might well grant him a delay for
six days. He made these remonstrances in full con-
sistory ; to which many of those who saw the clearest,
and judged the best of things, condescended : but the
greater number prevailed over the lesser number of
those, who considered well the prejudice that was like
to happen to the church by it ; and they went on with
that precipitation, that they did in one consistory, that
which could not be done in three consistories ; and so
the sentence was fulminated.

The cou- " Two days had not passed, when the courier came
Iwoday" with the powers and declarations from the King of
too iate. Englancj; of which the Bishop had assured them.
This did much confound those who had been for the
precipitating the matter. They met often, to see if
they could redress that which they had spoiled ; but
they found no remedy. The King of England seeing
with what indignity he was used, and that they shewed
as little regard to him, as if he had been the meanest
person in Christendom, did immediately withdraw
himself, and his kingdom, from the obedience of the
church of Rome; and declared himself to be, under
God, the Head of the church of England."
^fi0"^! ^e nave a further account of this transaction in the
Further letters that M. Le Grand has published. On the 22d
of February, Raince, the French ambassador, wrote
from Rome a letter full of good hopes : and it seems
the Bishop of Paris wrote in the same strain ; but his
letter of the 23d of March is very different from that:
it was on the same day that the consistory was held.
"There were two-and-twenty cardinals present, when
sentence was given ; by which King Henry's marriage
with Queen Katherine was declared good and valid,
and the issue by it lawful. Upon hearing the news
of this, he went and asked the Pope about it, who told
him it was true ; but that though some would have
had it immediately intimated, he had delayed the order-
ing that till after Easter. He with the other French
ambassadors made no answer to the Pope, only the
Bishop of Paris told him, he had no other business
there ; so he must return home again. They did not

matter.

PART III. BOOK II. 137

put the Pope in mind of the promises and assurances
he had given them to the contrary, when they saw it
was to no purpose ; and it was not easy to say such
things as the occasion required : but the Bishop in-
tended to speak more plainly to the Pope, when he
should take his leave of him, which would be within
three or four days. He adds, that for some reasons,
which he would tell the French King, they were in
doubt whether that which was done was not conform
to a secret intention of the King's, that was not made
known to them. He apprehended, if he stayed longer
there, it might give the King of England cause of sus-
picion : for he had by his last letters to him given him
assurances, upon which perhaps he had dismissed his
parliament ; for which he would be much displeased
with the Bishop. He desires the King will give ad-
vice of this with all diligence to King Henry : and
then all the world would see, that the King had done
all that was possible for him to do, both to serve his
friend, and to prevent the great mischief that might
follow to the church, and to all Christendom : for there
was not any one thing omitted, that could have been
done. The Imperialists were running about the streets
in great bodies, crying, Empire and Spain, as if they
had got a victory ; and had bonfires and discharges of
cannon upon it. The Cardinals Trevulce, Rodolphe,
and Priane, were not of that number ; others had not
behaved themselves so well as was expected. Raince,
one of the ambassadors, said he would give himself
to the devil, if the Pope should not find a way to set
all right that is now spoiled : he pressed the other
ambassadors to go again to the Pope for that end, it
being a maxim in the canon law, that matrimonial
causes are never so finally judged but that they may
be reviewed : they were assured that the Pope was
surprised in this, as well as he had been in the first
sentence passed in this matter. The Pope had been
all that night advising with his doctors how to find a
remedy, and was in great pain about it; upon the
knowledge of this they were resolved to go to him,
and see if any thing was to be expected. In a post-

138 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

script he tells the King, that he ought not to think it
strange, if in their last letters they gave other hopes
of the opinion of the cardinals than appeared now by
their votes : they took what they wrote to him from
niei. Hist, what they said, which they heard, and not from their
thoughts, which they could not know." By a letter
that Pompone Trevulce wrote from Lyons to the
Bishop of Auxerre, it appears, that the Bishop of Paris
passed through Lyons, in his return on the 14th, two
days before : " in it he gave him the same account
of the final sentence that was formerly related : the
Bishop said to him it was not the Pope's fault, for he
was for a delay, and if they had granted a delay of six
days, the King of England would have returned to the
obedience of the apostolic see ; and left his cause to
be proceeded in, according to justice ; but the Impe-
rialists and their party in the consistory pressed the
matter so, that they would admit of no delay: but when
after a day the courier came, the Imperialists them-
selves were confounded : he adds one thing, that the
Bishop told him of his brother the Cardinal, that he
pressed the delay so earnestly, that he was reproached
for it, and called a Frenchman : he avowed that he
was a servant to the Most Christian King, and that
the King of France, and his predecessors, had never
done any thing but good to the apostolic see."
Reflec- And now I have laid together all the proceedings
<•» this in the matters relating to the King's divorce, and his
breach with the court of Rome. In opening all this,
I have had a great deal of light given me by the pa-
pers that M. Le Grand had published, and by the book
that he gave me ; for which, whatever other differ-
ences I may have with him, I return him in this public
way my hearty thanks. There appears to have been
a signal train of providence in the whole progress of
this matter, that thus ended in a total rupture. The
court of Rome, being overawed by the Emperor, en-
gaged itself far at first : but when the Pope and the
King- of France were so entirely united as they knew
they were, it seems they were under an infatuation
from God, to carry their authority so far at a time in

breach.

PART III. BOOK II.

which they saw the King of England had a parlia-
ment inclined to support him in his breach with Rome.
It was but too visible that the King would have given
all up, if the Pope would have done him but common
justice. But when the matter was brought so near a
total union, an entire breach followed, in the very time
in which it was thought all was made up : those who
favoured the Reformation, saw all their hopes as it
seemed blasted ; but of a sudden all was revived
again. This was an amazing transaction ; and how
little honour soever this full discovery of all the steps
made in it does to the memory of King Henry, who
retained his inclinations to a great deal of popery to
the end of his life, yet it is much to the glory of God's
providence, that made the persons most concerned to
prevent and hinder the breach, to be the very persons
that brought it on, and in a manner forced it.

The sentence was given at Rome on the 23d of
March, on the same day in which the act of the suc-
cession to the crown of England did pass here in
England : and certainly the parliament was ended
before it was possible to have had the news from
Rome of what passed in the consistory on the 23d of
March : for it was prorogued on the 30th of March.
So that if King Henry's word had been taken by the
Pope and the consistory, he seems to have put it out
of his power to have made it good, since it is scarce
possible to think, that a parliament that had gone so
far in the breach with Rome, could have been pre-
vailed on to undo all that they had been doing for four
years together.

Nothing material passed in convocation before the A" in
31st of March, and then the Actuary exhibited the co'LT
answer of the Lower House to this question, " Whe- ^uL,
ther the Bishop of Rome has any greater jurisdiction !fueth^pe>!'
given him by God in the Holy Scriptures, within the •%•
kingdom of England, than any other foreign bishop ?"
There were thirty-two for the negative, four for the
affirmative, and one doubted. It was a thin House,
and no doubt many absented themselves on design :
but it does not appear how this passed in the Upper

140 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

House, or whether it was at all debated there : for
the prelates had, by their votes in the House of Lords,
given their opinions already in the point. The con-
vocation at York had the same position, no more made
a question, put to them on the 5th of May : there the
Archbishop's presidents were deputed by him to con-
firm and fortify this. After they had examined it
carefully, they did all unanimously, without a con-
trary vote, agree to it ; upon which an instrument
was made by the Archbishop, and sent to the Kins',
which will be found in the Collection, as it was taken
'' out of the register of York.

The King sent the same question to the University
of Oxford, and had their answer. That part of the
King's letter that relates to this matter and the Uni-
versity's answer were sent me, taken from the archives
there, by the learned Mr. Bingham, which will be
collect, found in the Collection. The King required them to
. y\. examme tne question sent by him to them, concern-
ing the power and primacy of the Bishop of Rome,
and return their answer under the common seal, with
convenient speed ; according to the sincere truth.
Dated from Greenwich the 18th day of May. The an-
swer is directed to all the sons of their mother church,
and is made in the name of the Bishop of Lincoln their
chancellor, and the whole convocation of all doctors,
and master regents, and non-regents. " It sets forth,
that whereas the King had received the complaints
and petitions of his parliament, against some intolera-
ble foreign exactions ; and some controversies being
raised concerning the power and authority of the Bi-
shop of Rome, the King, that he might satisfy his
people, but not break in upon any thing declared in
the Scriptures (which he will be always most ready
to defend with his blood), had sent this question to
them, setting it down in the terms in which it was
proposed to the convocation.) They upon this, to
make all the returns of duty and obedience to the
King, had brought together the whole faculty of di-
vinity : and for many days they had searched the
Scriptures, and the most approved commentators ;

PART III. BOOK II. 141

and had collated them diligently, and had held public
disputations on the matter : and at last they had all
unanimously agreed, that the Bishop of Rome has no
greater jurisdiction given him by God, in the Holy
Scriptures in this kingdom of England, than any other
foreign bishop. This determination, made according
to the statutes of their University, they affirm and tes-
tify as true, certain, and agreeing to the Holy Scrip-
tures : dated on the 27th of June 1534." Here was a
long deliberation : it lasted about five weeks after the
King's letter, and was a very full and clear determina-
tion of the point.

To this I shall add the fullest of all the subscrip-
tions, instruments, and oaths, that was made, pursuant
to these laws and decrees of convocation. I have seen
several others to the same purpose : of which Rymer
has published many instruments, all from page 487
to page 527, of Ecclesiastics, Regulars, as well as
Seculars, Mendicants, and Carthusians : but that from
the prior and chapter of Worcester being much the
fullest of them all, I shall only insert it in my Collec- collect.^
tion, and leave out all the rest, that I may not weary
the reader with a heavy repetition of the various
forms, in which some expatiated copiously; to shew
their zeal for the King's authority, and against the
papacy; which was looked on then as the distinguish-
ing character of those who designed to set on a fur-
ther reformation : whereas those who did adhere to
their former opinions, thought it enough barely to sign
the proposition, and to take the oath prescribed by law.

There was likewise an order published, but how AD or.
soon it does not appear to me ; Strype says in June thlbid-
1534 ; it was before Queen Anne's tragical fall, di- Ji^
recting the bidding prayers for the King, as the only and
and supreme head of this catholic church of England, fng"
then for Queen Anne, and then for the Lady Eliza-
beth, daughter to them both, our Princess: and no
further in the presence of the King and Queen ; but
in all other places they were to pray for all archbishops
and bishops, and for the whole clergy, and such as
shall please the preacher to name of his devotion ;

112 BUKNET'S REFORMATION.

tlien for all the nobility, and such as the preacher
should name ; then for the souls of them that were
dead, and such of them as the preacher shall name.
Every preacher was ordered to preach once, in the
greatest audience, against the usurped authority of
the Bishop of Rome; and he was left after that to his
liberty : no preachers were in the pulpit to inveigh
against, or to deprave one another: if they had occa-
sion to complain, they were to do it to the King, or
the bishop of the diocese. They were not to preach
for or against purgatory, the honouring of saints, that
faith only justifieth, to go on pilgrimages, or to sup-
port miracles : these things had occasioned great dis-
sensions ; but those were then well pacified. They
were to preach the words of Christ, and not mix with
them men's institutions, or to make God's laws and
men's laws of equal authority ; or to teach that any
man had power to dispense with God's law. It seems
there was a sentence of excommunication with rela-
tion to the laws and liberties of the church published
once a year, against all such as broke them ; this was
to be no more published. The collects for the King
and Queen by name were to be said in all high masses ;
they were likewise to justify to the people the King's
last marriage, and to declare how ill the King had been
used by the Pope in all that matter, with the proofs
of the unlawfulness of his former marriage ; and a long
deduction was made of the process at Rome, and of
all the artifices used by the Pope, to get the King to
subject himself to him, which I need not relate: it
contains the substance of the whole cause, and the
order of the process formerly set forth ; I have put it
collect, in the Collection. All that is particular in it is, that
J' the King affirms, that a decretal bull was sent over,
decreeing, that if the former marriage was proved, and
if it did appear, that as far as presumptions can prove
it, that it was consummated, that marriage was to be
held unlawful and null. This bull, after it was seen
by the King, was, by the Bishop of Rome's command-
ment, embezzled by the cardinals. He adds another
particular, which I find no where but here ; that the

PART III. BOOK II. 143

Pope gave out a sentence in the manner of an excom-
munication and interdiction of him and his realm; of
which complaint being made, as being contrary to all
law and right, the fault was laid on a new officer lately
come to the court; who ought to have been punished
for it, and the process was to cease : but though this
was promised to the King's agents, yet it went on, and
was set up in Flanders. Perhaps the words in the
Bishop of Paris's last letter, that the Pope was sur-
prised in the last sentence, as he had been in the first,
are to be explained and applied to this. He also
mentions the declarations that the Pope had made to
the French King and his council, of what he would
gladly.do for the King, allowing the justness of his
cause ; and that he durst not do it at Rome, for fear
of the Emperor, but that he would come and do it at
Marseilles ; and there he promised to that King to
give judgment for the King: so he would send a proxy,
which he knew before that he would not do, nor was
he bound to do it.

Tims the King took care to have his cause to be
fully set forth to all his own subjects : his next care
was to have it rightly understood by all the princes
of Europe. I have found the original instructions that
he gave to Paget, then one of the clerks of the signet,
whom he sent to the King of Poland, and the Dukes of
Pomerania and Prussia, and to the cities of Dantzic,
Stetin, and Coningsburg: and it is to be supposed,
that others were sent to other princes and cities with
the like instructions, though they have not come in
my way. I have put them in the Collection. By collect.
these Numb' 30

lllCot/9

" Their old friendship was desired to be renewed;
the rather because the King saw they were setting
themselves to find out the truth of God's word, and
the justice of his laws ; and the extirpation of such
corrupt errors and abuses, by which the world has
been kept slaves under the yoke of the Bishop of
Rome, more than the Jews were under the ceremonies
of Moses's law. The King orders Paget to let them
understand his great desire to promote, not only a

tions

iven to

'aget
sent to
some
northern

144 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

friendship with them, but the common good of all
Christendom : he orders him to give them an account
of the whole progress of his course of matrimony, with
the intolerable injuries done him by the Bishop of
Rome, and the state in which that matter then stood.
He was first to shew them the justice of the King's
cause, then to open the steps in which it had been
carried on. Here all the arguments against his mar-
riage are stated, to make it appear to be contrary both
to the laws of God, of nature, and of men. In this
the King did not follow his own private opinion, nor
that of the whole clergy of his realm ; but that of the
most famous universities of Christendom : and there-
fore, by the consent of his whole parliament, and by
the sentence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, he has,
for the discharge of his own conscience, and the good
of his people, and that he might have a lawful suc-
cessor to rule over them, separated himself from the
Princess Dowager, and was then married to Queen
Anne ; of whom follows a very exalted character, set-
ting forth the purity of her life, her constant virginity,
her maidenly and womanly pudicity, her soberness,
her chasteness, her meekness, her wisdom, her descent
of noble parentage, her education in all good and law-
ful shows and manners, her aptness to procreation of
children, with her other infinite good qualities, which
were more to be esteemed than only progeny. If any
should object to this second marriage, as contrary to
the Pope's laws ; he asserts, that every man's private
conscience is to him the supreme court of judgment:
so the King was satisfied in his own conscience, that,
beingenlightened by the Spirit of God, and afterwards
by the means formerly set forth, he was judged to be
at liberty from his former marriage, and free to con-
tract a new one. The King also took great pains to
satisfy the world, by long travel and study, with ines-
timable cost and charges, though he had no fruit from
it all. Upon this head, Paget was to set forth the
Pope's ungodly demeanour, in the whole progress of
the King's cause; keeping him oft' by delays for seven
years and more. At first the Pope, instead of judging

PART III. BOOK II. 145

the matter himself, sent a commission to England, to
try it, with full powers, pretending that it could not be
judged at Rome. He gave with these a decretal bull,
in which he pronounced sentence, that the King might
(convolare ad secundas nuptias) marry another wife ;
yet he gave the Legate secret directions not to pro-
ceed by virtue of the decretal bull, nor to give sentence.
He wrote a letter to the King with his own hand, in
which he approved of the King's cause, and promised
to the King, on the word of the Pope, that he would
not avocate the cause, but leave it in its due course;
yet afterwards, contrary to his conscience and know-
ledge, he decreed several citations against the King
to appear at Rome, to the subversion of the royal dig-
nity : or to send a proxy, which cannot be justified by
any colour of reason. He cites the council of Nice,
Africa, and Milevi, against appeals to remote places.
It was riot reasonable to send original instruments,
and other documents to a distant place ; nor in a mat-
ter of conscience, could a man give such a power to
a proxy, by which he was bound to stand to that which
he should agree to: it was fit that all princes should
consider what an attempt this made upon their dig-
nity, for the Pope to pretend that he could oblige
them to abandon their kingdoms, and come and ap-
pear before him ; by which he might depose kings,
or rule them according to his own pleasure. So that
all this was not only unjust, but null of itself. Dr.
Karne, being then at Rome, as the King's subject, he
offered a plea excusatory ; yet this was not regarded
by the Dean of the Rota, who in that acted as he was
directed by the Pope : pretending he had no powers
from the King, which by law was not necessary for
an excusator. Karne had appealed to the Pope : to
this Capisucchi gave an ambiguous answer, promis-
ing to give a more determinate one afterwards, which
yet he never did ; but upon a second appeal the cause
was brought into the consistory, and there it was
judged that Karne could not be heard, unless he had
a proxy from the King ; and when Karne had ob-
jected that such proceeding was against law, the Pope
VOL. in. L

146 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

answered, that lie might judge all things according
to his own conscience ; and so they resolved to pro-
ceed in the main cause. At that time the King's am-
bassadors at Rome shewed the Pope the determination
of the universities of Paris and Orleans, with the opi-
nions of the most learned men in France and Italy,
condemning the Pope's proceedings as unjust and
null ; the words of their opinion being inserted in the
instructions : yet the Pope still went on, and sent out
slanderous breves against the King, and designed to
excommunicate him. To prevent that the King did
order a provocation and appeal to be made from the
Pope to a general council, and caused it to be inti-
mated to the Pope, but he would not admit it ; and
pretended, that, by a bull of Pope Pius's, that was
condemned : and that he was superior to all general
councils. He rejected it arrogantly, saying, they were
heretics and traitors to his person who would appeal
from him to any general council. It appeared evi-
dently that the Pope, for the defence of his own glory
and ambition, regarded not what injuries he did to
Christian princes : so they were all obliged now to be
on their guard, against such invasions of their autho-
rity. For these reasons the King was resolved to re-
duce that exorbitant power which the Pope had as-
sumed within due limits ; so that in his dominions he
shall exercise no other jurisdiction than what is granted
to him by express words of Scripture. Paget was to
open all these things to those princes and states, de-
siring that they would adhere to the King in this
matter, till it should come to be treated of in a gene-
ral council: and in the mean time to give him their
best assistance aad advice, especially in some articles,
of which a schedule was to be given him, signed with
the King's hand, which he was to communicate to
them as he should find it convenient. They related
to some abuses and customs which seemed necessary
to be reformed : and if they would propose any other,
Paget was to receive their mind, and to assure them,
that the King, as he desired their assistance in his
causes and quarrels, so he would kindly admit of what-

PART III BOOK II. 147

soever they should propose ; and would endeavour to
extirpate all abuses against God's word and laws: and
to do all that lay in him, for the reformation thereof,
for the maintenance of God's word, the faith of Christ,
and the welfare of Christendom."

But because the King did not know what the mind
of those princes might be, nor how far they were
devoted to the Pope, Paget was to try to find out
their inclinations, before he should deliver the King's
letters to them ; and so to proceed according to his
discretion, to deliver or not to deliver his letters, or
to shew his instructions to them. What followed
upon this, and how it was executed, does not appear.

The judicious and diligent Sechendorf, in his history L- M«
of Lutheranism, gives an account of a negotiation of Add/
Paget's, two years before this. Cranmer, who was ^iT
then the King's ambassador at the Emperor's court, orman
met with John Frederick, elector of Saxony, at No-
remberg, who had secretly left the diet of Ratisbon ;
and there he delivered letters from the King, both to
the Elector, to the Duke of Lunenberg, and to the
Prince of Anhalt ; which contained only a general
offer of friendship. Cranmer came the next day
to the Elector, who had two of his ministers about
him ; and asked him many questions concerning their
agreement with the state of religion, the Turkish war,
and the church-lands, which (as they heard) they had
seized on. He said great things of the King, and of
the aid he had offered the Emperor against the Turk,
in conjunction with the French King. He asked
where Paget was : whom the King had sent to the
Elector. General answers were made to all his
questions ; and for Paget, he had been with the
Elector the former year. This passed on to the 15th
of July 1532. Four days after this he came pri-
vately to Spalatin, one of the Elector's secretaries,
and assured him, that both the King and the French
King; would assist the Elector and his allies in the

O

matter of religion. In August after that Paget came
to the Elector, who proposed many things to him
concerning religion; but the princes had then come

L 2

148 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

to an agreement with the Emperor; so they could
enter into no treaty at the time. Only John Frederick
did, in a writing under his own hand, offer the scheme
of that which was afterwards proposed in their name
to the King.
Advic«» All these negotiations were set on foot, pursuant to

offered ^

the a paper of advices offered to the King by Cromwell ; in
"ng which there are divers marginal notes writ in the
N°Jmb!' King's own hand, which will be found in the Collec-
3I- tion. First, " all the bishops were to be sent for,
especially those nearest the court; to examine them,
whether they can prove that the Pope is above the
general council, or the council above him; and whe-
ther, by the law of God, he has any authority in Eng-
land ? Next, they are to be charged to preach this
to the people; and to shew that the Pope's authority
was an usurpation, grown up by the sufferance oi
princes. This ought to be preached continually al
Paul's Cross ; and the Bishop of London was to suffer
none to preach there but those who will set this forth.
The same order was to be given to all other bishops,
and to the rulers of the four orders of friars, particu-
larly to the friar observants, and to all abbots and
priors. The King's appeal was also to be set up on
every church-door in England, that so none may pre-
tend ignorance; as also the act against appeals to
Rome. It was also proposed, that copies of the
King's appeal might be sent to other realms, parti-
cularly to Flanders. A letter was also proposed,
complaining of all the injuries done the King by
the Pope ; to be written to him by all the lords spi-
ritual and temporal. The King writes on the margin,
Not yet done : nor can it well be done before the par-
liament. To send spies into Scotland, to see what
practices were there : on the margin the King's orders ;
Letters to be written to the Lord Dacres, the Duke
of Norfolk, and Sir Thomas Clifford To send to
the Kings of Poland and Hungary, the Dukes of
Saxony and Bavaria, the Landgrave of Hesse, and the
three ecclesiastical electors: on the margin the King
writes, lit the King's arbitrement. This, it seems,

PART III. BOOK II. 1-19

gave the occasion of sending Paget. The like pro-
posed for the Hans Towns : on the margin, in the
King's hand, To know this of the King. To remember
the merchant adventurers, chiefly those of Brabant :
on the margin, This is already done. Then it is pro-
posed, that an order be given for establishing the
Princess Dowager's house, and the Lady Mary's, and
for my Lady Princess's house: this was Elizabeth's.
To this, on the margin, it is written by the King, The
order in taken.

In June, in the year 1535, after the parliament had
settled every thing demanded of them, the King pub-
lished a circular letter, which will be found in the *f
Collection, taken from the original. " In which, *'°f£
after he had set forth that both clergy and temporally justices,
had abolished the Bishop of Rome's usurpations, £r°e'
and had united to the crown the dignity of Supreme 'hebe'

o «/ navjour

Mead in earth of the Church of England; which was of the
also approved in convocation, and confirmed by their dergy'
oaths and subscriptions : he adds, that considering
what quiet would follow in the nation, if the bishops
and clergy would sincerely, and withoutdissimulation,
publish the many and great abuses of the Pope's usur-
pation ; he had sent letters to all bishops, charging
them not only in their own persons, but by their chap-
lains, to preach the true and sincere word of God to
the people, and to give warning to all ecclesiastical
persons to do the same ; and to cause the Pope's name
to be rased out of all the books of Divine service.
He had also required the justices of peace to examine
whether the bishops and clergy did this sincerely ; or
whether they did it coldly, or feignedly ; or used any
addition or gloss to it. Upon all this, the King re-
quires them, at their assizes and sessions, to make di-
ligent search, whether the bishops and clergy do their
duty sincerely. Likewise, at their meetings, they
were to set the same forth to the people ; and also
declare the treasons committed by the Bishop of Ro-
chester and Sir Thomas More, who by divers secret
practices intended to breed among the people most
mischievous opinions ; for which they, with some

ISO BURNET'S REFORMATION.

others, had suffered as they deserved. He requires
them, if they found any fault or dissimulation in any
person, that they should immediately signify it to the
King and his council, as that which was of the great-
est moment to the quiet of the kingdom; threatening
such punishment of those who were negligent in this,
as would make them examples to all others; and he
charges them upon their allegiance to obey all this
punctually."

umTss ^ut ** seems this nad not the effect that was ex-
' pected ; therefore in April after this, a new letter or
proclamation was writ to some of the nobility, setting
forth that he had heard that some, both regulars and
seculars, did secretly extol the authority of the Bishop
of Rome, praying for him in the pulpit, and making
him a God, preferring his power and laws to God's
most holy laws. The King, therefore, out of his de-
sire to maintain unity and quiet among his people,
and to bring them to the knowledge of the truth, and
to be no more blinded with superstition and false doc-
trine, required them that wheresoever they found any
person spreading such pernicious doctrines, to the ex-
altation of the Bishop of Rome, to cause them to be ap-
prehended and put in prison without bail or mainprise.

eArch- Among1 the bishops all were not equally honest nor

"°P «f i 11-1 C -17- 1 1 f^ T

rk is zealous. Lee, archbishop ot i ork, and Gardiner, were
fTv^r those in whom the old leaven had the deepest root :
i>ope. so |-ne King being informed that Lee, though he had
given in his profession, subscribed and sealed by him,
yet did not his duty in his diocese and province, nei-
ther in teaching himself, nor causing others to teach
the people, conform to what was settled both in con-
vocation and parliament, sent him orders both to
preach these things, and to order all other ecclesias-
tical persons in his province to do the same : upon this
he wrote a long vindication of himself in June 1535,
iect.^ which will be found in the Collection.
usufie's " He sets forth in it the complaints that the King
signified had been made of him, with the orders that
he had received from the King, and then sets out his
own conduct. He acknowledges he had received at

PART III. BOOK H. 151

the end of the last parliament, a book sent from the
Archbishop of Canterbury, as a book of orders for
preaching: (probably that which is the 28th paper in
the Collection.) Upon his receiving it, he went on
Sunday next to York, and there he set forth the cause
of the King's marriage, and the rejecting the Pope's
authority very fully; and that this might be done the
more publicly, he had caused it to be published at
York, the Sunday before that he would be there, and
so took care to have a full audience : so that there
was a great multitude there. His text was, ' I have
married a wife, and therefore I cannot come ;' and he
so declared the King's matters, that all seemed satis-
fied. It is true he did not touch the title of the King
as the supreme head, for there was no order given as
to that, for it was thus only ordered to have it named
in the prayer. It is true he did not use to bid prayers,
for the greater haste to utter his matter. But upon
the receipt of that book, he commanded his officers
to make out a great number of them, to be sent to
every preacher in his diocese ; and by all that he ever
heard, every one of his curates followed that book,
and had done their duty in every particular enjoined
in it : he took care that all who preached in their
churches should follow the rules prescribed in it. He
also sent a book to every house of friars. And for the
religious, when any such person came to him, naming
particularly the Carthusians and the Observants, for
counsel, he told them what he had done himself, and
advised them to do the same. On Good-Friday last,
he had ordered the collect for the Pope to be left out;
and also the mentioning him in other parts of the ser-
vice : he desired the King would examine these things,
and he would find he was not so much in fault as he
imputed it to him. He had been hitherto open and
plain, and had never deceived the King. He had also
sent letters to the Bishops of Duresme and Carlisle,
pursuant to the letters that he had from the King ;
and had charged his archdeacons to see that all obe-
dience might be given to the King's orders. He had,
since he received the King's last letters, on the Sunday

15-J BURNET'S REFORMATION.

following, declared to the people every thing com-
prised in them. He refers himself to Magnus and
Lawson, two of the King's chaplains, who heard him,
to make report of what they thought of it. Whatever
he promised to the King he would fulfil it ; and he
had done every thing as the King commanded, and
would still do it, so God were not offended by it. He
besought the King not to believe any complaints of
him till he have heard his answer. Some thought it
was a high sacrifice, when they could bring such a
poor priest as he was under the King's displeasure ; but
he trusted God would continue in him a gracious
mind to his priests and chaplains, and that he would
give their enemies, who studied to provoke him against
them, better minds for the future."

oftlic I have no particulars to add to the relation I gave
of Kish'er of the sufferings of Fisher and More. There are heavy
things laid to their charge ; but, except Fisher's being
too much concerned in the business of the Nun of
Kent, which was without doubt managed with a de-
sign to raise a rebellion in the nation, I do not find

O

any other thing laid to his charge: and it does not at
all appear that More gave any credit or countenance
to that matter. Yet I have seen that often affirmed.
In our own days, when things have happened both
together, though the one did not by any sort of proof
appear to be connected with the other, yet they have
been represented as done in concert : so the conspi-
racy of the Nun, and those who managed that impos-
ture, was given out both at home and abroad, as having
its rise from Fisher, who indeed knew of it, and seemed
to give credit to it ; and from More, though he had
no share at all in it.

The King of France was not satisfied with this way
of proceeding : he thought it too violent, and that it
did put things past all possibility of a reconciliation.
He had answered for the King to the Pope at Mar-
seilles, and he was in such a concern for him, that the
wrong steps he made reflected on himself. He told
the King's ambassador, that he advised the banishing
of all such offenders, rather than the putting them to

PART III. BOOK II. 153

death. That King confessed there had been extreme
executions and cruelty lately exercised in his own
kingdom : but he was now putting a stop to it, and
resolved to call home all those that had fled out of his
kingdom. lie had seen a relation of More's sufferings,
by which it appeared that he exhorted his daughter
to all duty and respect to the King, which made the
proceedings against such a man to be the more cen-
sured.

The ambassadors wrote this to the King soon after
More's death. The King wrote on the 23d of August, RyLr.
an answer from Thornbury to this purpose: " If the Ansse;pos_

Kins1 of France had answered for the King and had tulautio°

i 1111 i • i *

justified his cause, he had done what was just and court of

suitable to their friendship : the conspiracies of Fisher F
and More to sow sedition, and to raise wars, both
within and without the kingdom, were manifestly
proved to their face: so that they could not avoid nor
deny it. The relation he had seen concerning More's
talk with his daughter at his death was a forged story :
the King took it in ill part that King Francis should
so lightly give ear and credit to such vain tales. This
ungrateful behaviour shewed that the Kino- of France

O O

had not that integrity of heart that the King deserved,
and might expect from him. Then follows a vindica-
tion of the laws lately made, which indeed were only
laws revived. The banishing of traitors was no ways
convenient : that was to send them in places where
they might more safely and conveniently execute their
conspiracies. Upon all which the ambassador was or-
dered to expostulate plainly, but discreetly, both with
the King, and with the Great Master. There appears
a strain of coldness in the whole intercourse between
the two courts of France and England, ever from the
interview at Marseilles to this time."

Pope Clement was now dead, with whom the King Tfh*,r^"|
of France was more closely united : and he found the Uag«°e
King's friendship was yet so necessary to him, that he ^^*o.
resolved to remove all jealousies : so to give the King fenDdddtehe
a full assurance of his firmness to him, he sent him King „,
a solemn engagement to adhere to him. It is true I ma

154 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

have seen only a copy of this; but it is minuted on
the back by Cromwell's hand, and is fairly writ out.
There is no date set to it, but it was during- Queen
Anne's life, and after Pope Clement's death, so pro-
bably it was sent over about this time. It will be found
*n ^ie Collection.

It begins thus, " That both friendship and piety did
require that he should employ his whole strength and
authority to maintain the justice of his dearest friend.
The King of England, defender of the faith, lord of
Ireland, and, under God, supreme head of the church
of England, had, by a dispensation granted by Pope
Julius, contracted a marriage in fact with Katherine
of Spain, relict of the King's elder brother Arthur, and
had one daughter yet living of that marriage : that
King, upon great and weighty reasons well known to
King Francis, had withdrawn himself from that mar-
riage ; and had lawfully and rightfully married Anne,
now his Queen, of whom he hath issue the Princess
Elizabeth : and a debate had arisen concerning the
dispensation, and the first marriage, and the legiti-
macy of the issue by it ; in which King Francis, by
many arguments, did perceive that the Pope himself
had not a due regard to equity ; and that what by the
iniquity of the times, what by ill practice against all
law and right, many things were done. The King-
therefore consulted the men of the greatest integrity
in his kingdom, and the most learned both in divinity
and in the laws of the church ; whom he charged to

' O

make a report to him according to their consciences,
as in the sight of God, having first conferred among
themselves fully upon the whole matter : he does
therefore, upon all their unanimous opinion, clearly
perceive that the dispensation granted by the Pope
was in itself null, both by reason of the surprise put
on him by the grounds pretended in it for obtaining
it, but chiefly because the Pope could not dispense in
that case ; since such marriages are contrary to the
laws of God and of nature : for the Pope has no au-
thority to dispense in that case ; so that the marriage
between King Henry and Queen Katherine was in-

PART III. BOOK II. 155

cestuous and null, as contrary to the laws of God and
man : and by consequence the Lady Mary, born of
that marrriage, was illegitimate. And further, that
the marriage the King has contracted with Anne, now
his queen, was holy, lawful, and good : and that Eliza-
beth, born of that marriage, and all the other issue
that might come of it, was lawful, and ought so to be
esteemed. He adds, that many of the cardinals, nam-
ing particularly the late Cardinal of Ancona, and even
the late Pope Clement himself, did declare their own
positive opinion to himself personally at Marseilles,
and frequently to his ambassadors, that the dispensation
granted by Pope Julius, upon which the first marriage
was made, was null and void : and the Pope would
have declared this by a final and definitive sentence,
if private affections and human regards had not stood
in his way. All which that King did solemnly declare.
He therefore looking on that dispensation as null and
void, and by consequence on the marriage contracted
by that authority as unlawful and incestuous, and on
the Lady Mary as incapable to succeed, being born
in it, did judge and affirm that the marriage with
Queen Anne, and the issue come, or to come from it,
was lawful and valid ; and that the just right of suc-
ceeding to the crown was vested in the issue of that
marriage: and that all judgments and censures, either
by the late Pope Clement or by any other judge, that
were made and published, or that might hereafter be
made or published, were, and are null and void, un-
just, and unlawful : and he promised, on the word and
faith of a king, and under the forfeiture of all his goods,
and of all the goods of his subjects, in the form of a
contract of guaranty, both for himself and his heirs
successors, that he, at all times, and in all places,
particularly in all synods, or general councils, and
before all persons, and against all men whatsoever
that should oppose it, of what rank or condition soever
they might be, he would both by himself, and by his
subjects, maintain and defend it, and (if need were)
justify it, by a strong hand, and with all his forces.
Nor would he ever, for the future, publicly or pri-

156 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

vately, directly or indirectly, go against it, or so much
as attempt it, nor suffer it to be attempted by any other,
as much as in him lay."

Here was as positive an assurance as could be put
in words. And though princes have in former times,
as well as in our own days, made bold with their pro-
mises and treaties ; and have very easily thrown them
off, or broke through them, without any appearance
of great remorse or shame ; yet it must be confessed,
that Francis did never, even in the war that he after-
wards had with King Henry, depart from, or falsify
this engagement.

PART III.— BOOK III.

OF WHAT HAPPENED DURING THE TIME COMPREHENDED IN
THE THIRD BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION ;
FROM THE YEAR 1535, TO KING HENRY'S DEATH, ANNO
1546-7.

1535. Y^ING Henry seemed not a little pleased with his
much '^- title of the Supreme Head of the Church of Eng-
'and > of which it was enacted, in the session of par-
Hament that sat after the breach was made with Rome,

iufa'd"" that it should be for ever joined to the other titles of
the crown, and be reckoned one of them. He ordered
an office for all ecclesiastical matters, and a seal to be
cut ; which, in an inhibition sent to the Archbishop,
in order to a royal visitation of the whole clergy of all
England, is, for ought I know, first mentioned. It is
dated the 18th of September, 1535 ; and, at the end,
these words are added ; " Under our seal, that we use
in ecclesiastical matters, which we have ordered to be
hereunto appended."

The Arch- The Archbishop of Canterbury's title was also in

bishop of 1111 I < '• • J I* 1 • 1

convocation ordered to be altered : instead ot the title
of Legate of the Apostolic See, he was to be designed
Metropolitan, and Primate. This last was one of his
ancient titles. In that session, there was some dis-
course concerning heresy, and of some English books ;
in particular of Tindal's books. And there was a book

PART III. BOOK III. 157

laid before them, with the title of a Primer ; of which
there is no other account given, but that, from the
rubrics of it, they suspected it was a book not fit to
be published. This, it seems, produced a petition to
the King, that he would command all heretical books
to be called in, within a time limited ; and that he
would appoint the Scripture to be translated in the
vulgar tongue ; but that though the laity might rend
it, yet they were to be required not to dispute con-
cerning the catholic faith.

It is very probable, that a breach was upon this oc- ^*n°1"
casion begun between Cranmer and Gardiner. The di,,eroP
sharpness against heresy was probably supported by amnu""!
Gardiner, as the motion for the translation of the Bible
was by Cranmer. But when Cranmer, in order to an
archiepiscopal visitation of the whole province, hav-
ing obtained the King's license for it on the 28th of
April, sent out his inhibition, according to form, to
the ordinaries during the visitation ; upon this, Gar-
diner complained to the King of it, for two reasons.
He thought the title of Primate of England did de-
rogate from the King's power. The other was, that
since his diocese had been visited within five years
last past, and was now to pay for ever tenths to the
King, it ought not to be charged with this visitation.
Of this Cromwell gave Cranmer notice. He, on the
12th of May, wrote a vindication of himself, which
will be found in the Collection. N^

" He believed that Gardiner (who wanted neither Cramuer

V vindicate

law, invention, nor craft, to set out his matters to the himself,
best advantage) studied to value himself upon his
zeal for the King's supremacy, that so he might seem
more concerned for that than for himself. Cranmer
laid himself and all his titles at the King's feet: but

O

he wrote, Why did not Gardiner move this sooner ?
For he had received his monition on the 20th of
April. The Pope did not think it lessened his su-
premacy; that he had many primates under him: no
more did his title lessen the King's supremacy. Gar-
diner knew well, that if the Pope had thought those
subaltern dignities had weakened his supreme one,

turn.

158 BU11NF/TS REFORMATION.

he would have got all the bishops to be put on the
level ; there being many contentions concerning ju-
risdiction in the court of Rome. But if all the bishops
of the kingdom set no higher value on their styles
and titles than he did, the King should do in those
matters what he pleased. For if he thought that his
style was in any sort against the King's authority, he
would beg leave to lay it down. He felt in his heart,
that he had no sort of regard to his style or title, fur-
ther than as it was for the setting forth of God's word
and will ; but he would not leave any just thing at
the pleasure of the Bishop of Winchester, he being
no otherwise affectionate to him than he was. In the
apostles' days there was a Diotrephes, who loved the
pre-eminence ; and he had more successors than all
the other apostles ; from whom all glorious titles and
much pomp was come into the church. He wished
that he and all his brethren might leave all their
styles, and call themselves only the apostles of Jesus
Christ; so that they took not the name vainly, but
were such indeed; and did order their dioceses, so
that not parchment, lead, or wax, but the conversion
of their people, might be the seals of their office; as
St. Paul said the Corinthians were to him." He an-
swers the other part very fully ; but that will be found
in the letter itself; it not being of that importance to
deserve that any abstract should be made of it.

It was soon observed that there was a great faction
formed against any reformation in doctrine or wor-
0 ship ; and that those who favoured and promoted it
were ill used by the greater part of the bishops : of
which I shall give one instance, and by it one may
judge of the rest; for I have seen many complaints
to the same purpose. Barlow was, by Queen Anne's
favour, made prior of Haverford-West, in Pem-
brokeshire. He set himself to preach the pure gospel
there, and found many were very desirous to hear it;
but he was in danger of his life daily by reason of it;
and an accusation being brought against him by a
black friar there, set on by Rawlins, then Bishop of
St. David's, who both rewarded him for it, and re-

PART III. BOOK III. 15!)

commended him to the arches ; for Barlow had ap-
pealed to the King. He owns, that, by Cromwell's
favour, their design against him was defeated; but he
having sent a servant home about business, the Bishop's
officers cited him to their courts, and ransacked his
house, where they found an English Testament, with
an exposition of the sermon on the mount, and of
some other parts of the New Testament. Upon this
they clamoured against him as a heretic for it. They
charged the Mayor of the town to put him and some
others in prison, seeking by all means to find wit-
nesses against them ; but none appearing, they were
forced to let them go, but valued themselves upon this
their zeal against heresy. He sets forth the danger
that all were in, who desired to live according to the
laws of God, as became faithful subjects ; for in that
multitude of monks, friars, and secular priests, that
was then in those parts, there was not one that sin-
cerely preached the word of God, and very few that
favoured it. He complains of the enormous vices,
fraudulent exactions, and heathenish idolatry, that
were shamefully supported under the clergy's juris-
diction ; of which he offered to make full proof, if it
should be demanded and received : but that beinof

^5

clone, he desired leave to remove from thence ; for he
could neither go home, nor stay there safely, without
a special protection. This letter will be found in the
Collection. collect.

Barlow was that year made bishop of St. Asaph, Nuuih' **'
and the year after was translated to St. David's, and
was after that removed to Wells, but driven out by
Queen Mary, and was made bishop of Chichester by
Queen Elizabeth, in which he lived ten years.

The secret opposition that the bishops gave to the The Arch,
steps made towards a reformation, obliged Cromwell Y*kn.uch
to send many agents, in whom he trusted, up and
down the nation, to observe all men's tempers and
behaviour. Legh, among others, being sent to York,
did (in January) enjoin the Archbishop, by an order
from the King, to preach the word of God, and to set
forth the King's prerogative. He also enjoined him,

Collect
N umt>. 40

100 bUKiML.TS KliMJKMATlON.

to bring up to the King all the foundations of his see,
and all commissions granted to it. In these, he did
not doubt but they would find many things fit to be
reformed; and he advised, that every bishop might
be so ordered, that their dioceses might be better
instructed and edified. That would establish them
in their fidelity to the King, and to his succession:
but the jurisdictions might be augmented, or dimi-
nished, as should seem convenient. This letter, which
wiU be found in the Collection, opens a design that
' I find often mentioned, of calling in all the Pope's
bulls, and all the charters belonging to the several
sees, and regulating them all. But, perhaps, the first
design being the suppressing the monasteries, it was
not thought fit to alarm the secular clergy till that was
once done : yet the order for sending up all bulls, was
at the same time generally executed. There is a
letter of Tonstal's, writ soon after this to Cromwell,
put in the Collection, in which he mentions the King's
letters to all the bishops, to come up immediately
after the feast of the purification, with all the bulls
they had obtained from Rome, at any time. But the
King, considering that Tonstal had gone down but
late, ordered Dr. Lay ton to write to him, that he needed
not come up ; but advised, that he should write to
the King, that he was ready to do as other bishops
did, and to deliver up all such bulls as the King de-
sired of him. Layton wrote to him that Cromwell, as
his friend, had assured the Kin^ that he would do it.

* o

In answer to this, Tonstal thanked him for his
kindness on that and on many other occasions. " He
did not understand to what intent these bulls were
called for (and it seems he apprehended it was to have
all the bishops give up their right to their bishop-
ricks), yet he had sent them all up to be delivered at
the King's pleasure : he adds, that he hoped by this
demand, the Kino- did not intend to make him leave

' O

his bishoprick, and both to turn him out of his living,
and to ruin all his servants that had their living only
by him ; in which, he wrote, he could not be thought
either ambitious or unreasonable: so he desired to

PART III. BOOK III. 1G1

know what the King's pleasure was, not doubting but
that the King would use him as well as he used the
other bishops in the kingdom, since as he had obtained
these bulls by him, he had renounced every thing in
them that was contrary to his prerogative. He had
but five bulls, for the rest were delivered to those to
whom they were addressed : so he commits himself
to the King's goodness, and to Cromwell's favour."
Dating his letter from Aukland the 29th of January, Co«-
which must be in the year 1535-6. oieo

Tonstal might be under more than ordinary appre- I
hensions of some effect of the King's displeasure ; for,
as he had opposed the declaring him to be the supreme
head in the convocation of York, so he had stuck firmly
to the asserting- the lawfulness of the Kind's mar-

O O

riage to Queen Katherine. Before the meeting of
parliament, in which that matter was determined, he,
with the proxy that he sent to the Bishop of Ely,
wrote him a letter, of which Mr. Richard Jones saw
the original, which he has inserted in his voluminous
Collections, that are in the Bodleian Library ; in
which these words are, after he had told him that he
had given him full power to consent or dissent from
every thing that was to be proposed. He adds,

" Yet nevertheless 1 beseech you, if any thing
harmful or prejudicial in any point to the marriage
between the King's highness and the Queen's grace
shall be proposed, wherein our voices shall be de-
manded ; in your own name say what you will, and
what God putteth in your mind : but I desire you, and
on God's behalf I require you, never in my name to
consent to any such thing proposed, either harmful
or prejudicial to the marriage aforesaid; but expressly
to dissent unto the same : and for your discharge on
that behalf, ye may shew, when you think it requisite,
this my particular declaration of my mind, made unto
you therein : and what I have willed and required you
to do in my name in this point, praying your lordship
not to do otherwise in my name, as my similar trust
is in you that ye will not." Dated from Aukland in
January, but neither day nor year is mentioned.

VOL. III. M

1G2 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

W36. The session of parliament in which the act of the
succession passed, by which the King's marriage with
Queen Katherine was condemned, meeting in Janu-
ary, this letter seems to be written before that session ;
and yet no opposition was made to that act in the
House of Lords, either by the Bishop of Ely, or by
the Bishop of Bath, whom he had made his second
proxy, as appears by the same letter, in which he is
also named. The act passed so soon, that it was read
the first time on the 20th of March, and passed on
the 23d in the house of Lords, without either dis-
sent or protest. It is also certain that Tonstal after-
wards took the oath enjoined by that act. But how
these bishops came to be silent upon that occasion,
being so solemnly required to do otherwise by Ton-
stal, and how he himself came to change, and to take
the oath, is that of which I can give no account. It
is certain King Henry had a very particular regard
for him ; but yet by this letter it appears, that he had
some fears of a severity aimed at himself: but he was
cot:. Lihr. afterwards in all things very compliant, even to the

Cleop. E.4. j r, rr- -r, j j, • J

end of King hdward s reign.
com- There came up, from all parts of the kingdom, many

plaints of . ., -r ... , - r. Ill • f

the monks complaints ot the ill behaviour and bad practices ot
lrs> the monks and friars ; of the last chiefly, for the men-
dicant order being always abroad begging, they had
many more occasions to shew themselves : and though
the monks had not those occasions to be in all public
places, yet it was very visible that they were secretly
disposing the people to a revolt. So it was resolved
to proceed against them all by degrees : and after the
visitations and injunctions, which had no great effect,
they began with the smaller houses, that were not
above 200/. a year : this swept away at once all the
mendicants, who were the most industrious, and by
consequence the most dangerous.

The Arch- The Archbishop of York was much suspected ; and
Yorkciears if many apologies look like intimations of some guilt,
himself. jie had a great deal . for ne took many occasions to

justify himself. Upon the act for taking all the lesser
monasteries into the King's hands, he expressed great

PART III. BOOK III. 1G3

zeal in serving the King, which appears in a letter of
his to Cromwell in April 1536. He gave a strict com- collect.
mandrnent to his archdeacons to warn all in the mo- N
nasteries within the act, not to embezzle or convey away
any thing belonging to the house : and if they had
done any such thing, to restore it. He ordered them
to give warning to all others not to meddle with any
such goods. He had also warned the Mayor of York
and his brethren, and the Master of the Mint there,
to receive none of the goods or plate of these monas-
teries : having thus expressed his care in that matter,
he made an earnest suit for two places that were of
the patronage of his see. The one was S. Oswald's,
which was a free chapel ; the Prior was removable at
the Archbishop's pleasure, and he might put secular
priests in it if he pleased. The other was Hexham,
upon the borders of Scotland, which was once an
episcopal see ; and there not being a house between
Scotland and that lordship, if that house should go
down, there would be a great waste that would run
far into the country : whether he obtained these suits
or not does not appear to me : after that he adds, that
he had given order that no preachers should be suf-
fered that preached novelties, and did sow seeds of
dissension : some, after that they were forbid to preach,
did go on, and preach still : he had ordered process
against them ; some of them said they would get the
King's license : if that were done, he must be silent,
but he hoped Cromwell would hinder that, and gixe
him notice if they had obtained the King's license :
some said they had the Archbishop of Canterbury's
license ; but none of these should be obeyed there,
none but the King's licenses and his.

Upon the many complaints of preachers of all sorts, Reg. He-
King Henry wrote a circular letter to all the bishops M'J™'
on the 12th of July, letting them know, that, consi-
dering the diversity of opinion in matters of religion,
he had appointed the convocation to set forth certain
articles of religion, most catholic ; but to prevent all A

I • . .-'. ., _ - i " i preach-

clistraction in the minds of his people, he ordered ins is for
that, till that was published, no sermons should be

ai 2

164 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

preached till Michaelmas ; unless by the Bishop, or
in his presence, or in his cathedral, where he is to
take care to furnish such as he can answer for: every
bishop is therefore required to call in all his licenses
for preaching, and to publish this in the King's name.
He is also required to imprison all those who acted
against this order ; and not to suffer any private con-
venticles or disputations about these matters : to this
is added a direction for the bidding of prayers ; that
they should pray for departed souls, that God would
grant them the fruition of his presence : and a strict
charge is laid on curates, that when the articles of
religion shall be sent them, they should read them to
their people, without adding or diminishing; except-
ing only such to whom he shall under his seal give
power to explain them.

The blind bishop of Norwich, Nix, was condemned
in a premunire, and put out of the King's protection,
for breaking through a custom that the town of Thet-
ford had enjoyed past all memory, that no inhabitant
of that town could be brought into any ecclesiastical
court, but before the Dean of that town; yet, that old
and vicious Bishop cited the Mayor before him, and
charged him, under the pain of excommunication, not
to admit of that custom. Upon this judgment was
given in the temporal courts against the Bishop ; but
he was now received into the King's protection. In
the pardon mention is made of his being convicted
upon the statute of provisors. Stokesley, bishop of
London, was charged with the breach of the same
statute, for which he took out a pardon.

During these years Cromwell carried no higher cha-
racter than that of secretary of state ; but all appli-
cations were made to him in ecclesiastical matters :
so, whether this was only by reason of his credit with
the King, or if he was then made vicar-general, does
not appear to me. But as the King took care to keep
all things quiet at home, so he set himself to cultivate
a particular friendship with the princes of the empire
of the Augsburg confession ; hoping by their means
to be able to give the Emperor a powerful diversion,

PART III. BOOK III. 165

if he should go about to execute the Pope's censures.
The King of France had been for some time endea-
vourinof to be^et a confidence of himself in the minds

1"

of those princes; pretending that he was neither for
the Divine nor the unbounded authority that the popes
had assumed ; but only he thought it was reasonable
to allow them a primacy in the church, and to set
limits to that. Langey was the person most employed
in the managing of this matter. But when the King
came to understand that the King of France had sent
for Melancthon, being then at Langley, he ordered
the Duke of Norfolk and the Lord Ilochford to write
to Cromwell, commanding him to dispatch Barnes
immediately to Germany, and to use such diligence,
that, if it was possible, he might meet Melancthon
before he was gone into France, and to dissuade his
going thither, since the French King was persecuting
those who did not submit to the Pope's usurped au-
thority : he was to use all possible arguments to divert
him from going, and to persuade him all he could to
come over to England ; shewing him the conformity
of the King's opinions with his own, and setting forth
the King's noble and generous temper : but if he was
gone into France, Barnes was to go on to the princes
of Germany, and Cromwell was to send a messenger
with him to be sent back with an account of the state
of matters among them. He was to engage the princes
to continue firm in the denial of the Pope's authority,
in which their honour was deeply concerned ; and
they might depend upon the King in that matter, who
had proceeded in it with the advice, of the most part,
of the great and famous clerks in Christendom, from
which he would never vary, nor alter his proceedings.
Barnes was to carry over a book written on that sub-
ject, and some sermons of the bishops', and to put
the princes on their guard as to the French King; for
he assured them that both he and his council were
altogether papists.

Barnes was likewise directed to send Hains (after- Barn«s
wards dean of Exeter) and Christopher Mount (an tSh"m.°
honest German, who was long employed by the crown

166 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

of England) to Sir John Wallop, the King's ambas-
sador in France, on pretence that they went as his
friends to visit him. If Melancthon was in France,
they were to go secretly to him, to dissuade his stay
long there ; or his altering his opinion in any parti-
cular. Some copies of the book, and the sermons,
were to be carried by them to France. If it is true
that the King of France was so set to maintain the
Pope's supremacy, Wallop was to represent to him
how contrary that was to his honour, to subject him-
self to the Pope, and to persuade others to do the
same ; and to charge him that he would remember his
promise to maintain the King's cause and proceed-
ings : and since the King did not move the subjects
of any other prince, why should the French King study
to draw the Germans from their opinion in that mat-
ter, which the King thought himself much concerned
in, since it was so much against the King's interest
and his own promise. Wallop was to use all means
to incline him rather to be of the King's opinion.
They also ordered Cromwell to write to the Bishop
of Aberdeen, that the King took it very unkindly, that
his nephew the King of Scotland was suing to marry
the Duke of Vendome's daughter without his advice;
he had proposed it to him before, and then he would
not hearken to it. This negligence the King imputed
to that Bishop, and to the rest of the Scottish coun-
cil: the letter concludes, "that Barnes should not be
stayed for further instructions from the Bishop of Can-
terbury. These should be sent afterwards by the almo-
ner) Fox." This letter will be found in the Collection.

Numb. 42. rrll . i v/r i 1 V •

I Ins came soon enough to stop Melancthon s jour-
ney to France. The great master and the admiral of
France did not think of any thing with relation to
Germany, but of a civil league to embroil the Empe-
ror's affairs. They were against meddling in points
of religion ; and so were against Melancthon's com-
ing to France. They were afraid that the French
" divines and he would not agree; and that might alien-
ate the German princes yet more from the court of
France. Hains and Mount wrote this over from Rheims

France.

PART III. BOOK III. 167

on the 8th of August 1535. It is true, Langey was
sent to bring him, hoping to meet him at Wirtemberg,
but he was not come thither ; only the heads of their
doctrine were sent to him. With these he came back
to France. The King's divines made some emenda-
tions, which Langey said to Mount, he believed the
Germans would submit to ; and so he was sent back
with a gold chain, and letters, to bring Melancthon
and six other eminent German divines with him. Of
this, Mount gave the advice the 7th of September in
that year.

This whole matter came to nothing : for Francis's Jhe F;ench

, X P TVT I 1 K'"8 flUC

sister, the Queen ot JNavarre, was the person who mates,
pressed him chiefly to it; hoping by this once to en-
gage him in some point of doctrine, which, as she
hoped, might draw on a rupture with Rome ; but his
minister diverted him from all thoughts of engaging
in doctrinal matters ; and they put him on entering
into a league with the princes of the empire, only
with relation to their temporal concerns. Nor were
the German princes willing to depart in a tittle from
the Augsburg confession, or enter upon new treaties
about points that were settled already among them ;
which might give occasion to new divisions among
themselves. And no doubt the King's interposing in
the matter with such earnestness, had great weight
with them ; so he was delivered from the alarm that
this gave him. But to go on with the King's affairs
in Germany.

Fox with Heath (on whom Melancthon set a high seek. 1.3.
value) was sent soon after Barnes to negotiate with gy.3' ^
the Germans. He had many conferences with some !?ut to

, \ i Germany

of their divines, and entered into a large treaty about
several articles of religion, with those of Wirtemberg,
which lasted three months, to the Elector's great
charge, and the uneasiness of the Germans.

Melancthon had dedicated his Commentary on the
Epistles to the King ; who sent him (upon it) a present
of two hundred crowns, and wrote a letter to him full
of particular expressions of esteem, and assurances
that he would always assist him in those his pious

168 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

labours; dated from Winchester the 1st of October
1535. Fox seemed to assure them, that the King
would agree with them in all things; and told them,
that the King had already abolished the popish su-
perstitions, which he called the Babylonish tyranny ;
calling the Pope Antichrist. They of Wirtemberg
insisted on the abuses of the mass, and on the mar-
riage of the clergy ; and took notice that the King had
only taken away some smaller abuses, while the great-
est were still kept up. So that Melancthon wrote on
the margin of their paper, at this part of it, in Greek,
Nothing sound. All this was sent over to the King :
but did not at all please him. For, in an answer
written by Cromwell, these words are part of it, "The
King knowing himself to be the learnedest prince in
Europe, he thought it became not him to submit to
them ; but he expected they should submit to him."
They, on the other hand, saw the great advantage of
his protection and assistance ; so that they brought
Luther to make an humble submission to him, asking
him pardon for the manner of his writing against him :
which I find intimated, though it never came in my
way. They studied also to gain both upon his vanity,
offering him the title of Defender, or Protector of
their league ; and on his interest, by entering into a
close confederacy with him.

It was an opinion common enough in that time,
that the Emperor was the sovereign of Germany.
Gardiner, in several of his letters, seemed to be of that
mind : and upon that account he endeavoured to pos-
sess the King with a prejudice against his treating
with them, that it was to animate subjects to revolt
against their prince: whereas, by the constitution and
laws of the empire, the princes had secured to them-
selves the right of coining, fortifying, arming, and
entering into treaties, not only with one another, but
with foreign princes, for their defence. A homage
was indeed due to the Emperor; and a much greater
submission was due to the diet of the empire : but the
princes were sovereigns in their own territories, as the
Hanse Towns were free states. Fox pressed them to

PART III. BOOK III. l(jj)

approve of all that the King had done in the matter
of his divorce, and of his second marriage. To which
they gave the answer that I had inserted in my His-
tory, among the transactions of the year 1 530 : but
the noble Seckendorf shews, that it was sent in the
year 1536. In their answer, as they excused them-
selves from giving their opinion in that matter, till
they were better informed, they added (which it seems
was suppressed by Fox), "Though we do agree with
the ambassadors, that the law against marrying the
brother's wife ought to be kept; yet we are in doubt,
whether a dispensation might not take place in this
case; (which the ambassadors denied.) For that law
cannot oblige us more strictly than it did the Jews :
and if a dispensation was admitted to them, we think
the bond of matrimony is stronger." Luther was ve-
hemently against the infamy put on the issue of the
marriage. He thought, the Lady Mary was cruelly
dealt with, when she was declared a bastard. Upon
Queen Katherine's death, they earnestly pressed the
restoring her to her former honour. So true were they
to that which was their principle, without regarding
the great advantage they saw might come to them,
from the protection of so great a King.

His ambassadors, at that time, gave these princes
an advertisement of great importance to them, that
was written over to the King by Wiat, then his am-
bassador in Spain ; that the Emperor had, in a pas-
sionate discourse with him, called both the Elector
and the Landgrave, his enemies, and rebels. The truth
was, the Elector did not entirely depend on all that
Fox said to him. He thought the King had only a
political design in all this negotiation ; intending to
bring them into a dependence on himself, without any
sincere intentions with relation to religion. So he being
resolved to adhere firmly to the Augsburg confession,
and seeing no appearance of the King's agreeing to it,
he was very cold in the prosecution of this negotiation.
But the princes and states of that confession met at
this time at Smalcald, and settled the famous Srnal-
caldick league ; of which the King's ambassadors sent

170 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

him an authentic copy, with a translation of it in Eng-
lish; which the reader will find in the Collection.

" By it, John Frederick, elector of Saxony, with his
brother Ernest; Philip, Ernest, and Francis, dukes
of Brunswick ; Ulric, duke of Wirtemberg, Philip,
landgrave of Hesse, the Dukes of Pomeren ; four bro-
thers, princes of Anhalt; two brothers, counts of
Mansfield ; the Deputies of twenty-one free towns ;"
which are not named in any order, for Hamburgh and
Lubeck are the last save one: but, to avoid disputes,
they were named in the order in which they came,
and produced their powers. " All these did, on behalf
of themselves and their heirs, seeing the dangers of
that time, and that many went about to disturb those
who suffered the sincere doctrine of the gospel to be
preached in their territories ; and who, abolishing all
abuses, settled such ceremonies as were agreeable to
the word of God : from which their enemies studied
to divert them by force and violence. And since it
was the magistrate's duty, to suffer the sincere word
of God to be preached to his subjects, and to provide
that they be not violently deprived of it ; therefore,
that they might provide for the defence of themselves
and their people, which is permitted to every man,
not only by the law of nature but also by the written
laws, they entered into a Christian, lawful, and friendly
league ; by which they bound themselves to favour
all of their body, and to warn them of any imminent
danger; and not to give their enemies passage through
their territories. This was onlv for their own defence,

mi '

and not to move any war. So if any of them should
be violently assaulted for the cause of religion, or on
any pretence, in which the rest should judge that re-
ligion was the true motive, the rest of the confederacy
were bound, with all their force and power, to defend
him who was so assaulted, in such a manner, as for
the circumstances of the time shall be adjudged ;
and none of them might make any agreement or truce
without the consent of the rest. And that it might
not be understood that this was any prejudice to the
Emperor their lord, or to any part of the empire, they

PART III. BOOK III. 171

declare, that it was only intended to withstand wrong-
ful violence. They also resolved to receive all into
this confederacy who received the Augsburg confes-
sion, and desired to be joined to it. And whereas the
confederacy made six years before, was to determine
on the Sunday Invocavit of the following year ; in
which the Princes of Wirtemberg, Pomeren, and An-
halt, and six of the cities, were not comprehended ;
they received them into this confederacy; which was
to last for ten years after the Sunday Invocavit : and
if any war should be begun, but not finished within
these ten years, yet it shall be continued till the war
is brought to an end : but at the end of the ten years
it shall be lawful to the confederates to prolong it
further. And they gave their faith to one another, to
observe this religiously, and set their seals to it."

On the same day the King's answer was offered to
the demands the Princes had made : both which are
in the Paper-office ; and both will be found in the
Collection. Their demands were, " That the King
would set forth the true doctrine of Christ, according
to the Augsburg confession ; and that he would de
fend that doctrine at the next general council ; if it
be pious, catholic, free, and truly Christian: and that
neither the King, nor the princes and states of that
union, should, without mutual consent, agree to any
indiction of a general council made by the Bishop of
Rome ; but that if such a council should be called,
as they had desired in their answer to Vergerius, the
Pope's ambassador, it should not be refused : and that
if a council shall be celebrated, to which the King
and these princes do not agree, they shall (to their
power) oppose it : and, that they will make protesta-
tions against it, that they will not obey any constitu-
tion made in it, nor suffer any decrees made in it to
be obeyed ; but will esteem them null and void, and
will make their bishops and preachers declare that to
their people. That the King will associate himself to
the league, and accept the name of the defender, or
protector of it. That they will never suffer the mo-
narchy of the Bishop of Rome to take place ; nor

172 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

grant that it is expedient, that he should have pre-
eminence before all other bishops, or have any juris-
diction in the dominions of the King, and of the
Princes. That upon these grounds they enter into a
league with one another. And in case of any war,
either for the cause of religion, or any other cause
whatsoever, that they should not assist those who
begin any such war. That the King shall lay down
one hundred thousand crowns, which it shall be law-
ful to the confederates to make use of, as a moiety of
that which they themselves shall contribute : and if
need be, in any cause of urgent necessity, to contri-
bute two hundred thousand crowns ; they joining as
much of their own money to it. And if the war shall
end sooner than that all the money is employed in it,
what remains shall be restored to the King. And
they assured him, that they should not convert this
money to any other use, but to the defence of the
cause of religion, together with their own money.
And since the King's ambassadors were to remain
some time in Germany, disputing with their learned
men about some points ; they desire that they may
know the King's mind, and that he will signify it to
the Elector of Saxony, and the Landgrave of Hesse.
And then the princes will send their ambassadors, and
a learned man with them, to confer with the Kino-

* O

about the articles of doctrine, and the ceremonies of
the church."

To these the King sent two different answers, one
after another. The first, that will be found in the
collect. Collection, was, " that the King intended to set forth
'' the true doctrine of Christ, which he was ready to
defend with life and goods ; but that he being rec-
koned somewhat learned, and having many learned
men in his kingdom, he could not think it meet to
accept at any creature's hand what should be his faith,
or his kingdom's ; the only ground of which was in
Scripture; with which he desired they would not be
grieved : but that they would send over some of their
learned men to confer with him and his learned men,
to the intent that they might have a perfect union in

PART III. BOOK III. 173

faith : he would also join with them in all general
councils, that were catholic, free, and held in a safe
place, for the defence of the true doctrine of the gos-
pel ; and as for ceremonies, there may be such a di-
versity in these used through the whole world, that
he thought that ought to be left to the governors of
the several dominions, who know best what is conve-
nient for themselves : he agreed that neither he nor
they should accept of the indiction of a general coun-
cil, but by all their mutual consent ; but that if such
a free council may be held in a safe place, it shall not
be refused. The King did not think fit to accept the
title offered by them till first they should be thoroughly
agreed upon the articles of doctrine : but that being
once done, he would thankfully accept of it. To that
of a defensive league, he added one clause, that they
should not suffer any of their subjects to serve those
who set on them in any such war : he thought it not
reasonable that he should bear any share of the wars
already past, (which it seems was secretly mentioned,
though not expressed in their demands), but for the
future he was willing to contribute one hundred thou-
sand crowns as they desire." Upon further consider-
ing their demands, the King sent a second and fuller
answer, which will likewise be found in the Collection. Collect

" It begins with very tender expressions of the sense
the King had of their benevolence to him, and of their
constancy in adhering to the truth of the gospel ; he
acknowledges the goodness of God in giving them
such steadfastness and strength. Their wondrous
virtues had so ravished the King, that he was deter-
mined to continue in a correspondence of love with
them on all occasions." Then follow some explana-
tions of the former memorial, but not very important,
nor differing much from it ; only he lets them know,
" that it was not for any private necessity of his own
that he was moved to join in league with them ; for
by the death of a woman, all calumnies were extinct
(this is meant of Queen Anne), so that neither the
Pope nor the Emperor, nor any other prince, had
then any quarrel with him : yet, that they might

174 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

know his good affection to them, he would contribute
the sum they desired, and upon the terms they pro-
posed : only on his part he demanded of them that in
case any prince invaded his dominions on the account
of religion, that they would furnish him, at their ex-
pense, with five hundred horsemen completely armed,
or ten ships well arrayed for war, to serve for four
months ; and that it should be at the King's choice whe-
ther horse or ships : and that they should retain at
the King's charge such a number of horse and foot
as the King should need, not exceeding the number
of two hundred horse, and five thousand foot, or in-
stead of the foot, twelve ships in order, with all things
necessary; which the King might keep in his service,
as long as he pleased: and last of all, that the confe-
derates will promise in all councils, and every where
else, to promote and defend the opinion that Dr.
Martin (so they named Luther), Justus Jonas, Cru-
ciger, Pomeran, and Melancthon had of his marriage/'
This negotiation sunk to a great degree upon Queen
Anne's tragical fall ; and as the King thought they
were no more necessary to him, so they saw his in-
tractable humour, and had no hope of succeeding
with him, unless they would have allowed him a dic-
tatorship in matters of religion ; yet, to end all this
negotiation at once,

The Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse
wrote a letter to the King, which will be found in the
4 Collection, taken from the original, occasioned by
Pope Paul the Third's summoning " a general coun-
cil to meet at Mantua on the 23d of May, upon which
the Emperor had sent messengers to them, to give
them notice of it, and to require them to come to it,
either in person, or by their proctors : but though they
had always desired a council for the reforming of those
abuses that had continued so long, by the negligence
or corruption of popes and prelates ; yet, in this bull,
the Pope clearly insinuates that he will not suffer the
restoring of true doctrine, or the correcting of abuses
to be treated of, but that their doctrine without any
examination was to be condemned with infamy : he

PART III. BOOK III. 175

also endeavoured to oblige all, by the receiving of his
bull, without taking cognizance of the matter, to ex-
tirpate and destroy the doctrine they professed; so
that if they had accepted the bull, they had seemed
to be involved in that design. They therefore told the
Emperor's minister, that they looked on that bull as
unjust and pernicious ; and they desired he would let
the Emperor know that they could not accept of it.
They did not doubt but the Pope or his party, about
the King, would upon this occasion pretend that the
Pope had done his duty, and would study to load
them with ill characters : so they thought it necessary
to justify themselves to the King, and other princes
on this occasion.

" They sent over with this a full vindication of their
proceedings, which they desired the King would read,
and that he would consider not only the present danger
of the Germans, but the common concern of the whole
church, in which it was visible that all good discipline
was lost, and that great and worthy men had wished
and desired that some received abuses, that could not
be denied, might be amended : therefore they recom-
mend the cause of the church, and their own cause to
his care." This is dated the 25th of March, 1537.

I have in my other work given an account of the
ambassadors whom they sent into England, of the re-
presentations they made, and of a full paper that they
offered to the King : to all which I have nothing now
to add, but that I have found a letter of Cranmer's to
Cromwell, which I have put in the Collection, in Collect-
which he complains of the backwardness of the bi-
shops. The ambassadors had been desired to tarry
one month, that their book might be considered; but
though he moved them to treat about it, as they had
done upon other articles, they answered him they knew
the King had taken it on himself to answer them; and
that a book to that end was already devised by him :
therefore they would not meddle with the abuses com-
plained of. The bishops desired that the Archbishop
would go on to treat of the sacraments of matrimony,
orders, confirmation, and extreme unction, in which

17G BURNET'S REFORMATION.

they knew certainly that the Germans would not agree
with them, except only in matrimony. " He saw the
bishops were seeking an occasion to break the con-
cord ; and that nothing would be done, unless there
came a special command from the King. They saw
they could not defend the abuses, and yet they would
not yield that point. He complains likewise that the
ambassadors were very ill lodged : multitudes of rats
were running in their chambers day and night, and
their kitchen was so near their parlour, that the smell
was offensive to all that came to them. He wishes
that a more convenient house might be offered them."
It is true, the King used them with a particular
civility, and spoke to them before all his court in a
most obliging manner ; and often wished that Me-
lancthon might be sent over to him. Cranmer and
Cromwell used them with all possible kindness. Cran-
mer wrote often by them to the Elector, exhorting him
to continue firm and zealous for the truth and purity
of the gospel : but, under all the shews of the King's
favour, they understood that his heart was turned from
them. He wrote, when he dismissed them to the
Elector, in terms full of esteem for their ambassadors :
Flfee*3' " ^ot doubting but good effects would follow on this
beginning of conferences with them ; but the matter
being of the greatest importance, it ought to be very
maturely considered. He again desired that Me-
lancthon might be sent over to him, that he might
treat with him, promising that he would apply him-
self wholly to what became a Christian Prince to
pursue." Dated the 1st of October, 1538. Duringthis
embassy there was an anabaptist seized by the Land-
grave of Hesse ; in whose papers they found that
he had some followers in England, that he had hopes
of great success there ; and was designing to go thi-
ther, but he said he was forbidden by the spirit: upon
this they wrote an account of all they found to the
King, and gave him a description of the anabaptists
of Germany. They were much spread through Frisia
and Westphalia, and in the Netherlands ; chiefly in
those places where none of their preachers were tole-

PART III. BOOK III. 177

rated. The not baptizing infants was the known cha-
racter of the party ; but with this they were for a
community of goods : they condemned all magistracy,
and all punishing of crimes, which they thought was
a revenge forbidden by Christ ; they condemned all
oaths, and were against all order and government.
They seemed to be Manicheans in religion : they de-
spised the Scriptures, and pretended to particular il-
luminations ; and allowed both polygamy and divorce
at a man's pleasure : and wheresoever their numbers
increased, they broke out into sedition and rebellion.
They wrote all this to the King in a letter, that by the
style is believed to be penned by Melancthon, both to
let him see how far they themselves were from favour-
ing such corruptions, and to put the King on his guard
against them.

Here ends this negotiation, for I find no mark of
any further commerce between them ; and though this
run out far beyond the year 1535, in which it was
begun, yet I thought it best to lay it all together, and
so to dismiss it. The unlooked-for accidents that hap-
pened in England had wrought much on the King's
temper; his own inclinations were still biassing him to
adhere to the old opinions and practices; and the popish
party watched and improved all advantages, of which
a very signal one happened soon to their great joy.

Queen Katherine, or as she was called the Princess Coit-
Dowager, died first. I have nothing to add concern- O'AO.
ing her, but that I fell on a report of a conversation c< 10'
that Sir Edmund Bedingfield and Mr.Tyrrel had with
her ; in which she solemnly protested to them, that
Prince Arthur never knew her carnally, and insisted
much on it ; and said many others were assured of it.
But, on the contrary, Bedingfield urged very fully all
the probabilities that were to the contrary : and said,
that whatever she said on that subject, it was little be-
lieved, and it seemed not credible. The tragedy of
Queen Anne followed soon after this ; it broke out on
the 1st of May, 1536, but it seems it was concerted
before, for a parliament was summoned, at least the
writs were tested the 27th of April before.
VOL. in. N

178 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

There is a long account of her sufferings given by
Meteren, in that excellent history that he wrote of the
wars in the Netherlands, which he took from a full
relation of it, given by a French gentleman, Crispin,*
pays bal who was then in London, and as Meteren relates the
L.i.F.20. matter, wrote without partiality. He begins it thus.
" There was a gentleman who blamed his sister for
some lightness that appeared in her behaviour ; she
said the Queen did more than she did ; for she ad-
mitted some of her court to come into her chamber at
undue hours : and named the Lord Rochford, Norris,
Weston, Brereton, and Smeton the musician : and she
said to her brother that Smeton could tell much more :"
all this was carried to the King.

When the matter broke out on the 1 st of May, the
King who loved Norris, sent for him, and said, if he
would confess those things with which the Queen was
charged, he should neither suffer in his person, nor his
estate ; nor so much as be put in prison : but if he did
not confess, and were found guilty, he should suffer
the extremity of the law. Norris answered, he would
much rather die than be guilty of such falsehood ; that
it was all false, which he was ready to justify in a
combat against any person whatsoever : so he was sent
with the rest to the Tower. The confession of Smeton
was all that was brought against the Queen ; he, as was
believed, was prevailed on to accuse her : yet he was
condemned contrary to the promise that had been made
him ; but it was pretended that his crime was, that he
had told his suspicions to others and not to the King:
and when it was alleged that one witness was not suf-
ficient, it was answered that it was sufficient. He
adds, that the Queen was tried in the Tower ; and
that she defended her honour and modesty in such a
way as to soften the King (for she knew his temper),
by such humble deportment, to favour her daughter.
She was brought to her trial without having any ad-
vocate allowed her : having none but her maids about
her. A chair was set for her, and she looked to all
her judges with a cheerful countenance, as she made

* Lord of Miberve.

PART III. BOOK III. 179

her courtesy to them, without any fear : she behaved
herself as if she had been still Queen : she spoke not
much in her own defence ; but the modesty of her
countenance pleaded her innocence, much more than
her defence that she made ; so that all who saw or
heard her believed her innocent. Both the magistrates
of London, and several others who were there, said,
they saw no evidence against her ; only it appeared
that they were resolved to get rid of her.

She was made to lay aside all the characters of her
dignity, which she did willingly ; but still protested
her innocence. When she heard the sentence, that
she was to be beheaded, or burnt, she was not terrified,
but lifted up her hands to God, and said, "O Father!

0 Creator ! Thou, who art the way, the truth, and the
life ; thou knowest that I have not deserved this
death." And turning herself to her judges (her uncle,
the Duke of Norfolk, being the lord-high-steward) she
said, " My lords, I will not say that your sentence is
unjust ; nor presume that my opinion ought to be pre-
ferred to the judgment of you all . I believe you have
reasons, and occasions of suspicion and jealousy, upon
which you have condemned me : but they must be
other than those that have been produced here in
court ; for I am entirely innocent of all these accusa-
tions ; so that I cannot ask pardon of God for them.

1 have been always a faithful and loyal wife to the
King. I have not, perhaps, at all times, shewed him
that humility and reverence, that his goodness to me,
and the honour to which he raised me, did deserve.
I confess I have had fancies and suspicions of him,
which I had not strength nor discretion enough to
manage : but God knows, and is my witness, that I
never failed otherwise towards him ; and I shall never
confess any other, at the hour of my death. Do not
think that I say this on design to prolong my life ;
God has taught me to know how to die : and he will
fortify my faith. Do not think that I am so carried
in my mind, as not to lay the honour of my chastity
to heart, of which I should make small account now
in my extremity, if I had not maintained it my whole

N 2

180 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

life long, as much as ever Queen did. I know, these
my last words will signify nothing, but to justify my
honour and my chastity. As for my brother and those
others who are unjustly condemned, I would willingly
suffer many deaths to deliver them : but since I see
it so pleases the King, I must willingly bear with their
death ; and shall accompany them in death, with this
assurance, that I shall lead an endless life with them
in peace." She said all this, and a great deal more;
and then, with a modest air, she rose up and took leave
of them all. Her brother and the other gentlemen were
executed first : " He exhorted those who suffered with
him to die without fear ; and said to those that were
about him, that he came to die, since it was the King's
pleasure that it should be so. He exhorted all per-
sons not to trust to courts, states, and kings, but in
God only. He had deserved a heavier punishment
for his other sins ; but not from the King, whom he
had never offended. Yet he prayed God to give him
a long, and a good life. With him all the rest suf-
fered a death, which they had no way deserved. Mark
Smeton only confessed, he had deserved well to die;
which gave occasion to many reflections."

" When the Queen heard how her brother and the
other gentlemen had suffered, and had sealed her in-
nocence with their own blood, but that Mark had con-
fessed he deserved to die ; she broke out into some
passion, and said, Has he not then cleared me of that
public shame he has brought me to ? Alas ! I fear his
soul suffers for it, and that he is now punished for his
false accusation. But for my brother, and those others,
I doubt not, but they are now in the presence of that
great King, before whom I am to be to-morrow."

It seems, that gentleman knew nothing of the judg-
ment that passed at Lambeth, annulling the marriage ;
for it was transacted secretly. It could have no foun-
dation, or colour, but from that story mentioned in
Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, of the Lord Percy's ad-
dresses to her. He was now examined upon that :
but it will appear from his letter to Cromwell, that he
solemnly purged both himself and her from any pre-

PART III. BOOK 111. 181

contract; being examined upon oath by the two Arch-
bishops : and that he received the sacrament upon it,
before the Duke of Norfolk, and some of the King's
council that were learned in the spiritual law; assur-
ing them by his oath, and by the sacrament that he
had received, and intended to receive, that there was
never any contract, or promise of marriage between
her and him. This he wrote on the 13th of May,
four days before the Queen's execution ; which will
be found in the Collection. collect.

This shews plainly, that she was prevailed on, be-
tween fear and hope, to confess a precontract, the per-
son not being named.

The French gentleman gives the same account of
the manner of her death, and of her speech, that all
the other writers of that time do. " When she was
brought to the place of execution, within the Tower,
he says, her looks were cheerful ; and she never ap-
peared more beautiful, than at that time. She said
to those about her, Be not sorry to see me die thus ;
but pardon me from your hearts, that I have not ex-
pressed to all about me, that mildness that became
me ; and that I have not done that good that was in
my power to do. She prayed for those who were
the procurers of her death. Then, with the aid of her
maids, she undressed her neck with great courage, and
so ended her days."

This long recital I have translated out of Meteren ;
for I do not find it taken notice of by any of our
writers. I leave it thus, without any other reflections
upon it, but that it seems all over credible.

Thevet, a Franciscan friar, who, for seventeen or
eighteen years, had wandered up and down Europe,
to prepare materials for his Cosmography (which he cosm0?.
published in the year 1563), says, that many English
gentlemen assured him, that King Henry expressed
great repentance of his sins, being at the point of
death; and, among other things, of the injury and the
crime committed against Queen Anne Boleyn, who
was falsely accused, and convicted of that which was
laid to her charge. It is true, Thuanus has very much

182 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

disgraced that writer as a vain and ignorant pla-
giary; but he having been of the order that suffered
so much for their adhering to Queen Katherine, is
not to be suspected of partiality for Queen Anne. We
must leave those secrets to the great day.

It may be easily believed, that both the Pope and
the Emperor, as they were glad to be freed from the
obligation they seemed to be under to protect Queen
Katherine, so Queen Anne's fall gave them a great
deal of ill-natured joy. The Pope, upon the first
news of her disgrace, sent for Cassali, expressing a
great deal of pleasure upon the Queen's imprison-
ment; and at the same time spoke very honourably
of the King. " He hoped, upon these emergents, all
matters would be brought to a good agreement; and
that the King would reconcile himself to the see, by
which he would become the arbiter of all Europe. He
told Cassali, that he knew how good an instrument
he was in Pope Clement's time; and what pains he
took, both with the Pope and the Emperor, to pre-
vent the breach. He added, that the naming of Fisher
to be a cardinal, was so pressed on him, that he could
not decline it. He desired Cassali would try how
any messenger that he might send to the King would
be received : for, as soon as he knew that, he would
send one immediately." Of all this, Cassali wrote
an account to the King.

At the same time, Pace gave him an account of a
viteii. long conversation he had with the Emperor on the
B< 14- same subject : for he was then the King's ambassador
in that court. "The Emperor excused his adhering
to his aunt, whom he could not in honour forsake;
but, at the same time, he said, he abhorred the Pope's
bull for deposing the King; and he was so far from
any thoughts of executing it, that he commanded it
to be suppressed in his dominions: nor did he en-
courage, as was suspected, the King of Scotland to
undertake to execute it. He imputed the breach that
had been made between him and the King to the
French King ; who, he said, was like an eel in a man's
hand, ready to forsake him, and even to renounce

PART III. BOOK III. 183

God, who, he believed, had given him over to a re-
probate mind. He was resolved now to return to his
old friendship with the King, and he would not
hearken to intimations given him by the agent of
France, that the King had poisoned his aunt. He
pressed him to legitimate the Princess Mary. He
might do that, without owning the lawfulness of the
marriage ; which was a point, in which he would stir
no more. She was born in a marriage in fact, and
bonafide; and in many cases in which marriages had
been dissolved, yet the legitimacy of the issue was
often secured."

Of all this Pace gave the King an account ; and Cotton
pressed, with some vehemence, the legitimating the vueii.
Princess. The Emperor was then going to Rome;B-14>
so King Henry intended to join Cassali with Pace,
in his embassy to the Emperor. Pace begged that
might not be done ; expressing a great aversion to
him, as being a base and a perverse man. It is plain
Pace pressed the King much to think of being recon-
ciled to the Pope. Cardinal Ghinucci offered his
service again to the King with expressions full of zeal.
Grand vill also entered with Cassali upon the same
subject; but Cassali wrote to the King, that he did
not at all meddle in that matter. The Emperor went
to Rome, and Pace followed him thither. The King
sent a dispatch to Pace, which will be found in the
Collection: telling him of the motion that the Empe-
ror's Ambassador made to him for returning to the
old friendship with their master; they also made him Kumb-4°L
some overtures in order to it. First, the Emperor
would be a mean to reconcile him to the Bishop of
Rome: he also hoped that the King would contribute
towards the war against the Turk; and that since
there was an old defensive league between them, and
since it seemed that the French King intended to in-
vade the duchy of Milan, he expected the King would
assist him, according to that league.

To all this the King answered, "That the inter- Tl>« King
ruption of their friendship proceeded from the Empe-
ror, who had made him ill returns for the services he

184 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

had done him. For he pretends he made him first
King of Spain, and then Emperor. When the empire
was at his disposition, he had furnished him with
money ; so that he ought to thank the King only for
all the honour he was advanced to : but in lieu of
that, he had shewed great ingratitude to the King,
and had not only contemned his friendship, but had
set on all the ill usage he had met with from the Bi-
shop of Rome; which, as he understood, he owed
chiefly to him: yet such was the King's zeal for con-
cord among Christian princes, and such was his na-
ture, that he could continue his displeasure against
no man, when the cause of it was once removed ; so,
if the Emperor would desire him to forget all that
was passed, and would purge himself of all particular
unkindness to him, he would be willing to return to
their old friendship : but he having received the in-
juries, would not sue for a reconciliation, nor treat
upon the foot of the old leagues between them, till
the reconciliation should be first made, and that with-
out any conditions: when that was done, he would
answer all his reasonable desires.

He refuses " But as for the Bishop of Rome, he had not pro-
wiV'thety ceeded on such slight grounds, that he could in any
pope< sort depart from what he had done ; having founded
himself on the laws of God, of nature, and honesty,
with the concurrence of his parliament. There was
a motion made to him from that Bishop for a recon-
ciliation, which he had not yet embraced, nor would
he suffer it to be compassed by any other means ; and
therefore he would not take it in good part, if the
Emperor would insist in that matter, for the satisfac-
tion of the Bishop of Rome, that was his enemy; or
move him to alter that, which was already determined
against his authority. When there was a general
peace among Christian princes, he would not be
wanting to give an aid against the Turk ; but till the
friendship between the Emperor and him was quite
made up, he would treat of nothing with relation to
the King of France: when that was done, Jxe would
be a mediator between them. This was the answer

PART III. BOOK III. 185

given to the Emperor's Ambassador ; which was com-
municated to Pace, that, in case he had any discourse
with the Emperor on the subject, he should seem only
to have a general knowledge of the matter, but should
talk with him suitably to these grounds; encouraging
the Emperor to pursue what he had begun, and ex-
tolling the King's nature and courage, with his in-
clination to satisfy his friends, when he was not too
much pressed : that would hurt and stop good pur-
poses: and he orders him to speak with Grandvill of
it, of whom it seems he had a good opinion, and that
he should represent to the Emperor the advantage
that would follow, on the renewing their old friend-
ship, but not to clog it with conditions; for whatever
the King might be afterwards brought to upon their
friendship, when made up, the King would not suffer
it to be loaded with them ; for the King had suffered
the injury : but he was ordered to say all this, as of
himself, and Pace was ordered to go to court and put
himself in Grandvill's way, that he might have occa-
sion to enter upon these subjects with him." Thus
that matter was put in a method ; so that in a little
time the friendship seemed to be entirely made up.

The King would never hearken to a reconciliation
with the Pope. On the contrary, he went on in his
design of reforming: matters in England. In the con- catlon

o o o

vocation, in the year 1536, Cromwell came and de-
manded a place as the King's Vicar-General; the
Archbishop assigned him the place next above him-
self. On the 21st of June, the Archbishop laid be-
fore the House the sentence definitive of the nullity
of the King's marriage with Queen Anne, which
Cromwell desired they would approve; it was ap-
proved in the Upper House, and sent down to the
Lower, in which it was also approved. On the 23d
of June, the Prolocutor with the clergy, offered a
book to the Upper House, in which they set forth a
collection of many ill doctrines that were publicly
preached within the province. On the 28th of June,
the confirmation of the decree concerning the King's
last marriage was subscribed by both Houses. On

186 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

the 1 1th of July, the book concerning the articles of
faith and the ceremonies was brought in by the Bi-
shop of Hereford, and was signed by both Houses.
These were also signed by the Archbishop of York,
and the Bishop of Duresme. On the 20th of July,
the Bishop of Hereford, brought another book, con-
taining the reasons why the King ought not to ap-
pear in a council, summoned by the Pope to meet at
Mantua: this was likewise agreed to, and subscribed
by both Houses. I have nothing new to add to the
account I have given in my History of the other pro-
ceedings in matters of religion this year; in which no
convocation sat at York. There are several draughts
of these articles that are in several places corrected
by the King's own hand ; some of the corrections are
very long and very material : of these only it was that
I meant, and not of the engrossed and signed articles
themselves, when I said they were corrected by the
King; as I have been misunderstood.

Pole By these steps it appearing clearly that the Kino-

made a , , J , /• . •!• • • 1 T» 1°

cardinal, had no thoughts ot a reconciliation with Rome, the
Pope on his part resolved to create him as much trou-
ble as he could. Pole had been sent over from Eng-
land to Paris, while the suit of divorce was in depend-
ance; he was particularly recommended by the Bishop
of Bayonne, in one of his letters to Montmorency, as
a person of great hopes, and much favoured by the
King. He came after that to England ; for he tells
himself that he was in England, while the point of
the supreme headship was in debate. He says he
was then absent, which shews that at that time he was
contented to be silent in his opinion, and that he did
not think to oppose what was doing. He was after-
wards suffered to go and settle at Padua, where the
gravity of his deportment, that was above his age,
and the sweetness of his temper, made him be very
much considered. He was still supported from Eng-
land; whether only out of his deanery of Exeter, or
by any farther special bounty of the King's, is not
certain. In several letters from Padua, he acknow-
ledges the King's bounty and favour to him, and in

PART III. BOOK III. 187

one he desires a further supply. He, being com-
manded by the King to do it, wrote over his opinion
concerning his marriage. The King sent it to Cran-
mer before his being sent out of England ; for that
faithful and diligent searcher into the transactions of
those times, Mr. Strype, has published the letter that
he wrote upon it; the year is not added, but the date
being the 13th of June, it must be before he was sent
out of England, this being writ before he was conse-
crated ; for he subscribes Cranmer, and upon his
return he was consecrated long before June. It is
written to the Earl of Wiltshire: he mentions Pole's
book, and commends both the wit and eloquence of
it very highly : he thinks, if it should come abroad,
it would not be possible to stand against it. Pole's
chief design in it, was to persuade the King to sub-
mit the matter wholly to the Pope. In it,

" He set forth the trouble that might follow upon "*twiote
the diversity of titles to the crown, of which the wars against
upon the titles of Lancaster and York had given them lvhe
a sad warning. All that was now healed, and there-
fore care should be taken not to return to the like
misery. He could never agree to the divorce, which
must destroy the Princess's title, and accuse the King
of living so long in a course of incest, against the law
of God and of nature. This would increase the ha-
tred the people began to bear to priests, if it should
appear that they had so long approved that which is
found now to be unlawful. As for the opinions of
the Universities, it was known they were often led by
affections ; and that they were brought over with great
difficulty to declare for the King : but he sets in op-
position to them, the King's father and his council, the
Queen's father and his council, and the Pope and his
council : it could not be expected that the Pope would
condemn the act of hi's predecessor, or consent to the
abridging his own power, and do that which would raise
sedition in many kingdoms, particularly in Portugal.
He next shews the Emperor's power, and the weakness
of France, that the prohibiting our trade to the Ne-
therlands would be very ruinous, and that the French

188 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

were never to be trusted : they never kept their leagues
with us ; for neither do they love us, nor do we love
them : and if they find their aid necessary to Eng-
land, they will charge it with intolerable conditions."
This is the substance of that letter. So that at this
time Pole wrote only to persuade the King, by poli-
tical considerations, to submit wholly to the Pope's
judgment. The matter rested thus for some time :
but when the breach was made, and all was past re-
conciling, then Cromwell wrote to him by the King's
order, to declare his opinion with relation to the
King's proceedings. Upon this reason only he wrote
his book, as he set forth in a paper of instructions given
to one to be shewed to the King, which will be found
collect. in the Collection. In which he writes, " That he
' thinks if it had not been for that, he had never med-
dled in the matter, seeing so little hope of success ;
and that he had reason to think, that what he should
write would not be acceptable. They had sent unto
him from England the books written on the contrary
sends one part : but he said he found many things suppressed
witb"inK'Ig in these ; and all the colours that could be invented
were set upon untrue opinions. Besides, what had
followed was grievous, both in the sight of God, and
in the judgment of the rest of Christendom : and he,
apprehending yet worse effects, both with relation
to the King's honour and the quiet of his realm, did
upon that resolve to employ all the wit and learning
that God had given him, to set forth the truth, and
to shew the consequences of those ill opinions. He
hoped, that what he wrote on the subject would fully
satisfy all that would examine it. This he did, in hopes
that the King, whom God had suffered to be carried
away from those opinions that he had the honour for-
merly to maintain, would yet, by the goodness of God,
be recovered out of the evil way he was then in.

" There were great instances of such cases in Scrip-
ture, in the stories of David and Solomon ; the last
particularly, who, notwithstanding the gift of wisdom
that he had from God, yet fell into idolatry. So,
though the King was not fallen from the true doctrine

ni actions.

PART III. BOOK III. 189

of Christ, yet as David, when in a state of sin, was,
by a prophet sent to him from God, brought to true
repentance, and restored to the favour of God, he
hoped he might, by the grace of God, be an instrument
to bring the King to a better sense of things. There-
fore, as he set himself to study the matter, so he prayed
earnestly to God to manifest the truth to him : in
which he hoped God had heard his prayer : so he
looked for good success : and that he might make the
King apprehend the danger he was in, both from his
own people, who hated innovations in religion, and
from other princes, to whose honour it belongs to de-
fend the laws of the church against all other princes
who impugn them ; and to make the King more ap-
prehensive of this, he had as in his own person brought
out all such reasons as might provoke people, or princes
against him, since he was departing from the course
in which he had begun. These reasons, if read apart,
without considering the purpose he proposed, of re-
presenting to the King the danger to which he was
exposing himself, might make one think, from his ve-
hemence of style in that argument, that he was the
King's greatest enemy; but the reading the whole book
would shew what his intent in it all was. The book
was too long for the King to read : he desired, there-
fore, that he would order some learned and grave man
to read it, and to declare his judgment upon it, he
being bound with an oath of fidelity, first to God, and
then to the King, to do it without affection on either
part. He named particularly Tonstal, bishop of Du-
resme, whom he esteemed both for learning and fide-
lity to the King, above any other he knew. After
Tonstal had first examined it, the King may refer the
further examination of it to such other persons as he
may think fit ; he was likewise resolved that his book
should never come abroad, till the King had seen it.
" In these instructions, he mentions that he had
sent another book to the King concerning his mar-
riage : but in that he was disappointed of his intent,
as the bearer might inform him, who knew the whole
matter. And since God had detected her, who had

100 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

been the occasion of all the errors the King had been
led into, it was the hope of all who loved him, that he
would now come to himself, and take that discovery
as a favourable admonition of God, to consider better
the opinion of those who dissented from that mar-
riage, as seeing the great dishonour and danger like
to follow on it : he wished the Kinar would look on

O

that as a warning to return to the unity of the
church : he was sensible nothing but the hand of
God could work a change in the King's mind ; and
when that should be done, it would be one of the
greatest miracles that the world had seen for some
ages ; with the most signal characters of God's favour
to him, which would deliver him out of those very
great dangers that must follow upon the meeting of
a general council : whereas, if he should return to
the unity of the church, no prince would appear in
that assembly with more honour, than would be paid
to him if he should return : even his fall would prove
a great blessing to the church, and tend to the re-
formation of the whole, and to the manifestation of
the honour of God. It would then appear that God
had suffered him to fall, to make him rise with more
honour, to the greater wealth, not only of his own
realm, but of the whole church besides." With these
instructions he sent a private letter to Tonstal, from
Venice, dated Corpus Christi eve.

When his book against the divorce came first to
England, he was written to in the King's name, to
come over and explain some things in it : but he ex-
cused himself; he pretended the love of retirement,
and of the noble company with whom he lived, in an
easy and learned friendship there. Eloquence seems
to be that which he turned his mind most to ; for in
every thing he wrote, there is much more of decla-
mation than of argument.

Tonstal being thus provoked by Pole, and com-
manded by the King, wrote a full and solid answer to
him on the 13th of July, 1536, which will be found
*n ^ie Collection. " He acknowledged he had re-
ceived his letter, as the King has received his book ;

PART III. BOOK III. 191

in which he desired that the reading of it might be
first put upon him : he had read both his letter and
his long book, and was truly grieved as he read it :
seeing both the vehemence of his style, and that he
misrepresented the whole matter, as if the King was
separated from the church. He wished he had rather
written his opinion privately, in a letter to the King,
which might have been read by himself, and not have
enlarged himself into so great a book, which must be
communicated and seen of others. What stupidity
was it to send so long a book so great a way, by one
who might have miscarried in it; and so the book
might have fallen into the hands of those, who would
have published it to the slander of the King and the
kingdom ; but most of all to his own ; for his ingra-
titude to the King, who had bred him up to that learn-
ing, which was now used against him ; in whose de-
fence he ought to have spent both life and learning :
he advised him to burn all that he had written on that
subject. There appeared a strain of bitterness in his
whole book that was very unbecoming him. He
then comes to the argument, to shew that the King,
by the title of the supreme head, did not separate him-
self, nor his church from the unity of the whole body.
The King did not take upon him the office belonging
to spiritual men, the cure of souls ; nor that which
belongs to the priesthood, to preach the word of God,
and to minister the sacraments. He knew what be-
longed to his own office as king, and what belonged
to the priest's office : no prince esteemed spiritual
men, that were given to learning and virtue more
than he did. His only design was, to see the laws of
God sincerely preached, and Christ's faith (without
blot) observed in his kingdom ; and to reduce his
church out of the captivity of foreign powers (for-
merly usurped), into the state in which all the churches
of God were at the beginning ; and to put away all
the usurpations that the bishops of Rome had, by
undue means, still increased, to their own gain, but
to the impoverishing of the kingdom. By this he only
reduced things to the state that is most conformable

to him.

11)2 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

to the ancient decrees of the church, which the bi-
shops of Rome solemnly promise to observe at their
creation ; naming the eight general councils ; and yet
any one, who considers to what a state the Bishop of
Rome had brought this church, would soon see the
diversity between the one and the other. At Venice
he might see these in Greek, and they were already
published in Latin : by which it appears, that the
Bishop of Rome had then no such monarchy as they
have usurped of late.

" If the places of Scripture which he quoted did
prove it, then the council of Nice did err, which de-
creed the contrary ; as the canons of the apostles did
appoint, that the ordinations of priests and bishops
should be made in the diocese, or at most in the pro-
vince where the parties dwelt. These canons Da-
mascen reckoned Holy Scriptures. Nor can it be
thought that the four general councils would have
acted as they did, if they had understood those pas-
sages of Scripture as he did : for above a thousand
years after Christ, the customs were very contrary to
those now used by the Bishop of Rome : when the
blood of Christ and of the martyrs were yet fresh, the
Scriptures were then best understood, and the customs
then used in the church must be better than those that
through ambition and covetousness had crept in since.
Light and darkness may be as well reconciled, as the
worldly authority in temporal things now usurped can
be proved from St. Peter's primacy, in preaching the
word of God. He refers him to Cardinal Cusa's second
book, in which he will find this well opened.

" The King, going to reform his realm, and to re-
duce things to the state in which they were some ages
ago, did not change, but establish those laws, which
the Pope professes to observe. If other princes did
not follow him in this, that ought not to hinder him
from doing his duty : of which he did not doubt to be
able to convince him, if he had but one day's discourse
with him, unless he were totally addicted to the con-
trary opinion. Pole wrote in his letter, that he thought
the King's subjects were offended at the abolishing the

PART III. BOOK III. 193

Pope's usurpations: but Tonstal assured him, that in
this he was deceived ; for they all perceived the profit
that the kingdom had by it ; since the money that
was before carried over to Rome, was now kept within
the kingdom. That was become a very heavy burden,
and was daily increasing : so that if the King would
go about to restore that abolished authority, he would
find it more difficult to bring it about, than any thing
he had ever yet attempted in his parliament. Pole
had in his letter blamed Tonstal, for fainting in his
heart, and not dying for the authority of the Bishop
of Rome. He assures him, that, from the time that
he understood the progress of Christ's church from the
beginning, and had read ecclesiastical history, he
never thought to shed one drop of blood in that cause.
None of those who had advantage by that authority,
would have lost one penny of it to have saved his life.
He would do what in him lay to cool that indignation,
which his book had raised in the King. He desired
him not to fancy (from what he saw in Italy, or in
other places) that it was so from the beginning. The
councils would shew him, how that dignity was given
to the Bishops of Rome. The emperors called those
councils ; and the dignity that was given him, was,
because he was bishop of the chief city of the empire,
and not for the sake of Peter and Paul. The second
place was given to the patriarchs of Constantinople ;
because it was called New Rome, and so was pre-
ferred to Antioch, where St. Peter was bishop, and
where the name Christian first began ; and it was set
before Alexandria, and likewise before Jerusalem,
where Christ himself preached, and the whole college
of the apostles after him, and where James (the brother
of our Lord) was the first bishop. That church was
called the mother of all the churches. It was also set
before Ephesus, where St. John wrote his Gospel and
died. To all these, Constantinople was preferred : and
yet this was fully settled in the council of Chalcedon,
where six hundred and thirty bishops met. If he read
the Greek fathers, Basil, Nazianzen, Chrysostom, and
Damascen, he would find no mention of the monarchy
VOL. in. o

194 BIJUNET'S REFORMATION.

of tlie Bishop of Rome. He desired him to search
further into this matter, and he would find, that the
old fathers knew nothing of the Pope's late pretensions
and usurpations. He wished, therefore, that he would
examine these matters more carefully, which had been
searched to the bottom in England. The learned men
here thought, they were happily delivered from that
captivity, to which he endeavours to bring them back.
He tells him, how much all his family and kindred
would be troubled, to see him so much engaged
against his King and his country ; whom he might
comfort, if he would follow the establishment of the
whole church of God from the beginning, and leave
the supporting of those usurpations. He refers him
to Gregory the Great, who wrote against the Bishop
of Constantinople, pretending to the like monarchy.
St. Cyprian writes, that all the apostles were of equal
dignity and authority ; which is also affirmed by the
third council of Ephesus. He begged him not to
trust too much to himself, but to search further, and
not to fancy he had found out the matter already. He
prayed him to burn all his papers; and then he hoped
he should prevail with the King, to keep that which
he had sent him secret. He concludes all with some
very kind expressions."

This I have abstracted the more fully, for the honour
of Tonstal's memory ; who was a generous and good-
natured, as well as a very learned man. Pole, who
was then a cardinal, wrote no answer to this, that I
could find ; but he wrote a long letter either to Ton-
stal, or to Cromwell, in May 1537, which will be
collect. found in the Collection.

Numb. 53. _T i • • • i • i"*i* rr* •

cardinal " He begins it with protestations ot his anection to
£°'«ionin" the King, though the King had taken such methods
of himself. to destrOy him, as the like had not been known in
Christendom, against any who bore the person that he
did at that time ; yet he still maintained a deep affec-
tion to him. He knew well all that the King had
designed against him; which, if he bore the King a
small degree of love, would be enough to extinguish
it. He saw what he did for the best was taken in the

PART III. BOOK III. 105

worst part. He did not think it possible that the King
should conceive such indignation against him, as to
break through all laws to have him in his hands, and
to disturb the whole commerce of nations, rather than
not have his person in his power. But he still ad-
hered to his former principles, and maintained his
former temper towards the King.

" Upon his arrival in France, he was ashamed to
hear, that he coming thither in the quality of an am-
bassador and legate, one prince should desire of
another to betray him, and deliver him into the King's
ambassador's hands. He himself was so little disturb-
ed at it, when he first heard of it, that he said upon
it (to those who were about him), that he never felt
himself in full possession of being a cardinal till then ;
since he was now persecuted by him, whose good he
most earnestly desired. Whatever religion men are
of, if they would observe the law of nations, the law
of nature alone would shew how abominable it was
to grant such a request ; and it was no less to desire
it. So that if he had the least spark of an alienation
from the King in him, such proceedings would blow
it up into a fire. He might, upon this, be justly tempted
tc give over all commerce with the King, and to pro-
cure (by all honest ways) the means to repay this
malignity, by doing him the utmost damage he could
devise : but he did not, for that, abstain from trying
to do all he could for the King's honour and wealth.
He acknowledges, that the Bishop of Verona was sent
by him to the court of France, to intimate, that the
Pope (for the common good of Christendom) had com-
mitted some affairs to him, to treat with the King.
That Bishop passed through Abbeville, when the
Bishop of Winchester and Mr. Brian were there : so
he could not but wonder at the King's acting towards
him ; the whole design of his legation being for the
King's honour. Upon which, that Bishop desired to
confer with the King's ambassadors, that he might
declare to them the whole truth of the matter, which
was made known to them. They, it is true, had no
communication with him ; but they sent their secre-

o 2

19G BURNET'S REFORMATION.

tary, after the Bishop had declared the effect of his
legation, as far as it related to the King, to him.

" It seemed visible to all, that the King (in what he
had done against him) was abused by false reports,
and by the false conjectures of some ; so it was hoped,
that the matter being once cleared, the King would
have changed his mind. All this he understood from
the Bishop of Verona, at his return ; and he readily
believed it. That Bishop had been the King's true
servant, and had shewed (when he was in a capacity
to serve him) the sincere love that he bore him. He
had been also Pole's particular acquaintance, ever
since he came out of England. He would have been
ready, if the King had consented to it, to have gone
and given the King full satisfaction in all things. For
the chief reason of his being sent into France, was,
the Pope's intending to gain the King, knowing the
friendship that was between him and the French King:
so the Bishop of Verona was thought the fittest person
to be first employed, who had great merits on both
Kings, for the services he did them when he was in
office : and being esteemed the best bishop in Italy,
it was designed that he should accompany Pole, as
well as he was sent before, to prepare matters for his
coming ; which he, out of his zeal to do God and the
King service, undertook very willingly ; and resolved
to try how he could get access to the King's person :
so now, having fully explained himself, he hoped it
would not be thought possible, that he had those
designs, of which the King's proceed ing against him,
shewed he suspected him, (which was, that he came
on purpose to animate the people to rebel.)

" Upon his first coming to Rome, he acquainted the
King with the design for which he was called thither;
and he had acquainted him with the cause of his lega-
tion. These were not the methods of those who in-
tended to rebel. He had then procured a suspension,
in sending forth the censures, which at that time might
have caused the King more trouble ; and he sent his
servant purposely, with the offer of his assistance, ani-
mating the chief of his kindred to be constant in the

PART III. BOOK III. 107

King's service. If any liad been at Rome, in the
King's pay, to do him service, they could not have
done more than he did ; so that some began to reflect
on him, because he would not consent to divers things
that would have been uneasy to him : and particularly,
because he had the censures in his hand, which were
instantly called for by those who had authority to com
mand : yet they never came into their sight, nor hands :
and to that hour he had suppressed them. He would
go no further in justifying himself, if what he had
already done, and what the Bishop of Verona had said,
did not do it; he would take no more pains to clear
himself: he rather thought he had been faulty in his
negligence in these matters. But there was nothing
now left to him, but to pray for the King."

This letter is dated from Cambray : for upon the
King's message to the French King, to demand him
to be delivered into his hands, Francis could in no
sort hearken to that, but he sent to him not to come
to his court, but to go with all convenient haste out
of his dominions : so he retired to Cambray, as being
then a peculiar sovereignty. The King had a spy,
one Throckmorton, secretly about Pole, who gave him
an account of all his motions : but, by what appears
in his letters, he was faithfuller to Pole than to the
King. He wrote over, that his book was not then
printed, though he had been much pressed to print it
by those at Rome ; but he thought that would hinder
the design he went on : he believed, indeed, that upon
his returning thither he would print it. He tells him,
that he had procured the suspensions of the Pope's
censures, to try if it was possible to bring about a re-
conciliation between the Pope and the King : and he
adds, that many wondered to see the King so set
against him, and that he did not rather endeavour to
gain him. He intended to have stayed some time in
Flanders, but the Regent sent him word that it could
not be suffered. He went from thence and stayed at
Leige, where he was on the 20th of August ; for the
last of Throckmorton's letters is dated from thence.
He writes, that the Pope had called him back, having

was recon

198 SUBNET'S REFORMATION.

named him to be his legate to the council that he had
summoned to meet the 1st of November; though it did
not meet for some years after this.
King The King's indignation upon his advancement, and

r 1 • i_ i • 1 1 •

tor his book, carried him to a great many excesses,
and to many acts of injustice and cruelty ; which are
not the least among the great blemishes of that reign.
Wyat was then the King's ambassador at the Empe-
ror's court ; and by his letters to the King, it seems
an entire confidence was then settled with the Em-
peror. The King pressed him much not to suffer the
Pope to call a council, but to call one by his own au-
thority, as the Roman emperors had called the first
general councils ; and he proposed Cambray as a
proper place for one : but he saw he was not like to
succeed in that, so he only insisted on a promise that
the Emperor had made, that nothing should be done
in the council, whensoever it should meet, against him
or his kingdom.

The King was at this time under much uneasiness,
for he sent both Bonner and Hains over to the Em-
peror's court in conjunction : the one seems to have
been chosen to talk with those who were still papis-
tical; and the other had great credit with theprotes-
tants. Our merchants in the Emperor's dominions
were threatened by the Inquisition, for owning the
King as supreme head of this church. Upon this
Wyat complained to the Emperor. But though that
Prince vindicated the inquisitors, he promised to give
such order, that they should not be disquieted on that
account : and when Pole applied himself to the Em-
peror, for leave to affix the Pope's bull against the
King in his dominions, he would not consent to it.
Dr. LOU- j cannot add much to what I wrote formerly, with

don's vio- - 1 „ . . » ' .

km pro- relation to the suppression ot the monasteries. 1 here
iTstip83 are many letters setting forth their vices and lewdness,
pressing an(j ^G[r robberies, and other ill practices ; and now

ihe mo- . '.

that the design against them was apparent, many run
beyond sea with their plate and jewels : but I must not
conceal that the visitors give a great character of the
Abbess and nuns of Pollesworth in Warwickshire.

PART III. BOOK III. 199

Dr. London, that was afterwards not only a persecutor
of protestants, but a suborner of false witnesses against
them, was now zealous even to officiousness in sup-
pressing the monasteries. In the first commission that
the visitors had, there was no order for the removing
shrines; yet he, in his zeal, exceeding his commission,
had done it; upon which, Leighton, Legh, and others,
desired that a commission for that end might be sent
after them, of the same date with their other com-
missions. He also studied to frighten the Abbess of
Godstow into a resignation. She was particularly in
Cromwell's favour ; so she wrote a plain honest letter
to him, complaining of " London's violence, of his
artifices to bring them to surrender their house, and of
the great charge he put them to : she writes, that she
did not hear that any of the King's subjects had been
so handled : she insists on her care to maintain the
honour of God, and all truth and obedience to the
King; therefore she was positively resolved not to
surrender her house, but would be ready to do it
whensoever the King's command or his should come
to her, and not till then." The great character I gave
of that Abbess and of her house in my former work,
made me resolve to put this letter in the Collection. coii««.
The discovery of the cheats in images, and counter- cheats'™
feits in relics, contributed not a little to their disgrace. ™^™if*
Among these, that of Boxley in Kent was one of the
most enormous. Among the papers that were sent
me from Zurich, there is a letter written by the mi-
nister of Maidstone to Bullinger, that describes such
an image, if it is not the same, so particularly, that I
have put it in the Collection. He calls it the Dagon coiieci.
of Ashdod, or the Babylonish Bel. It was a crucifix x
that sometimes moved the head, the eyes, and did
bend the whole body to express the receiving of
prayers ; and other gestures were at other times made
to signify the rejecting them : great offerings were
made to so wonderful an image. One Partridge sus-
pected the fraud, and, removing the image, he saw the
whole imposture evidently. There were several springs
within it, by which all these motions were made. This

200 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

was brought to Maidstone, and exposed to all the
people there : from thence it was carried to London,
and was shewed to the King and all his court, and in
their sight all the motions were performed. The King's
council ordered a sermon to be preached at Paul's
by the Bishop of Rochester, where this imposture
was fully discovered ; and after sermon it was burned.
Upon the birth of Prince Edward, matters had a
better face : here was an undoubted heir born to the
crown : it is true, the death of his mother did abate
much of the joy, that such a birth would have given
otherwise: for as she was of all the King's wives much
the best beloved by him, so she was a person of that
humble and sweet temper, that she was universally
beloved on that account : she had no occasion given
her to appear much in business, so she had no share
of the hatred raised by the King's proceedings cast on
her. I fell into a mistake from a letter of Queen
Elizabeth's directed to a big-bellied Queen, which I
thought belonged to her ; but I am now convinced of
my error, for it was no doubt written to Queen Kathe-
rine, when, after King Henry's death, she was with
child by the Lord Seymour. Upon Queen Jane's
death, Tonstal, being then at York, wrote a consola-
tory letter to the King, which will be found in the
Icrw.te Collection. It runs upon the common topics of af-
h ing when fliction, with many good applications of passages of
dird. Scripture, and seems chiefly meant to calm and cheer
Mumk'se. UP the King's spirit. But the truth is, King Henry
had so many gross faults about him, that it had been
more for Tonstal's honour, and better suited to his
character, if he had given hints to awaken the King's
conscience, and to call upon him to examine his ways,
while he had that load upon his mind : either Tonstal
did not think him so faulty as certainly he was, or
he was very faulty himself, in being so wanting to his
duty, upon so great an occasion.

But I go on to more public concerns. The King
had by the Lord Cromwell sent injunctions to his
clergy in the year 1536, as he did afterwards in the
year 1538, which I have printed in my former work.

PART III. BOOK III. 201

There was also a circular letter written to the bishops; f)
that to the Bishop of Hereford is dated on the 20th orders
of July 1536, requiring them to execute an order ab-
rogating some holy-days : the numbers of them were
so excessively great, and by the people's devotion, or
rather superstition, were like to increase more and
more, which occasioned much sloth and idleness, and
great loss to the public in time of harvest. It sets forth
that the King, with the advice of the convocation, had
settled rules in this matter. The feast of the dedica-
tion of churches was to be held every year, on the first
Sunday in October ; but the feast of the patron of the
church was to be no more observed. All the feasts
from the 1st of July to the 29th of September, and all
feasts in term-time were not to be observed any more
as holy-days, except the feasts of the Apostles, of the
blessed Virgin Mary, and of St. George, and those
days in which the judges did not use to sit ; but the
four quarter-days were still to be offering days. These
are all the public injunctions set out about this time.
But after the first of these, I find the bishops sent like-
wise injunctions to their clergy round their dioceses,
of which a copy printed at that time was given me by
my worthy friend Mr. Tate, minister of Burnham.
The first was by Lee, archbishop of York, which will
be found in the Collection.

"He begins with the abolishing of the Bishop of
Rome's authority, and the declaring the King to be
supreme head of the church of England, as well spi-
ritual as temporal. He requires his clergy to provide
a New Testament, in English or Latin, within forty
days, arid to read daily in it two chapters before noon,
and two in the afternoon, and to study to understand
it : he requires them also to study the book to be set
forth by the King, of the Institution of a Christian
Man. They were to procure it as soon as it should
be published, that they might read two chapters a day
in it, and be able to explain it to their people. All
curates and heads of religious houses were required
to repeat the Lord's Prayer and the Ave Maria in Eng-
lish, and at other parts of the service the Creed and

bishop of
York.

202 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

the Ten Commandments also in English, and to make
the people repeat these after them : and none were to
be admitted to the sacrament at Easter that could not
repeat them. All parishes were required within forty
days to provide a great Bible in English, to be chained
to some open place in the church, that so all persons
might resort to it, and read it for their instruction.
Priests were forbidden to haunt taverns or ale-houses,
except on necessary occasions. The clergy that did
belong to any one church were required to eat together,
if they might, and not to play at prohibited games, as
cards and dice. They must discourage none from
reading the Scriptures, exhorting them to do it in the
spirit of meekness, to be edified by it : they were re-
quired to read to their people the Gospel and Epistle
in English. Rules are set for the frequent use of
sermons, proportioned to the value of their livings :
generally four sermons were to be preached every year,
one in a quarter. None were to preach but such as
had license from the King or the Archbishop ; nor
were they to worship any image, or kneel or offer any
lights or gifts to it : but they might have lights in the
rood-loft, and before the sacrament, and at the sepul-
chre at Easter. They were to teach the people that
images are only as books to stir them up to follow the
saints ; and though they see God the Father repre-
sented as an old man, they were not to think that he
has a body or is like a man. All images to which
any resort is used are to be taken away. They are
to teach the people that God is not pleased with the
works done for the traditions of men, when works com-
manded by God are left undone : that we are only
saved by the mercy of God and the merits of Christ:
that our good works have their virtue only from thence.
They were to teach the midwives the form of baptism ;
they were to teach the people to make no private con-
tracts of marriage, nor to force their children to marry
against their wills; and to open to their people often
the two great commandments of Christ, To love God
and our neighbour, and to live in love with all people,
avoiding dissension/'

PART III. BOOK III. 203

The rest relate to the matters set out in the King's
injunctions.

There were about the same time injunctions given injunctions
by Sampson, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, for B^P of
his diocese, which will be found in the Collection. 2SL
He begins with a charge to his clergy, " to instruct fieid-

P • ,1 -rr- i i '• • ii Collect.

the people concerning the King s being the supreme Numb. 68.
head of the church of England, by the word of God;
and that the authority used by the Bishop of Rome
was an usurpation : then he charges them to procure
by the next Whitsuntide a whole Bible in Latin, and
also one in English ; and to lay it in the church, that
every man may read in it. Then, with relation to the
reading the Scriptures, and the having sermons every
quarter, he gives the same charge that Lee gave. As
to their sermons, he charges them that they be preach-
ed purely, sincerely, and according to the true Scrip-
tures of God. He next requires them in the King's
name, and as his minister, to teach the people to say
the Lord's Prayer, and the Ave, and the Creed in
English : and that four times in every quarter they
declare the seven deadly sins, and the Ten Command-
ments. And because some out of neglect of their
curates, and to hide their lewd livings, used in Lent
to go to confession to friars, or other religious houses ;
he orders that no testimonial from them shall be suf-
ficient to admit one to the sacrament, called by him
God's board, till they confess to their own curates,
unless, upon some urgent considerations of conscience,
that he or his deputies should grant a special license
for it : that on holy-days, and in time of Divine service,
none should go to ale-houses or taverns, nor be re-
ceived in them : and that the clergy should go in such
decent apparel, that it might be known that they were
of the clergy."

The last of the injunctions in that book was given
by Shaxton, bishop of Salisbury, for his diocese, which
will be found in the Collection : they are said to be Collect-

•* Numb. 5y.

given out from the authority given him by God and
the King.

" He begins with provision about non-residents and

204 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

And y their curates; in particular, that no French or Irish
ofsaife.°P priest that could not perfectly speak the English
tongue should serve as curates. They were at high
mass to read the Gospel and Epistle in the English
tongue, and to set out the King's supremacy and the
usurpations of the Bishop of Rome : the same rules
are given about sermons as in the former, with this
addition, that no friar, nor any person in a religious
habit, be suffered to perform any service in the church :
as for reading the New Testament, the clergy are only
required to read one chapter every day, and that every
person having a cure of souls should be able to repeat
without book the Gospels of St. Matthew and St.
John, with the Epistles to the Romans, Corinthians,
and Galatians, and the Acts of the Apostles, and the
Canonical Epistles : so that every fortnight they
should learn one chapter without book, and keep it still
in their memory : and that the twenty-eighth chapter of
Deuteronomy should be read every quarter instead of
the general sentence. He gave the same orders that
the others gave about images, pilgrimages, and other
superstitious observances, and for teaching the people
the elements of religion in English ; only he does not
join the Ave-Maria with the Lord's Prayer as the
others did : he requires the curates to exhort the peo-
ple to beware of swearing and blaspheming the name
of God, or of Christ's precious body and blood, and
of many other sins then commonly practised : he dis-
pensed with all lights before images, and requires that
every church should be furnished with a Bible : he
complains of the practice of putting false relics on the
people, naming stinking boots, mucky combs, ragged
rockets, rotten girdles, locks of hair, gobbets of wood,
as parcels of the holy cross, of which he had perfect
knowledge ; besides the shameful abuse of such as
were perhaps true relics : he prays and commands
them, by the authority he had under God and the King,
to bring all these to him, with the writings relating
to them, that he might examine them, promising to
restore such as were found to be true relics, with an
instruction how they ought to be used : he also orders.

Collect.

PART III. BOOK III. 205

that the Ave and pardon-bell, that was wont to be
tolled three times a day, should be no more tolled."

These are all the injunctions set out by bishops that
have fallen into my hands. I find nothing to add with
relation to the dissolution both of the smaller and the
greater monasteries, nor of the several risings that were
in different parts of the kingdom ; only I find a letter
of Gresham, then lord mayor of London; I suppose £resham'4
he was the father of him who was the famed bene- the King
factor to the city ; but by the letter which will be found [he great2
in the Collection, his father was the occasion of pro- b°sPita>»'"

i i r • TT i

curing them a much greater benetaction. tie begun »f the city.

II • 1 1-1 1 f>1T7" r^ll—.

his letter with a high commendation or the King, who,
as he writes, " seemed to be the chosen vessel of God,
by whom the true word of God was to be set forth,
and who was to reform all enormities. This encou-
raged him, being then the mayor of the city of Lon-
don, to inform him, for the comfort of the sick, aged,
and impotent persons, that there were three hospitals
near or within the city, that of St. George, St. Bartho-
lomew, and St. Thomas, and the new abbey on Tower
Hill, founded and endowed with great possessions,
only for the helping the poor and impotent, who were
not able to help themselves ; and not for the mainte-
nance of canons, priests, and monks, to live in plea-
sure, not regarding the poor who were lying in every
street, offending all that passed by them : he therefore
prayed the King, for the relief of Christ's true images,
to give order that the Mayor of London and the Al-
dermen may from thenceforth have the disposition and
rule both of the lands belonging to those hospitals,
and of the governors and ministers which shall be in
any of them. And then the King would perceive, that
whereas now there was a small number of canons,
priests, and monks in them, for their own profit only;
that then a great number of poor and indigent persons
should be maintained in them, and also freely healed
of their infirmities : and there should be physicians,
surgeons, and apothecaries, with salaries to attend
upon them : and those who were not able to labour
should be relieved ; and sturdy beggars not willing

20G BURNET'S REFORMATION.

to labour should be punished. In doing this, the King
would be more charitable to the poor than his pro-
genitor Edgar, the founder of so many monasteries;
or Henry the Third, the renewer of Westminster ; or
Edward the Third, the founder of the new abbey; or
than Henry the Fifth, the founder of Sion and Shene ;
and he would carry the name of the protector and
defender of the poor."

How soon after this these hospitals were put under
the government of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of
London, will be found in the history of the city. But
I thought this letter was worth remembering, since
probably it gave the rise to the putting those endow-
ments in such hands, in which, to the wonder of all
the world, we see such a noble order and management,
and such an overflowing of charity, that not only all
their revenues are with the exactest management pos-
sible applied wholly to the use for which they were
designed ; but that the particular bounties of those
whom God has blessed in the city, that are annually
given to them, do far exceed their stated revenues:
of which there are yearly accounts published in Easter
week ; and which no doubt do bring down great bless-
ings on the city, and on all its concerns.

The state of matters began to turn about this time.
Tne King seemed to think that his subjects owed an

against . ..-,•.. "

there- entire resignation ot their reasons and consciences to
him ; and as he was highly offended with those who
still adhered to the papal authority, so he could not
bear the haste that some were making to a further
reformation, before or beyond his allowance. So in
the end of the year 1538, he set out a proclamation
on the 16th of November.

In it he prohibits the importing of all foreign books,
or the printing of any at home without license, and
the printing any parts of Scripture, till they were exa-
mined by the King and his council, or by the bishop
of the diocese : he condemns all the books of the ana-
baptists and sacramentaries ; and appoints those to
be punished who vented them : he requires that none
may argue against the presence of Christ in the sacra-

farmers.

PART III. BOOK III. 207

ment, under the pain of death, and of the loss of their
goods ; and orders all to be punished who did disuse
any rites or ceremonies not then abolished : yet he
orders them to be observed without superstition only
as remembrances, and not to repose in them a trust
of salvation by observing them. He requires that all
married priests should no more minister the sacra-
ment, but be deprived, with further punishment or
imprisonment at the King's pleasure. What follows
after this will be found in the Collection ; for the
whole did not seem so important as to be all set down,
it being very long. " The King, considering the se-
veral superstitions and abuses which had crept into
the hearts of many of his unlearned subjects, and the
strife and contention which did grow among them,
had often commanded his bishops and clergy to preach
plainly and sincerely, and to set forth the true mean-
ing of the sacramentals and ceremonies, that they
might be quietly used for such purposes as they were
at first intended ; but he was informed that this had
not been executed according to his expectation : there-
fore he requires all his archbishops and bishops, that ii
in their own persons they will preach with more dili- ™l,
gence, and set forth to the people the word of God tion
sincerely and purely; declaring the difference between
the things commanded by God, and these rites and
ceremonies commanded only by a lower authority, that
they may come to the true knowledge of a lively faith
in God, and obedience to the King, with love and cha-
rity to their neighbours. They were to require all
their clergy to do the same, and to exhort the people
to read and hear with simplicity ; and without arro-
gance, avoiding all strife and contention, under the
pain of being punished at the King's pleasure."

To this he adds, "that it appearing clearly that An
Thomas Becket, sometime archbishop of Canterbury,
t!id stubbornly withstand the laws established against
the enormities of the clergy, by King Henry the Se-
cond, and had fled out of the realm into France, and
to the Bishop of Rome to procure the abrogating of
these laws ; from which there arose great troubles in

1538.

Thomas
Becket.

208 BURNKT'S REFORMATION.

the kingdom. His death, which they untruly called
his martyrdom, happened upon a rescue made by him,
upon which he gave opprobrious words to the gen-
tlemen who counselled him to leave his stubbornness,
and not to stir up the people who were risen for that
rescue : he called one of them bawd, and pulled Tracy
by the bosom almost down to the pavement of the
church. Upon this fray one of the company struck
him, and in the throng he was slain. He was canon-
ized by the Bishop of Rome, because he had been a
champion to maintain his usurped authority, and a
defender of the iniquity of the clergy. The King,
with the advice of his council, did find there was no-
thing of sanctity in the life or exterior conversation of
Becket, but that he rather ought to be esteemed a
rebel and a traitor ; therefore he commands that he
sha.ll be no more esteemed, nor called a saint, that his
images shall be every where put down, and that the
days used for his festival shall be no more observed,
nor any part of that service be read, but that it shall be
razed out of all books. Adding, that the other festivals
already abrogated, should be no more solemnized, and
that his subjects shall be no more blindly abused to
commit idolatry, as they had been in time past." I will
leave it to our historians to compare the account here
given of Becket's death with the legends, and to exa-
mine which of them is the truest.
A circular Soon after this, the Kino- understanding that very

letter to , . . ' j , , i f.

the jus malicious reports were spread about the country, poi-
soning people's minds with relation to every thing that
the King did ; saying they would be made pay for
every thing they should eat, and that the register of
births and weddings was ordered for this end, that
the King might know the numbers of his people, and
make levies, and send, or rather sell them to foreign
service : he sent, in December following, a circular
letter to all the justices of England, which will be
found in the Collection ; in which, after he had set
forth his good intentions for the wealth and happiness
of his people, he added, " that he hoped that all the
maintainers of the Bishop of Rome's authority should

tices
peace

PART III. BOOK III. 209

have been searched for and brought to justice ; and
that all the inventors and spreaders of false reports to
put the people in fear, and so to stir them up to sedi-
tion, should have been apprehended and punished ;
and that vagabonds and beggars should have been
corrected according to the letters he had formerly
written to them. The King understood that sundry
of them had done their duty so well, that there had
been no disquiet till of late ; that some malicious per-
sons had by lies and false rumours studied to seduce
the people ; and that among these, some vicars and
curates were the chief, who endeavoured to bring
the people again into darkness ; and they did so
confusedly read the word of God and the King's in-
junctions, that none could understand the true mean-
ing of them : they studied to wrest the King's inten-
tions in them to a false sense. For whereas the King-

^5

had ordered registers to be kept for shewing lineal
descents, and the rights of inheritance ; and to dis-
tinguish legitimate issue from bastardy, or whether a
person was born a subject or not ; they went about
saying that the King intended to make new examina-
tions of christenings, weddings, and buryings, and
to take away the liberties of the kingdom ; for pre-
serving which, they pretended Thomas Becket died :
whereas his opposition was only to the punishing of
the offences of the clergy, that they should not be jus-
tified by the courts and laws of the land, but only at
the Bishop's pleasure ; and here the same account is
given of Becket that was in the former proclamation.
Becket contended with the Archbishop of York, and
pretended, that, when he was out of the realm, the
King could not be crowned by any other bishop, but
that it must be stayed till he returned. These detest-
able liberties were all that he stood for, and not for
the commonwealth of the realm. To these lies they
added many other seditious devices, by which the
people were stirred up to sedition and insurrection, to
their utter ruin and destruction, if God had not both
enabled him by force to subdue them, and afterwards
move him mercifully to pardon them. The King there-

VOL. III. P

210 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

fore required them, in their several precincts, to find
out such vicars and curates as did not truly declare the
injunctions, and did confusedly mumble the word of
God, pretending that they were compelled to read
them ; but telling their people to do as they did, and
live as their fathers had done, for the old fashion was
the best. They were also required to search out all
the spreaders of seditious tales, and to apprehend and
keep them in prison till the justices came about to try
them, or till the King's pleasure was known. The
justices of the peace are very earnestly pressed to do
their duty diligently, and to take care likewise that the
injunctions and laws against the anabaptists and sa-
cramentaries be duly executed." Dated from Hamp-
ton-court in December, in the 30th year of his reign.
sig. Among the letters sent me from Zurich, I find one
written to Bullmger on the 8th of March, in the year
ntes. 1539> by Butler, Elliot, Partridge, and Traheron,
who had studied for some time under him, and were
then entertained either by the King, or by Cromwell.
They write, " that many of the popish ceremonies
were still tolerated ; but that new significations were
put on them : such as, that the holy water did put us
in mind of the blood of Christ, that cleansed us from
all defilement : the pax was carried about to repre-
sent our reconciliation to God through Christ. Things
that were visible were thought fit to be preserved to
prevent commotions. This correction quieted some ;
but though these rites were ordered to be kept up till
the King should think fit to alter them, yet some
preached freely against them, even before the King.

« They write of the executions of the Marquis of
Exeter, the Lord Montague, and Sir Edward Nevil,
who (they add) was a very brave, but a very vicious
man. Sir Nic. Gary, who had been before a zealous
papist, when he came to suffer, exhorted all people to
read the Scriptures carefully. He acknowledged that
the judgments of God came justly upon him, for the
hatred that he formerly bore to the gospel. The King
was threatened with a war, in which the Emperor, the
French, and the Scots, would attack him on all hands ;

PART III. BOOK III. 211

but he seemed to despise it, and said, He should not
sleep the less quietly for all these alarms. The day
after those tidings were brought him, he said to his
counsellors, that he found himself moved in his con-
science to promote the word of God more than ever.
Other news came at the same time, which might per-
haps raise his zeal, that three English merchants were
burnt in Spain ; and that an indulgence was pro-
claimed to every man that should kill an English he-
retic. Cranmer was then very busy, instructing the
people, and preparing English prayers, to be used in-
stead of the Litany." I can go no further on these
subjects ; but must refer to my History for the pro-
secution of these matters.

The foundation of the new bishopricks was now Tom.
settled. Rymer has given us the charters by which
they were founded and endowed. The new modelling
of some cathedrals was next taken care of. I havep-758-
found the project that Cromwell sent to Cranmer for je« or°
the church of Canterbury. It was to consist of a pro-
vost, twelve prebendaries, six preachers, three readers,
one of humanity and of Greek, another of divinity and
of Hebrew, and another of humanity and divinity in
Latin, a reader of civil law, another of physic ; twenty
students in divinity, ten to be kept at Oxford, and as
many at Cambridge : sixty scholars were to be taught
grammar and logic, with Hebrew, Greek, and Latin;
for these a schoolmaster and an usher were to have
salaries. Beside these, there were eight petty canons,
twelve singing men, ten choristers, a master of the
children, a gospeller, an epistler, and two sacristans ;
two butlers, two cooks, a caterer, two porters, twelve
poor men, a steward, and an auditor ; in all one hun-
dred and sixty-two persons, with the salaries for every
one of these ; together with an allowance for an annual
distribution of 100/. for the poor, and as much for re-
parations ; and 40/. for mending the highways : in
all amounting to about 1 900/. a year. This I have put proved by
in the Collection, together with the letter that Cran-
mer wrote to Cromwell after he had considered of it ;
though perhaps this will sharpen some men's spirits

p 2

212 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

that are of late much set. to decry him, as much as any
of his other opinions may have done ; but a true his-
torian that intends to glean all that he could find re-
lating to those transactions, must neither alter nor
suppress things, but set them out as he finds them.

" He proposes the altering the prebendaries to some-
what more useful : for, by all the experience that he
had, the prebendaries had spent their time in much
idleness, and their substance in superfluous living ; so
he thought it was not a state to be maintained. Com-
monly they were neither learned, nor given to teach
others, but only good vianders : they look to be the
chief, and to bear the whole rule ; and by their ill ex-
ample, the younger sort grew idle and corrupt. The
state of prebendaries hath been so excessively abused,
that when learned men have been advanced to that
post, they desisted from their studies, and from all
godly exercises of preaching and teaching : therefore
he wished the very name of a prebendary might be
struck out of the King's foundations. The first be-
ginning of them was good, so was that of religious
men ; but both were gone off from their first estate ;
so, since the one is put down, it were no great matter
if both should perish together. For, to say the truth,
it is an estate which St. Paul did not find in the church
of Christ ; and he thought it would stand better with
the maintenance of the Christian religion, that there
were in their stead twenty divines, at 10/. a piece, and
as many students of the tongues, and of French, at
ten marks a piece. And indeed, if there was not such
a number there resident, he did not see for what use
there were so many lectures to be read ; for the pre-
bendaries could not attend, for the making of good
cheer ; and the children in grammar were to be other-
wise employed. He, in particular, recommends Dr.
Crome to be dean."

But I leave this invidious subject to turn now to a
Very melancholy strain. The King had thrown off all
commerce with the Lutherans in Germany ; and seemed
now to think himself secure in the Emperor's friend-
ship : yet he did not break with France ; though on

PART III. BOOK III. 213

many occasions he complained, both of the ingrati-
tude and inconstancy of that King. The duchy of
Milan seemed to be the object of all his designs; and
he was always turned, as the prospect of that seemed
to come in view, or to go out of sight. All the King's
old ministers still kept up his zeal for his admired
book of the Sacraments, most particularly for that
article of transubstantiation ; so that the popish party
prevailed with him to resolve on setting up the Six
Articles, which (they said) would quiet all men's
minds, when they saw him maintain that, and the
other articles, with learning and zeal. It is certain,
he had read a great deal, and heard and talked a great
deal more of those subjects ; so that he seems to have
made himself a master of the whole body of divinity.
I have seen many chapters of the Necessary Erudition
of a Christian much altered by him, and in many
places so interlined with his hand, that it is not with-
out some difficulty that they can be read ; for he wrote
very ill.

Upon the carrying the Six Articles, the popish party
were much exalted. This appears by the end of a
letter, written to the ambassadors abroad ; which will
be found in the Collection. It sets forth, " how the
King had shewed himself in that parliament so wise,
learned, and catholic, that no prince ever did the like :
so it was no more doubted but the act would pass.
The Bishops of Canterbury, Ely, Salisbury, Worcester,
Rochester, and St. David's, defended the contrary side:
yet, in the end, the King confounded them. The
Bishops of York, Duresme, Winchester, London, Chi-
chester, Norwich, and Carlisle, shewed themselves
honest and learned men : he writes as one of the peers,
for he adds, We of the temporally have been all of
one opinion. The Lord Chancellor and the Lord
Privy-Seal had been of their side. Cranmer and all
the bishops came over ; only he adds, that Shaxton
continued a lewd fool. For this victory, he writes
that all England had reason to bless God." The King

Cromwell, though he complied with the King's -names

I j. 1 L J- J , • 1 • J t ^ Anne of

humour, yet he studied to gam upon him, and to nx

214 BURNET'S REFORMATION

him in an alliance that should certainly separate him
from the Emperor, and engage him again into a closer
correspondence with France, on design to support the
princes of Germany against the Emperor, whose un-
easiness under the laws and liberties of the empire
began to be suspected : and all the popish party de-
pended wholly on him. I did in my second volume
Vol. ii. publish a commission to Cromwell, thinking it was
that which constituted him the King's vicegerent,
wnicn I> upon reading the beginning of it, took to be
to so, but that was one of the effects of the haste in which
I wrote that work : it does indeed in the preamble set

under°him f°rtn> " that the King was then in some sort to exercise
that supreme authority he had over the church of Eng-
land, under Christ ; since they who pretended that
that authority ought to be lodged with them, did pur-
sue their own private gains more than the public good ;
and had brought matters, by the negligence of their
officers, and their own ill example, to such a state, that
it might be feared, that Christ would not now own his
own spouse. Therefore, since the supreme authority
over all persons, without any difference, was given him
from Heaven, he was bound (as much as he could) to
cleanse the church from all briars, and to sow the seeds
of virtue in it. Those who before exercised this au-
thority, thinking themselves above all censure, had (by
their own bad examples) laid stumbling-blocks before
the people. He therefore, designing a general refor-
mation of his kingdom and church, resolved to begin
with the fountains ; for they being cleansed, the
streams would run clear : but since he could not be
personally present every where, he had deputed Tho-
mas Cromwell, his principal secretary, and master of
the rolls, to be in all ecclesiastical causes his vicege-
rent and vicar-general ; with a power to name others,
to be authorized under the great seal. But he being
so employed in the public affairs of the kingdom, that
he could not personally discharge that trust ; there-
fore he deputed A, B, C, D, to execute that trust. The
King being pleased with this deputation, did likewise
empower them to visit all churches, both metropoli-

PART III. BOOK III. 215

tical, cathedral, and collegiate churches, hospitals,
and monasteries, and all other places, exempt or not
exempt, to correct and punish what was amiss in them,
by censures of suspension and deprivation, to give
them statutes and injunctions in the King's name, and
to hold synods, chapters, or convocations, summoning
all persons concerned to appear before them, and pre-
siding in them, giving them such rules as they shall
judge convenient : calling such causes as they shall
think fit from the ecclesiastical courts, to be judged
by them ; and to force obedience, both by ecclesias-
tical censures and fines, and other temporal punish-
ments :" with several other clauses, of a very extended
and comprehensive nature. How far this was put in
practice, does not fully appear to me. It certainly
struck so deep into the whole ecclesiastical constitu-
tion, that it could not be easily borne. But the clergy
had lost their reputation and credit ; so that every
invasion that was made on them, and on their courts,
seemed to be at this time acceptable to the nation ;
one extreme very naturally producing another : for all
did acquiesce tamely, in submitting to a power that
was now in high exaltation, and that treated those that
stood in its way, not only with the utmost indigna-
tion, but with the most rigorous severity.

But to return to Cromwell. He, in concurrence
with the court of France, carried matters so, that the
marriage with Anne of Cleve was made up : this oc-
casioned one of the most unjustifiable steps in all that
reign. Among the papers that were sent me from
Zurich, there is a long and particular account of many
passages in this matter, with some other important
transactions of this year, writ by one Richard Hill,
who writes very sensibly, and very piously ; and he,
being zealous for a further reformation, went out of
England as a man concerned in trade, which he pur-
sued only as a just excuse to get out of the way : but
before he went over, he wrote a long account to Bui-
linger of the affairs in England : he tells him, " that
before Whitsunday three persons were burned in
Southwark, because they had not received the sacra-

21(i BURNET'S REFORMATION.

ment at Easter, and had denied transubstantiation.
There was after that one Collins, a crazed man, like-
wise burned, all by Gardiner's procurement." A little
before Midsummer it began to be whispered about,
that the King intended a divorce with Anne, who had
been married to him above five months. It was ob-
He is in served that the King was much taken with a young
person, a niece of the Duke of Norfolk's (whom he
afterwar(is married) ; Gardiner took care to bring them
together to his palace, where they dined once, and had
some meetings and entertainments there. This went
on some time before there was any talk of the divorce :
it was indeed believed that there was an ill commerce
between them. Cromwell was newly made earl of
Essex : Bourchier, in whom that line was extinct, who
had been a severe persecutor, falling from his horse,
and breaking his neck, died without being able to
speak one word. The King gave Cromwell not only
his title, but all that fell to the crown, by his dying
without heirs : yet he enjoyed not this long ; for in
the beginning of June he was sent to the Tower. He
did not know the secret cause of his fall ; it was ge-
nerally believed it was because he did not flatter the
King enough ; and that he was against the divorce,
as thinking it would neither be for the King's honour,
nor the good of the kingdom. Some suspected that
his late advancement, and great grants the King had
given him, was an artifice to make people conclude,
when they saw him disgraced after such high favour,
that certainly some very black thing was discovered :
and it was also thought, that the King restored to his
son (who was so weak, that he was thought almost a
fool) much of his father's estate and goods (as he
made him a baron in December, after his father's
death), on design to make the father more silent, for
fear of provoking the King to take from him what he
had then given him. Here I stop the prosecuting the
rest of the letter, till I have added somewhat more
concerning Cromwell.

He had many offices in his person ; for besides that
he was lord vicegerent in ecclesiastical matters, and

(•IT lll.il I

princes.

PART III. BOOK III. 217

lord privy-seal, he was lord chamberlain, and chan-
cellor of the exchequer. Rymer has published the
grants that the King made of those offices, in which
it is said, that they were void upon his attainder; but,
which was more, he was the chief minister, and had
the King's confidence for ten years together, almost as
entirely as Cardinal Wolsey had it formerly. Mount A ^
had been sent to Germany to press a closer league
defensive against the Pope, and any council that he
might summon : when the princes did object the act
of the six Articles, and the severities upon it; he con-
fessed to one of the Elector's ministers, that the King
was not sincere in the point of religion: he had there-
fore proposed a double marriage, of the King with
Anne of Cleve, and of the Duke of Cleve with the
Lady Mary ; for he said the King was much governed
by his wives. The Elector of Saxony, who had mar-
ried the other sister of Cleve, had conceived so bad
an opinion of the King, that he expressed no hearti-
ness, neither in the marriage, nor in any alliance with
England : but he yielded to the importunities of others,
who thought the prospect of the advantage from such
an alliance was great.

There are great remains that shew how exact a cou. LUT.
minister Cromwell was ; there are laid together many r
remembrances of things that he was to lay before the
King : they are too short to give any great light into
affairs ; yet I will mention some of them. In one, he some of
mentions the abbots of Glastonbury and Reading, who
were then prisoners, and were examined. The wit- duujs-
nesses, with the council, were ordered to be sent to
Berkshire and Somersetshire. Mention is made of
their complices, who were to be tried, and to suffer
with them. To this I must add, that in one of the
Zurich letters, it is written to Bullinger, that three of
the richest abbots in England had suffered for a con-
spiracy, into which they had entered, for restoring the
Pope's authority in England.

The learned Dr. Tanner has sent me the copy of
a letter, that three visitors wrote to Cromwell from
Glastonbury, concerning that Abbot, on the 22d of

Cromwell'i

218 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

September, but they do not add the year. It will be
f°und in tne Collection, signed by Richard Pollard,
' Thomas Moyle, and Richard Layton. " They give
him an account of their examining the Abbot upon
certain articles. He did not seem to answer them
clearly, so they desired him to call to his memory the
things which he then seemed to have forgot. They
searched his study, and found in it a written book
against the King's divorce. They found also pardons,
copies of bulls, and a printed Life of Thomas Becket;
but found no letter that was material. They examined
him a second time upon the articles that Cromwell
had given them ; and sent up his answer, signed by
him, to court : in which they write, that his cankered
and traitorous heart against the King and his succes-
sion did appear ; so with very fair words they sent
him to the Tower. They found he was but a weak
man, and sickly. Having sent him away, they ex-
amined the state of that monastery : they found in it
above 300/. in cash, but had not the certainty of the
rest of their plate ; only they found a fair gold chalice,
with other plate, hid by the Abbot, that had not been
seen by the former visitors ; of which, they think, the
Abbot intended to have made his own advantage.

O

They write, that the house was the noblest they had
ever seen of that sort : they thought it fit for the King,
and for none else." This I set down the more parti-
cularly, to demonstrate the falsity of the extravagant
account that Sanders gives of that matter, as if it had
been without notice given, that the Abbot was seized
on, tried, and executed, all of a sudden. But to re-
turn to Cromwell.

In another note, he mentions the determinations
made by Day, Heath, and Thirleby, of the ten com-
mandments, of justification, and of purgatory. Another
is about Fisher and More. The judge's opinion was
asked concerning More and the Nun. Another is,
whether the Bishop of Rochester, and the monk who
wrote the letter as from heaven, should be sent for ?
In another, that Bocking printed the Nun's book, and
took away five hundred copies, but left two hundred

. on
him from
.vhich he

PART III. BOOK III. 219

with the printer. In another, he proposed to send
Barnes for Melancthon. In another, he asks who shall
be prolocutor in the convocation. In another, he
proposes the making Lady Mary a considerable match
for some foreign prince, the Duke of Orleans, or some
other. This is all that I could gather, out of a vast
number of those notes, which he took of matters to
move the King in.

Upon Cromwell's imprisonment, the Comptroller The mat-
was sent to him, and he ordered him to write to the ch
King, what he thought meet to be written concerning J
his present condition : and, it seems, with some inti- =,

ft TT 1 /"I 11 i himself.

mations ot hope. Upon that, Cromwell wrote a long
letter to the King, which will be found in the Collec- Collect-

TT i • • 1 11 i TT- Numb. 67.

tion. ' hie begins it with great thanks to the King,
for what the Comptroller had said to him. He was
accused of treason ; but he protests, he never once
thought to do that which should displease him, much
less to commit so high an offence. The King knew
his accusers : he prayed God to forgive them. He
had ever loved the King and all his proceedings : he
prays God to confound him, if he had ever a thought
to the contrary. He had laboured much to make the
King a great and a happy prince, and acknowledges
his great obligations to the King. So he writes, that
if he had been capable to be a traitor, the greatest
punishment was too little for him. He never spoke
with the chancellor of the augmentations (Baker) and
Throckmorton together but once : but he is sure he
never spoke of any such matter," (as, it seems, was in-
formed against him.) " The King knew what a man
Throckmorton was, with relation to all his proceed-
ings ; and what an enemy Baker was to him, God and
he knew. The King knew what he had been towards
him. It seems the King had advertised him of them ;
but God, who had delivered Susan when falsely ac-
cused, could deliver him. He trusted only in God
and in the King. In all his service he had only con-
sidered the King ; but did not know that he had done
injustice to any person : yet he had not done his duty
in all things, therefore he asked mercy. If he had

220 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

heard of conventicles, or other offences, he had for
the most part revealed them, and made them to be
punished, but not out of malice. He had meddled in
so many things, that he could not answer them all;
but of this he was sure, that he had never willingly
offended : and wherein he had offended, he humbly
begged pardon. The Comptroller told him, that four-
teen days ago the King had committed a great secret
to him, which he had revealed : he remembered well
the matter, but he had never revealed it. For, after
the King had told him what it was that he misliked
in the Queen ; he told the King, that she often desired
to speak with him, but he durst not : yet the King
bade him go to her, and be plain with her in declar-
ing his mind. Upon which, he spake privately with
her Lord Chamberlain, desiring him, not naming the
King, to deal with the Queen to behave herself more
pleasantly towards the King ; hoping thereby to have
had some faults amended. And when some of her
council came to him, for license to the stranger maids
to depart, he did then require them to advise the Queen
to use all pleasantness with the King. Both these
words were spoken, before the King had trusted the
secret to him, on design that she might render herself
more agreeable to the King : but after the King had
trusted that secret to him (which it seems was his de-
sign to have the marriage dissolved), he never spoke
of it but to the Lord Admiral, and that was by the
King's order on Sunday last, who was very willing to
seek remedy for the King's comfort. He protests he
was ready to die to procure the King comfort. He
wishes he were in hell if it was not true. This was
all he had done (it seems the King thought the change
in the Queen's deportment towards him was the effect
of his discovering the secret of the King's purpose,
and in order to prevent it) ; but for this he humbly
begs pardon. He understood that it was charged upon
him, that he had more retainers about him than the
laws allowed : he never retained any, except his house-
hold servants, but against his will. He had been
pressed by many, who said they were his friends; he

on the state

PART III. BOOK III. 221

had retained their children and friends, not as re-
tainers, for their fathers and friends promised to main-
tain them : in this, God knows, he had no ill intent,
but begs pardon if he had offended, (for that was re-
presented as the gathering a force about him to defend
himself.) He concludes, he had not behaved himself
towards God and the King as he ought to have done:
and as he was continually calling on God for mercy,
for offences committed against him, so he begs the
King's pardon for his offences against him, which
were never wilful ; and he assures him he had never
a thought of treason against him, either in word or
deed : and he continued to pray for him and the Prince,
ending, indeed, with too abject a meanness."

These were all the particulars that were charged on

f> . r . -i n sae

him upon his first imprisonment: other matters were of affair* at
afterwards added to throw the more load on him; but thal
it seems they were not so much as thought on or men-
tioned at first. But now I return to the letter writ to
Zurich. Hill adds, that they heard they once designed
to burn Cromwell as a heretic, and that these consi-
derations made him confess that he had offended the
King. What he said that way at his execution was
pronounced coldly by him : upon that the writer runs
out very copiously, and acknowledges that their sins
had provoked God to bring upon them that great
change that they saw in affairs. They had wholly
trusted to the learning of some, and to the conduct of
others : but God, by the taking those away, was call-
ing on them to turn sincerely to him, to trust entirely
in him, and to repent with their whole heart. There
was at that time a great want of sincere labourers, so
that from east to west, and from south to north, there
was scarce one faithful and sincere preacher of the
gospel to be found.

The act of dissolving the King's marriage did set 1339.
forth, that some doubts were raised concerning the £«$• di-
King's marriage, which, as he writes, was manifestly ^Deof"11
false, for nobody thought of any doubtfulness in it : Cleve-
nor did they pray, as in the act, that it might be in-
quired into : for nobody spake of it till the King was

tioti.

222 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

resolved to part with the Queen, that he might be mar-
ried to Mrs. Howard, whom in his bad Latin he calls,
parvissima puellu, a very little girl. The Archbishop
of Canterbury and the rest of the bishops judged she
was yet a virgin, which none that knew the man could
believe. Here again I must leave my letter.

There had been no convocation for two years, for
the Institution of a Christian Man was prepared by a
commission, given to some bishops of both provinces,
and to some archdeacons, but no deans were sum-
moned with them: a convocation sat in both provinces
in May, in the year 1539, to which abbots and priors
were summoned ; but though there were eight abbots
and nine priors in Exeter diocese, yet the return from
thence says, there were none in the diocese. I do not
know how to reconcile that with the Abbot of Tavi-
stock's sitting in the House of Lords, as appears by
the Journals of that parliament.

Upon this occasion there was a particular summons
for both provinces, to meet in a national synod, to judge
of the King's marriage. When I wrote of this in my
History, I did not at all reflect on the doctrine of the
church of Rome, that makes marriage a sacrament, in
which the two parties are the ministers, who transfer
their persons to one another : and according to the
doctrine of the necessity of the intention in him that
ministers the sacrament, how vile soever this decision
in the matter of the King's marriage may seem to be,
yet it was a just consequence from that doctrine ; for
without a true, free, and inward intention, which the
King affirmed he had not, the marriage could be no
sacrament : so that the heaviest part of the shame of
that decision falls indeed on that doctrine. When the
news came to France of the King's dissolving his mar-
riage with Anne of Cleve, King Francis himself asked
the ambassadors upon what grounds it went : the
Cardinal of Ferrara did also send one to ask what was
alleged for it by divines and lawyers. Wallop and
°*ners were then the ambassadors from England at the
court: they sent to the council an account of this; and
Wallop wrote over to know what he should say upon

PART III. BOOK III. 223

the subject. The answer which the council wrote to
him, was, that the Queen herself affirmed, her person
had not been touched by King Henry : that a learned
convocation had judged the matter : that the Bishops
of Duresme, Winchester, and Bath, were known to
be great and learned clerks, who would do nothing
but upon just and good grounds ; so that all persons
ought to be satisfied with these proceedings, as she
herself was. And here this matter ended, to the great
reproach of that body that went so hastily and so
unanimously into that scandalous decision.

But to return to my Zurich letter. After he had
related the manner of that judgment of those called olvL
spiritual, who indeed were very carnal, he mentions
the exceptions in the act of pardon ; for, besides par-
ticular exceptions, all anabaptists and sacramentaries
were excepted, and all those that affirmed there was
a fate upon men, by which the day of their death was
unalterably determined.

There was at this time a great design against Dr. A design
Crome, whom Cranmer had recommended to be dean ga
of Canterbury, in these words : " I know no man more
meet for the Dean's room in England, than Dr. Crome,
who, by his sincere learning, godly conversation, and
good example of living, with his great soberness, hath
done unto the King's Majesty as good service, I dare
say, as any priest in England ; and yet his Grace daily
remembereth all others that do him service, this man
only excepted, who never had yet, besides his gracious
favour, any promotion at his hands. Wherefore, if it
please his Majesty to put him in the Dean's room, I
do not doubt but that he should be a light to all the
deans and ministers of colleges in this realm: for I
know that when he was but a president of a college in
Cambridge, his house was better ordered than all the
houses in Cambridge besides." Certainly this good
opinion that Cranmer had of him, made him, in the
state in which things were at this time, to be the worse
thought of, and the more watched : so, when he heard
that he was to be searched for, he went to the King,
and on his knees begged he would put a stop to the

Crome.

224 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

severities then on foot, and that he would set many
then in prison, on the account of religion, at liberty:
the King had such a regard for him, that, upon this,
he ordered a stop to be put to further prosecutions :
and he set those at liberty who were then in prison,
they giving bail to appear when they should be called
for. The King seemed to think, that, by this small
favour, after some severities, people would be more
quiet and more obedient. But after the parliament
was dissolved, six persons suffered. Three of these
were popish priests, who suffered as traitors for deny-
ing the King's supremacy : and Barnes, Gerrard, and
Jerome, were the other three. They were tied to one
stake, and suffered without crying out, but were quiet
and patient as if they had felt no pain. He could never
hear any reason given for this their suffering, unless
it was to please the clergy : they were not condemned
by any form of law. They had been so cautious ever
since the act of the six Articles passed, that they had
not opened their mouths in opposition to them in pub-
lic : and by the act all offences done before it had
passed were pardoned. Barnes himself said, at the
place of execution, that he did not know for what cause
he was brought thither to be burnt ; for they were
attainted by act of parliament, without being brought
to make their answers.

The Bishop of Chichester, Sampson, though a man
compliant in all things, and Dr. Wilson, were exempted
out of the general pardon, for no other crime as he
heard, but that Abel, who suffered for denying the
King's supremacy, being in the greatest extremity of
want and misery in prison, where it was said, he was
almost eat up by vermin, they had sent him some alms.
From this Hill goes on to give an account of Crome,
whose constant way had been, when he saw a storm
rising, to preach with more zeal than ordinary against
the prevailing corruption : so on Christmas-day, his
enemies, that were watching to find matter to accuse
him, framed some articles, which they carried to the
King, against him : he had condemned in his sermon
all masses for the dead ; and said, " if they were pro-

PART III. BOOK III. 225

fitable to the dead, the King and parliament had done
wrong in destroying the monasteries endowed for that
end : he also said, that to pray to the saints, only to
pray for us, was a practice neither necessary nor use-
ful : he added, you call us the seditious preachers of
a new doctrine, but it is you are the seditious persons
who maintain the superstitious traditions of men, and
will not hear the word of God himself. The church
of Christ will ever suffer persecution as it has done of
late among us."

These and some other complaints being carried to
the King, Crome was commanded to answer them :
he in his answer explained, and justified all he had
said. The King had no mind to carry matters further
against so eminent a man ; so he passed a sentence,
in which he set forth, that Crome had confessed the
articles objected to him : but the King, out of his cle-
mency, intending to quiet his people, appointed Crome
to preach at St. Paul's, and there to repeat all the ar-
ticles objected to him, and then to read the judgment
that the King gave in the matter : and it concluded,
that if ever he fell into the like offence again, he was
to suffer according to law: the King's judgment was,
" that private masses were sacrifices, profitable both
to the living and to the dead, but yet that the King's
Majesty, with his parliament, had justly abolished
monasteries." Upon this Crome preached, and, at the
end of his sermon, he told the people, he had received
an order from the King to be read to them ; which he
read, but said not one word upon it ; and with a short
prayer dismissed the congregation : whereas the King
expected that he should have applauded his judgment,
and extolled his favour to himself, as Dr. Barnes and
his two companions were unhappily prevailed on to
do, and yet were burned afterwards. Hill was there-
fore afraid that Crome might be brought into further
trouble. There was an order sent to him from the
King to preach no more, as he had before forbidden
both Latimer and Shaxton to preach any more. They
were not excluded from the general pardon; but were
still prohibited to preach : and when they were set at

VOL. III. Q

226 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

liberty, they were required not to come within ten
miles of either of the Universities, or the city of Lon-
don, or the dioceses in which they had been bishops.
Thus, says he, faithful shepherds were driven from
their flocks, and ravenous wolves were sent in their
stead. He concludes, hoping that God would not suffer
them to be long oppressed by such tyranny. Thus I
have given a very particular account of that long letter,
writ with much good sense and piety, but in very bad
Latin ; therefore I do not put it into the Collection.

Sampson, though he fell into this disgrace for an
act of Christian pity, yet hitherto had shewed a very
entire compliance with all that had been done : he had
published an explanation on the first fifty Psalms,
which he dedicated to the King: in which, as he ex-
tolled his proceedings, so he run out into a severe in-
vective against the Bishop of Rome, and the usurpa-
tions and corruptions favoured by that see ; and he
reflected severely on Pole. Pole's old friend Tonstal
did also, in a sermon at St. Paul's, on Palm Sunday,
in his grave way, set forth his unnatural ingratitude.
But now the popish party, upon Cromwell's fall, and
the exaltation of the Duke of Norfolk by the King's
marrying his niece, broke out into their usual violence ;
and they were, as we may reasonably believe, set on
to it by Bonner, who, upon Stokesley's death a year
before, had been brought to London, and immediately
upon Cromwell's disgrace changed sides ; and from
having acted a forced part with heat enough, now came
to act that which was natural to him.

There were so many informations brought in the
city of London, that a jury, sitting in Mercer's Chapel,
presented five hundred persons to be tried upon the
statute of the six Articles ; which, as may be easily
imagined, put the city under great apprehensions : but
Audley, the lord chancellor, represented to the King,
that this was done out of malice : so they were all dis-
missed, some say pardoned. Informations came against
papists on the other side : a letter was sent from the
council to Cranmer, to send Dr. Benger to the Tower.
Two of Bonner's chaplains were, by order of council,

PART III. BOOK III. 227

sent to the Archbishop, to be examined by him. A
vicar was brought out of Wiltshire, out of whose of-
fices Thomas Becket's name was not yet rased : but
he was dismissed ; for it was believed to be the effect
only of negligence, and not of any ill principles. There
was a letter of Melancthon's against the King's pro-
ceedings, printed in English ; (perhaps it was that
which I published in the Addenda to my first Vo-
lume.) Goodrick bishop of Ely's chaplain and servant
were examined, and his house was searched for it.
Many were brought into trouble for words concerning
the King and his proceedings. Poor Marbeck, of
Windsor, was imprisoned in the Marshalsea. Many
printers were prosecuted for bringing English books
into the kingdom, against the King's proceedings. In
one council-day (for all these particulars are taken out
of the council-books) five-and-twenty booksellers were
examined, as to all books, more particularly English
books, that they had sold these last three years. Hains,
the dean of Exeter, was oft before the council ; but
particulars are not mentioned. Articles were brought
against him, and they were referred to the King's
learned council. The Bishops of Ely, Sarum, Ro-
chester, and Westminster, were appointed to examine
him, and to proceed with all diligence. He was also
sent to the Fleet, for " lewd and seditious preaching"
(the words in the council-book), and sowing many
erroneous opinions ; but, after a good lesson and ex-
hortation, with a declaration of the King's mercy and
goodness towards him, he was dismissed, under a
recognizance of 500 marks, to appear (if called for)
any time within five months, to answer to such things
as should be laid against him.

On. the 4th of May 1542, an entry is made, Cran-
mer being present, that it was thought good, if the
King's Highness shall be so content, that a general
commission shall be sent to Kent, with certain special
articles ; and generally that all abuses and enormities
of religion were to be examined. This was laid on
design to ruin Cranmer ; but there is no other entry
made in the council-book, relating to this matter ; un-

Q 2

M

228 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

less this was a consequence of it, that, on the 27th of
June, Hards, of Canterbury, a prisoner for a seditious
libel, was, after a good exhortation, dismissed. And
this is all the light that the only council-book of that
reign, for two years, affords as to those matters. Mr.
Strype has helped us to more light.

While Cranmer was visiting his diocese, there were
ch many presentments made of a very different nature.
em.' Some were presented for adhering still to the old su-
' perstitions condemned by the King, and for insinua-
tions in favour of the Pope's authority. Others, again,
. were, on the other hand, presented for doctrines, ei-
ther contrary to the six Articles, or to the rites still
practised. This created a great confusion through that
whole country ; and the blame of all was cast on Cran-
mer, by his enemies ; as if he favoured and encouraged
that, which was called the new learning, too much.

A plot was contrived, chiefly by Gardiner's means,
with the assistance of Dr. London, and of Thornden,
(suffragan of Dover, and prebendary of Canterbury),
who had lived in Cranmer's house, and had all his
preferment by his favour. Several others engaged in
it, who had all been raised by him, and had pretended
zeal for the gospel ; but upon Cromwell's fall they
reckoned, that if they could send Cranmer after him,
they would effectually crush all designs of a further
reformation.

They resolved to begin with some of the preben-
daries and preachers. Many articles were gathered
out of their sermons and private discourses, all termi-
nating in the Archbishop ; who, as was said, shewed
so partial a favour to the men of the new learning, and
dealt so harshly and severely with the others, that he
was represented to be the principal cause of all the
heat and divisions that were in Canterbury, and in the
other parts of Kent. These articles went through
many hands ; but it was not easy to prevail with a
proper person to present them. The steps made in the
matter are copiously set forth by Mr. Strype. At last
they came into the King's hands; and he, upon that
passing by Lambeth, where the Archbishop stood, in

PART III. BOOK III, 2-29

respect to him, as he passed by, called him into his
barge ; and told him, he had now discovered who was
the greatest heretic in Kent. With that he shewed
him the articles against himself and his chaplains.
The Archbishop knew the falsehood of many parti-
culars : so he prayed the King to send a commission
to examine the matter. The King said, he would give
him a commission, but to none else. He answered,
it would not seem decent to appoint him to examine
articles exhibited against himself. The King said, he
knew his integrity, and would trust it to no other per-
son ; nor would he name above one (though pressed
to it) that should be joined in commission with him;
and he even then seemed persuaded it was a contri-
vance of Gardiner's to ruin him.

The Archbishop went down himself into Kent ; and

. . i -IT- i p i .

then the conspirators, seeing the King s favour to him,
were struck with fear : some of them wept and begged
pardon, and were put in prison : but the rest of the
commission, in whose hands the Archbishop left the
matter, being secretly favourers of that party, proceed-
ed faintly ; so it was writ to court, that unless Dr.
Leigh were sent down, who was well practised in ex-
aminations, the conspiracy would never be found out.
He was upon that sent down ; and he ordered a search
to be made at one and the same time of all suspected
places ; and so he discovered the whole train. Some
of the Archbishop's domestics, Thornden in particular,
were among the chief of the informers. He charged
them with it. They, on their knees, confessed their
faults, with many tears. He, who was gentle even
to excess, said he did forgive them, and prayed God
to forgive them, and to make them better men. After
that he was never observed to change his countenance,
or alter his behaviour towards them. He expressed
the like readiness to pardon all the rest : many were
imprisoned upon these examinations; but the parlia-
ment granting a subsidy, a general pardon set them
all at liberty ; which otherwise the Archbishop was
resolved to have procured to them. This relation dif-
fers in several particulars from the account that I gave

mildnesi.

2:30 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

of it in my History ; but this seems to be the exacter
and the better vouched, and therefore I acquiesce in
it. Another instance is given by the same writer of
the King's zeal for Cranmer. Sir John Gostwick,
knight for Bedfordshire, did, in the House of Com-
mons, charge him for preaching heresy against the
sacrament of the altar, both at Feversham and Canter-
bury : the King hearing of this, did, in his rough way,
threaten Gostwick, calling him varlet, and charged
him to go and ask Cranmer pardon, otherwise he
should feel the effects of his displeasure. The King
said, if he had been a Kentish man, he might have
had some more shadow for accusing him ; but being
of Bedfordshire, he could have none. Gostwick, ter-
rified with this message, made his submission to Cran-
mer, who mildly forgave him, and went to the King
and moved him for his favour, which he did not ob-
tain without some difficulty.

«/

cottLibr. It appears plainly that the King acted as if he had
E.S. ' a mind to be thought infallible; and that his subjects
H.a™eiTPS were bound to believe as much as he thought fit to
setting out Open to them, and neither more nor less. He went

true reli- f

g'on. on this year, before he took his progress, in finishing
The Necessary Doctrine and Erudition of any Chris-
tian Man. A great part of it was corrected by his
own hand, particularly in that article of the Creed,
Mu'roMw. the catholic church, where there are severe reflections
vo1 ' added on the bishops of Rome. Here I found like-

Refor. . r

wise some more ot the answers made to the seventeen
queries upon the matter of the sacraments that I pub-
lished in my first volume. I set them out again in
. my Collection ; that by these the reader may better
understand the two following papers that I print sepa-
rately ; and not intermixed with one another, as I did
before, which 1 thought to be an ease to the reader ;
but since that was made a great offence, I will do it
no more. One of these is only an answer to the queries :
the writer of the first is not named, it is probably Ton-
stal's ; he is plainly of the same side with the Arch-
Numb .69. bishop of York. It will be found in the Collection,
. as also another paper, with several marginal notes in

PART III. BOOK III. 231

the King's hand, by which it appears that the King
was much shaken from his former notions : he asked
for Scripture in several particulars, that could not
easily be brought. On the margin, Cranmer and
Barlow are often named ; but I do not understand with
what view it was that they and no other (except Cox
once) are named. Over against the 15th article their
names are set down in this order : York, Duresme, Car-
lisle, Corren, Simon, Oglethorp, Edgeworth, Day, Red-
man, Robinson, Winchester ; and a little below, Can-
terbury, Hereford, Rochester, Davys (I suppose St. Da-
vid's), Westminster, Layton, Tresham, Cox,Crayford:
these are writ in a hand that I do not know, but not in the
same hand. It seems those lists were made with relation
to the different parties in which they stood. The book
thus carefully examined was finished and published.
The King went in progress with his Queen, who
began to have a great influence on him; and, on what
reason I do not know, she withdrew from her uncle, disgrace*
and became his enemy : but before the King's return,
her ill life came to be discovered, which ended fatally
to her. It is scarce worth the reader's while to say
any more of a matter that is so universally acknow-
ledged ; but having found an original account sub-
scribed by herself, of one of her examinations, I have
put it in the Collection. It appears there was a parti-
cular view in the Archbishop of Canterbury's examin- collect
ing her, to draw from her all the discoveries they could ^
make to fasten a precontract with Dereham on her.
Many trifling stories relating to that being suggested,
she was examined on them all : but though she con-

^3

fessed a lewd commerce with Dereham, she positively
denied everything that could infer a precontract; nor
did she confess any thing of that sort done after the
King married her ; which she still denied very posi-
tively, even to the last. On the 15th of December let-
ters were written to the King's Ambassadors abroad,
that contain a severe account of the lewd and naughty
behaviour and lightness of her lately reputed for Queen
(I give the words of the letter), at which the King was
much troubled.

232 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

paper- Upon her disgrace there was a new negotiation pro-
secken posed with the protestant Princes of Germany. Mount

x j. j

P.M.' was again sent over to excuse, as well as he could, the
A nego divorce with Anne of Cleve. He said, she was treated
with the nobly and kindly in all respects by the King. He re-
s" newed the proposition for a league, with relation to
their common interests ; but they still stood upon this,
that they could enter into no alliance with him, unless
they agreed in religion, insisting particularly on pri-
vate masses, the denying the chalice, and the celibate
of the clergy ; upon which a conference was proposed
in Gelderland, or at Hamburgh, or Breme. The Kino-
in answer to this wrote, that he would carefully ex-
amine all that they laid before him : he expressed
great regard to the Elector, but complained that some
of his learned men had written virulently against him,
and misrepresented his proceedings. Cranmer like-
wise wrote to the Elector, and set forth the great things
the King had already done in abolishing the Pope's
authority, the monastic state, and the idolatrous wor-
ship of images : he desired they would not be uneasy,
though the King in some things differed still from
them. He was very learned himself, and had learned
men about him : he was quick of apprehension, had
a sound judgment, and was firm in what he once re-
solved on : and he hoped the propositions they had
sent over would be well considered.

Lord William Howard, the late Queen's uncle, was
then ambassador in France : he tells in one of his let-
ters that the Admiral was restored to favour, chiefly
by the means of Madame d'Estampes, whose credit
with that King is well known. There were reports that
the Emperor and the French King were in a treaty,
and that, in conclusion, they would join to make war
on the King : this was charged on the French, but
solemnly disowned by that King. It appears, the pro-
position for marrying the Lady Mary to the Duke of
Orleans was then begun : great exceptions were taken
to her being declared a bastard; but it was promised,
that when all other things were agreed to, she should
be declared legitimate. Upon Queen Katherine

PART III. BOOK III. 233

Howard's disgrace, Lord William was recalled, and
Paget was sent over in his room.

There is in the Paper-office an original letter of
Paget's to the King, that gives an account of his con-
versation with the Admiral, who was then in high
favour, Montmorency being in disgrace. It is very
long, but it contains so many important passages, that
I have put it in the Collection, and shall here gdve an 1542-

Collect

abstract of it. It is dated from Chablais, the 22d of
April, in the year 1542.

" He gave the Admiral an account of his instruc-
tions, and of what both the King and his council had wu'h the
ordered him to say : he perceived the Admiral sighed
and crossed himself often ; and said, in his answer to
him, that he saw the King of France resolved to enter
into some confederacy : he desired it might be with
the King, and would think of no other prince till the
King refused him : he thought both the Kings were
by their interests obliged to stick to one another,
though the marriage had never been spoke of: it is
true, that would fix and strengthen it. But he thought
200,000 crowns was a very mean offer for such a King's
daughter, to such a prince; 400,000 or 500,000
crowns was nothing to the King. The Duke of Or-
leans was a prince of great courage, and did aspire to
great things. So mean an offer would quite discou-
rage them. The daughter of Portugal was offered with
400,000 ducats, together with the interest of it since
her father's death, which was almost as much more.
At the first motion of the matter, it was answered, The
man must desire the woman : now he does desire her,
and you offer nothing ; with this he sighed. Paget an-
swered, and fully set out the personal love that he knew
his master had for the French King : that none of the
occasions of suspicion that had been given, could alie-
nate him from it : and he reckoned up many of these :
he acknowledged there were great hopes of the Duke
of Orleans, but he studied to shew that the offer was
not unreasonable, all things considered. Lewis the
Twelfth had but 3 00,000 crowns with the King's sister,
and the King of Scots had with the other but 100,000

234 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

crowns : but he said, besides the 200,000 crowns
which he offered to give, they will also forgive 800,000
crowns that France owed the King, and discharge the
100,000 crowns yearly pension. To this the Admiral
replied, he counted the forgiving the 800,000 crowns
for nothing : and for the annual pension they would
be at as much charge to maintain her and her court.
Paget said, the 800,000 crowns was a just debt, lent
in an extreme necessity ; and because it had been long
owing, and often respited, must that pass for nothing?
So he bade him ask reasonably, or offer what was
proper reciprocally for it. The Admiral said, the
King was rich; and what was 800,000 crowns to him,
which they were not able to pay ? So the Admiral
said, he wished the thing had never been spoke of:
he fell next to turn the motion to the Lady Elizabeth,
and he proposed a league offensive and defensive
against the Emperor : and that whatever should be
got from the Emperor, should be the King's, in lieu of
the pension during life. He knew the Emperor was
practising with the King, as he was at the same time
with them. Bonner was then sent ambassador to Spain,
and had carried over from the King to the Emperor
three horses of value. The Emperor might say what
he will in the way of practice : but he knew he would
never unite with the King, except he would return to
the Pope : for so the Nuncio told the Chancellor, and the
Chancellor told it to the Queen of Navarre, who fell out
with him upon that occasion. She told him, he was ill
enough before ; but now, since he had the mark of the
beast (for he was lately made a priest), he grew worse and
worse : the Emperor's design was only to divide them.
He offered to them, that the Duke of Orleans should
be king of Naples, and to give Flanders to the crown
of France : but in lieu of that he asked the renuncia-
tion of Milan and Navarre, and the restoring of Pied-
mont and Savoy : but by this the father and son being
so far separate, the Emperor would soon drive the
Duke of Orleans out of Naples. He was also study-
ing to gain the Duke of Cleve, and to restore him
Guelder quietly, provided that he and his wife would

PART III. BOOK III. 235

renounce Navarre : but he concluded, that they knew
the Emperor did nothing but practise : they knew he
offered to the King to reconcile him to the Pope, with-
out any breach of his honour, for it should be at the
Pope's suit. Paget said, he knew nothing of all that,
but believed it would be hard to reconcile him to the
Bishop of Rome, for virtue and vice cannot stand to-
gether in one predicament. Call ye him vice ? said
the Admiral ; he is the very devil, and I trust to see
his confusion : every thing must have a time and a
beginning. But when begin you? said Paget. The
Admiral answered, Before it be long; the King will
give all the abbeys to his lay-gentlemen, and so by
little and little overthrow him altogether : why may
not we have a patriarch in France ? This the Pope's
Legate began to perceive ; and though they talked
of a general council, he believed the Pope would as
soon be hanged as call one. Paget said, he would be
glad to see them once begin to do somewhat. Ah,
said the Admiral, Fm ill matched : he wished the en-
tire union of the two Kings ; and if an interview might
be between them, it would be the happiest thing could
befal Christendom : but he believed some of the
King's council leaned too much to the Emperor, and
proposed several advantages from it. He said, the
Emperor cared not if father, friend, and all the world,
should sink, so his insatiable desires might be satis-
fied. He suffered two of his brothers-in-law to perish
for want of 50,000 crowns : first the King of Hun-
gary, and then the King of Denmark ; whom he might
have restored, if he would have given him 10,000
crowns. He was then low enough, and they would
do well to fall on him, now that he was so low, before
he took breath : so he pressed Paget to put matters
on heartily with the King : he thought it an unreason-
able thing for the Emperor and his brother to ask aid
against the Turk, to defend their own dominions, when
they kept the King's dominions from him. Paget gave
the King an account of all this conversation very par-
ticularly, with an humble submission to him, if in any
thing he had gone too far. The court of France be-

230 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

lieved the Emperor was treating with the King for
the marriage of the Lady Mary, and that for that end
Bonner was sent to Spain ; who was looked on as a
man thoroughly Imperial. After Paget had ended his
letter, written on the 19th of April, he adds a long
postscript on the 22d, for the Admiral had entered into
farther discourse with him the next day. He told him
how sorry he was to see all his hopes blasted : he could
not sleep all night for it. They had letters from their
Ambassadors in England, and were amazed to find
that a King who was so rich stood for so small a matter.
The Pope had offered the Duke of Guise's son 200, 000
crowns with his niece : he said he was much troubled
at all this : all that were about the Kino: his master

^j

were not of one mind ; and he had been reproached
for beginning this matter. They knew the falsehood
and the lies of the Pope and the Emperor well enough :
he wished they would consider well what the effects
of an entire friendship with the King of France might
be : the French could do no more than they could do :
within two years they would owe the King 100,000
crowns, besides the 100,000 crowns during the King's
life, and 50,000 crowns for ever after that : but he
said in those treaties many things ought to be done for
their own defence : at this he was called away by the
King, but came afterwards to Paget : he said, it was
not 100,000 nor 200,000 crowns could not enrich the
one nor impoverish the other King : so he added, We
ask your daughter, and you shall have our son ; but
desired that they might carry the matter further into
a league to make war on the Emperor, defensive, for
all their territories.

" He proposed that the King should send ten thou-
sand foot and two thousand horse into Flanders, and
to pay five thousand Germans : and the French King
should furnish the same number of foot and of Ger-
mans, and three thousand horse, and an equal number
of ships on both sides; and the King of France should
in some other places fall into the Emperor's domi-
nions, at an expense of 200,000 crowns a month.
What a thing, said he, would if be to the King to

PART III. BOOK III. 237

have Gravelin, Dunkirk, and all those quarters join-
ing to Calais ! Paget answered, they might spend all
their money, and catch nothing : and he did not see
what ground of quarrel his master had with the Em-
peror ; upon which the Admiral replied, Does not he
owe you money ? Hath not he broken his leagues with
you in many particulars ? Did not he provoke us to
join with the Pope and him, to drive your master out
of his kingdom ? And hath he not now put the Pope
on offering a council to sit at Mantua, Verona, Cam-
bray or Metz (this last place was lately named), all
on design to ruin you ? A pestilence take him, said
he, false dissembler that he is ! If he had you at such
an advantage as you now have him, you should feel
it : and he run out largely, both against the Bishop
of Rome and the Emperor : he desired the war might
begin that year, the Emperor, being so low, that for
all his millions he had not a penny."

On all this the Admiral seemed wonderfully set;
Paget excused himself from entering further into these
matters, and desired that they might be proposed to
the King by the French Ambassador then at London; 1Jarer-

CJ v ' ffi

yet, being pressed by the Admiral, he promised to lay °
all before the King, and he did it very fully, but with
many excuses and much submission. The King's
council writ a short answer to this long letter : they
expressed their confidence in the Admiral, with great
acknowledgments for his affection to the King ; but
they seemed to suspect the King of France, that all his
professions were only to get money from the King.
Two hundred thousand crowns seemed nothing when
they were willing to forgive him a million : but by
this letter it seems the French Ambassadors did still
insist on 600,000 crowns to be paid down : so this
matter was let fall. But to say all that relates to the
Duke of Orleans at once.

Mr. Le Vassor has published instructions, of which The Duke
a collated copy was found among Cardinal Granville's JronliseT
papers. It is a question that cannot be answered how LtirT
he came by it; whether the original was taken with protestaiit-
the Landgrave of Hesse, or by what other way is not

238 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

certain : it bears date at Rheims, the 8th of September
1543. " It expresses the great desire that he had, that
the holy gospel might be preached in the whole king-
dom of France : but the respect that he owed to the
King his father, and to the Dauphin his brother, made
that he did not order it to be preached freely in his
duchy of Orleans, that being under their obedience.
But he sent to the Duke of Saxony, to the Landgrave
of Hesse, and the other protestant princes, to assure
them that he was resolved, and promised it expressly
to them, that he would order that the gospel should
be preached in the duchy of Luxemburgh, and in all
other places that should belong to him by the right of
war : he desired to be received into their alliance, and
to a league offensive and defensive with them. He
desired earnestly that they would grant this request,
not to be aided by them against any prince, but only
on the account of the Christian religion, of which he
desired the increase above all things; that by these
means light may be spread into other dominions, and
into the kingdom of France, when the King his father
should see him so allied to those princes, which will
be the cause of making him declare the good zeal he
has to that matter ; and will be able always to excuse
it to him, and to defend it against all his enemies.
He desires, therefore, that as soon as he shall give
order that the gospel shall be preached in the duchy
of Luxemburgh, this league and alliance may begin :
he hopes this will not be delayed, from the opinion
that they may have, that he cannot quickly shew what
power he has to support the love he bears to this cause ;
he hopes in a little time to shew, if it pleases God,
some good effect of it : and he offers at present, not
only all his own force, but the whole force of the King
his father, who has given him authority to employ it
in every thing that he shall judge to be good for them,
and in every thing that may concern their welfare,
their profit, and freedom."

It is impossible to read this, and to doubt either of
his being sincerely a protestant, or at least that he was
willing to profess it openly : and it can as little be

PART III. BOOK III. 239

doubted, that in this he had his father's leave to do
what he did. The retaking of Luxemburgh put an end
to this proposition : but, it seems, the Emperor ap-
prehended that the heat of this young prince might
grow uneasy to him ; therefore he took all methods
to satisfy his ambition. For, on the 1 8th of December
1544, the Ambassadors at the Emperor's court write
over, that he was treating a match between his own
eldest daughter and the Duke of Orleans ; and that
he offered to give with her the ancient inheritance of
the house of Burgundy, the two Burgundies, and the
Netherlands : or, if he would marry his brother Fer-
dinand's second daughter, to give the duchy of Milan
with her. They also mention, in April thereafter, that
he came to the Emperor, and stayed some days with
him at Antwerp, and then went back. On this, they
all concluded that the treaty was like to go on, but
do not mention which of the two ladies he liked best;
for there could be no comparison made between what
was offered with them. But all the negotiation, and p"ctices

OD hioi

all the hopes of that Prince, vanished on the 1 1th of end
September 1545 : for Karne, the King's ambassador
in Flanders, writ over, that on that day he died of die
plague.

I come next to put together all that I find in the
minutes of convocation during this reign. The Ne-
cessary Erudition was never brought in convocation ;*
but it was treated by some bishops and divines, of both
provinces, and published by the King's authority. It
seems, when the doctrine was thus settled, there was
a design to carry on the Reformation further. There
was a convocation held in January 1541 ; in the
second session of which, the Archbishop delivered
them a message from the King, that it was his plea-
sure that they should consult concerning the reform-
ing our errors. And he delivered some books to them,
to be examined by them : it does not appear what sort
of books or errors those were ; whether of papists,

* This appears to be a great mistake : the Necessary Erudition was approved
by the Convocation, 1543. See Wilkins's Cnncilia Magnte Britannia?, vol. iii.
p. 868. and Archhishop Laurence's Bampton Lecture Sermons, p. 191.

mgs in con-
vocation.

240 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

sacramentaries, or of anabaptists ; for of this last sort
some had crept into England. The business of Munster
had made that name so odious, that three years before
this, in October 1538, there was a commission sent to
Cranmer, Stokesley, Sampson, and some others, to in-
quire after anabaptists, to proceed against them, to re-
store the penitent, to burn their books, and to deliver
the obstinate to the secular arm : but I have not seen
what proceedings there were upon this.

In October 1545, there was an order of council pub-
lished to take away shrines and images : several com-
missions were granted for executing this ; in some,
they add bones to images. The Archbishop did like-
wise move the convocation, in the King's name, to
make laws against simony, and to prepare a book of
A new Homilies, and a new translation of the Bible : for,
it seems, complaints were made of the translation
tnen printed and set up in churches. The several
books of the Bible were parcelled out, and assigned
to several bishops to translate them. This came to
nothing during this reign : but this same method
was followed in Queen Elizabeth's time. In the fifth
session, the persons were named for this translation.
Cranmer had, some few years before this, parcelled
out an old translation of the New Testament to several
bishops and divines, to be revised and corrected by
them : but it was then much opposed. The Acts of
the Apostles was assigned to Stokesley ; but he sent
in no return upon it : so the Archbishop sent to him
Memor-of for it. His answer was sullen: " He wondered what
s™PTr the Archbishop meant, thus to abuse the people, by
giving them liberty to read the Scripture, which did
nothing but infect them with heresy. He had not
looked on his portion, and never would : so he sent
back the book, saying, He would never be guilty of
bringing the simple people into error. Notwithstand-
ing this, Cranmer had published a more correct New
Testament in English ; which is referred to in the in-
junctions that were formerly mentioned, but now he
designed a new translation of the whole Bible. In

C*

the sixth session, which was on the 17th of February,

PART III. BOOK III. 241

a statute against simony was treated of: there was
also some discourse about the translating the Lord s
Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments, in
the vulgar tongue : and it was considered, how some
words in them ought to be translated ; but what these
were is not mentioned : only, it seems, there was a
design to find faults in every thing that Cranmer had
done.

On the 24th of February, several matters were
treated of; that in particular is named, that none
should let leases beyond the term of twenty-one years.
They treated about many of the rituals, and of Thomas
Becket, and of the adorning of images, and about re-
forming some scandalous comedies. On the 3d of
March, the Archbishop told them from the King, that
it was his pleasure that the translation of the Bible
should be revised by the two Universities. But all the
bishops, except Ely and St. David's, protested against
this ; and, it seems, they insisted much upon trifles.
For they treated of this, whether, in the translation of
the Bible, the Lord, or our Lord, should be the con-
stant form. On the same day, the Lord Chancellor
exhibited to them an act, allowing that the bishops'
chancellors might marry. To this the bishops dis-
sented. Some other matters were proposed; but all
was referred to the King, upon the convocation being
assembled on the 16th of Feb. 1542. Some homilies
were offered on different subjects, but nothing is mark-
ed concerning them. The Archbishop also told them,
that the King would have the books of the several of-
fices used in churches to be examined and corrected.
In particular, that, both at matins and vespers, one
chapter of the New Testament should be read in every
parish. Some petitions were offered by the clergy :
the first was, for making a body of the ecclesiastical
laws. Of this we hear no more in this reign : but we
are assured, that there was a digested body of them
prepared ; probably it was very near the same that was
also prepared in King Edward's time. Cranmer, in
a letter that he wrote to the King out of Kent, on the
24th of January 1545-G, which I did put in my second

VOL. III. R

242 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

sdvoi. volume, tells him, " that, according- to his commands,
uec.N.ci. he had sent for the Bishop of Worcester (Heath), to
let him know, that the King's pleasure was, to have
the names of such persons sent him, as he had for-
merly appointed to make ecclesiastical laws for the
realm/' The Bishop promised with all speed to in-
quire out their names, and the book which they made,
and to bring both the names and the book to the King;
which, he writes, he had done before that time. By
this it appears, that persons had been named for that;
vweforma- and that a commission was granted, pursuant to which
i- the work had been prepared : for things of this kind
. were never neglected by Cranmer. It seems, it had
been done some years before, so that it was almost
forgotten ; but now, in one of King Henry's lucid in-
tervals, it was prepared, as Mr. Strype has published.
But how it came to pass that no further progress was
made during this reign, in so important and so neces-
sary a work, is not easily to be accounted for ; since
it must have contributed much to the exaltation of the
King's supremacy, to have all the ecclesiastical courts
governed by a code authorised by him. In the con-
vocation, in the year 1543, we have only this short
word, That on the 29th of April the Archbishop treat-
ed of the sacraments, and, on the next day, on the
article of free-will. This is all that I could gather
from the copy of the minutes of the convocations,
which was communicated to me by my most learned
and worthy brother, the Lord Bishop of London, who
assured me it was collated exactly with the only an-
cient copy that remains, to give us light into the pro-
ceedings in the convocations of those times.*

It does not appear to me what moved Bell, bishop
of Worcester, to resign his bishoprick. Rymer has

* It would be difficult to account for the erroneous view the author seems
to have taken of the proceedings of the convocation at this time, for had he
perused the minutes, as reported by Wilkins in his Concilia M. B., he would have
found that the Necessary Erudition not only received the Sanction of that body,
contrary to what is stated above, p. 239, but that it was examined and dis-
cussed in parts ; as, on the 20th April, the Exposition of the Lord's Prayer ; on
the 21st, the five first precepts of the Decalogue ; on the 24th and i'5th, the
remaining five ; with the Sacraments (not on the 29th as Burnethas it) on the
27th, the word Faith, and 12 articles of faith ; and on the 30th, the article of
Free-Will. — Laurence's Bampton Lecture Sermons.

PART III. BOOK III. 243

printed his resignation ; in which it is said, that he Brfi, M-
did it simply of his own accord. He lived till the worker,
year 1556, as his tomb-stone in Clerkenwell-church ^igb"ed
informs us. Whether he inclined to a further refor- ^prick.
mation, and so withdrew at the time ; or whether the a-omTis.
old leaven yet remaining with him made it uneasy for
him to comply, does not appear: if his motives had
been of the former sort, it may be supposed he would
have been thought of in King Edward's time; and if
of the latter, then in Queen Mary's reign he might
again have appeared ; so I must leave it in the dark
what his true motive was.

Audley, who had been lord chancellor from the Andiey.
time that Sir Thomas More left that post, fell sick in cTiior «iud.
the year 1544, and sent the great seal to the King,
by Sir Edward North and Sir Thomas Bland. The
King delivered it to the Lord Wriothesley, and made
him lord-keeper during the Lord Audley 's infirmity,
with authority to do every thing that the Lord Chan-
cellor might do; and the Duke of Norfolk tendered
him the oaths. It seems, there was such a regard had
to the Lord Audley, that, as long as he lived, the title
of Lord Chancellor was not given with the seals ; but,
upon his death, Wriothesley was made lord chancellor.
This seems to be the first instance of a lord-keeper,
with the full authority of a lord chancellor.

I have not now before me such a thread of matters
as to carry me regularly through the remaining years
of this reign; and, therefore, hereafter I only give Scotland-
such passages as I have gathered, without knitting
them together in exact series. The breach between
England arid France was driven on by the Emperor's
means, and promoted by all the popish party. So
the King, to prevent all mischief from Scotland,
during this war with France, entered into an agree-
ment with the Earls of Lenox and Glencairn, and the
elect Bishop of Caithness, brother to the Earl of Le- Rymer-
nox, in May 1544. The articles are published. They
promised, " that they should cause the word of God
to be truly taught in their countries. 2dly, They
should continue the King's faithful friends. 3dly,

R2

244 BURNKT'S REFORMATION.

They should take care that the Queen be not secretly
carried away. 4thly, They should assist the King- to
seize on some castles on the borders." And they de-
livered the elect Bishop of Caithness to the King, as
a hostage for their observing these things. On the
other hand, " the King engaged to send armies to
Scotland, both by sea and land; and to make the
Earl of Lenox (written in this Levinax), as soon as he
could, governor of Scotland : and that he should be-
stow his niece, Lady Margaret Douglas, on him."
There was a fuller agreement made with them, with
more particulars in it, on the 26th of June; and a
pension of 250/. was assigned to the Earl of Glencairn,
and 125/. to his son, both during life. Those in the
castle of St. Andrew's were also taken into the King's
protection. And they promised to promote the mar-
riage, and the King's interests, and to deliver up the
castle when demanded. There were also private
agreements made with Norman Lesley, Kircaldy of the
Grange, and some others, all to be found in Rymer.
Tom. 15. The often-cited Seckendorf tells us, that at this time
p'le'i.' ' they in Germany began to have greater hopes of the
sentTo King than ever. Mount was again sent to offer an
Germany, alliance with him. He excused all the late proceed-
ings. He said, Cromwell had rashly said, " that he
hoped to see the time, that he should strike a dagger
into the heart of him that should oppose the Refor-
mation;" which his judges thought was meant of the
King. He said, Barnes had indiscreetly provoked
the Bishop of Winchester. He also blamed their
Ambassadors for entering into disputes in writing
with the King. He believed, Melancthon and Bucer
would have managed that matter with more success.

^j

Bucer seconded Mount's motions, and magnified what
the King had already done; though there was no
complete reformation yet effected.

This did not move the Elector: he looked on the
King as an enemy to their doctrine. His whole de-
sign in what he had done was, to make himself the
head of the church, to which he was net called of
God, His government was tyrannical, and his life

PART III. BOOK III. 245

flagitious; so he looked for no good from him. The
King of France moved him to undertake a mediation
between him and the King, but the" Elector referred
that to a general meeting of those who were engaged
in the common Smalcaldic league. The Princes of
Germany having their chief dependence on the Kings
of France and England, saw how much they were
weakened and exposed to the Emperor, by the war
which was going on between those two Kings; so
they sent some empowered by them to try if it was
possible to prevent that war, and to mediate a recon-
ciliation between them. To these, when they deli-
vered their message to the King, he complained of
the injustice and wilfulness of the French King. He
thought their interposition could have no effect, and
he used these words in an answer to their memorial,
"We give them well to understand, that we do both
repose an ampler and a fuller confidence in them than
the French King either doth or will do."

De Bellay, who, being oft employed, understood
those matters well, tells us, that the Emperor and
King Henry had agreed to join their armies, and to
march directly into France. He tells in another p-

p

place, that if King Henry had followed the opinion
of his council, which was for his landing in Normandy
with thirty thousand men, he would have carried that
whole duchy ; and he ascribes his error in that matter
to the providence of God, that protected France from
so great a danger. The Emperor had proposed to
the King, that upon the junction of their two armies
they should inarch straight to Paris ; for they reck-
oned that both their armies would have amounted to
ninety thousand foot, and twenty thousand horse.
But after the Emperor had drawn the King into his Awar
measures, he went on taking some towns, pursuing F
his own ends, and then made his own peace with
France, and left the King engaged in the war. So
the King finding the Emperor's main army was* not
like to join him, some bodies out of the Netherlands
only coming to act in conjunction with him; upon
that he sent the Duke of Norfolk to besiege Mon-

I i -» e

24G BURNET'S REFORMATION.

trevel, and he himself sat down before Bulloigne.
Marshal Dies, governor of Bulloigne, apprehending
the importance of Montrevel, carried a considerable
part of the garrison of Bulloigne with him, and threw
himself into Montrevel : by this means he left Bul-
loigne weak, and in ill hands. In the mean time the
Emperor took Luxembourg, and some other places ;
so all the project with which he had amused the King
vanished, and a peace was struck up between him and
the King of France.

The French sent an army to raise the siege of Mon-
trevel; and they were moving so as to get between
the Duke of Norfolk and the King's army. Upon
which the Duke of Norfolk raised the siege : but Bul-
loigne was taken ; and that small conquest was out of
measure magnified by those who saw their own advan-
tage in flattering their master, though at a vast charge
he had gained a place scarce worth keeping.

The Emperor had that address, and he had so

strong a party about the King, that even all this was

excused, and the intercourse between the two courts

was not discontinued.

The Ki«g jn one point the Emperor was necessary to the

is forsaken T_. 111 i • i i • T • i

byiheEm- King, and he kept his word to him. It is certain the
King had apprehensions of the council that was now
sitting at Trent, and the more because Pole was one
of the legates sent to preside in it; who, as he had
reason to apprehend, would study to engage the coun-
cil to confirm the Pope's censure thundered out against
the King; and it was believed he was named legate
for that end. The King of France had offered to Gar-
diner, that, if the King would join with him, he would
sufferno council to meet, but as the King should consent
to it. But his fluctuating temper was so well known
that the King trusted in this particular more to the Em-
peror, whose interest in that council he knew must be
great; and the Emperor had promised that the coun-
cil should not at all intermeddle with the matter be-
tween the Pope and the King. The effect shewed he
was true in this particular.

The King finding himself so disappointed, and

PART III. BOOK III. 247

indeed abandoned by the Emperor, sent the Earl of
Hartford, with Gardiner, to him, to expostulate with
him. A letter of the King's was sent by them to the
Emperor, written in a very severe strain, charging him
with perfidy. The Emperor either had the gout, or
pretended to have it, so that he could not be spoke
with. His chief ministers at that time, who were
Grandville, and his son the Bishop of Arras, delayed
them from day to day, and discovered much chicane,

' i . 1 .1 ,i : office.

as they wrote; upon which they grew so uneasy, that
at last they demanded a positive answer; and then
these ministers told them, that the Emperor could not
carry on the war longer against France: but he of-
fered to mediate a peace bet ween England and France.
After that they complain that they saw the pretence
of mediation was managed deceitfully; for the Em-
peror's design upon Germany being now ready, he
apprehended those two Kings, if not engaged in war
one with another, would support the Princes of the
empire, and not suffer the Emperor, under the pre-
tence of a religious war, to make himself master of
Germany. Therefore he studied to keep up the war
between France and England. I find Maurice of
Saxony was this year, during the Emperor's war with
France, in his court. Whether he was then meditating
or treating about his perfidious abandoning the Elec-
tor and the other princes of the Smalcaldic league,
I know not.

Before the King went out of England, a great step 1545.
was made towards the reforming the public offices.
A form of procession in the English tongue was set EDgIish

Tr • •> i i • i with oll'

out by the King s authority, and a mandate was sent devotions.
to Bonner to publish it. The title of it was, " An
Exhortation to Prayer, thought meet by his Majesty
and his Clergy to be read to the People;" also, "A
Litany, with Suffrages to be said or sung, in the time
of the Processions." In the litany they did still in-
vocate the blessed Virgin, the angels and archangels,
and all holy orders of blessed spirits, all holy pa-
triarchs and prophets, apostles, martyrs, confessors,
and virgins, and all the blessed company of heaven,

A litany
set out in

ish

other

248 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

to pray for them. After the word conspiracy, this is
added, " from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, and
all his detestable enormities." The rest of the litany
is the same that we still use, only some more collects
are put at the end, and the whole is called a Prayer
of Procession. To this are added some exercises of
devotion, called Psalms, which are collected out of
several parts of Scripture, but chiefly the Psalms:
they are well collected; and the whole composition,
as there is nothing that approaches to popery in it, so
it is a serious and well-digested course of devotion.
There follows a paraphrase on the Lord's Prayer : on
the fourth petition, there are expressions that seem
to come near a true sense of the presence of Christ in
the sacrament; for by daily bread, as some of the an-
cients thought, the sacrament of the eucharist is un-
derstood, which is thus expressed, " The lively bread
of the blessed body of our Saviour Jesu Christ, and
the sacred cup of the precious and blessed blood which
was shed for us on the cross." This agrees with our
present sense, that Christ is present; not as he is now
in heaven, but as he was on the cross. And that
being a thing passed, he can only be present in a type
and a memorial. The preface is an exhortation to
prayer, in which these remarkable words will be found :
" It is very convenient, and much acceptable to God,
that you should use your private prayer in your mo-
ther-tongue; that you, understanding what you ask
of God, may more earnestly and fervently desire the
same, your hearts and minds agreeing to your mouth
and words." This is indeed all over of a pious and
noble strain, and, except the invocation of the saints
and angels, it is an unexceptionable composition. At
the same time, Katherine Parr, whom the King had
lately married, collected some prayers and medita-
tions, " wherein the mind is stirred patiently to suffer
all affliction here, to set at nought the vain prosperity
of this world, and always to long for the everlasting
felicity;" which were printed in the year 1545.

But so apt was the King, whether from some old
and inherent opinions that still stuck with him, or from

PART IIF. BOOK III. 219

the practices of those who knew how to flatter him
suitably to his notions, to go backward and forward
in matters of religion; that though on the 15th of
October 1545, he ordered a mandate to be sent to
Bonrier, to publish the English procession ordained
by him, which was executed the day following; yet
on the 24th of that month there was a letter written
to Cranmer, declaring the King's pleasure for the
setting up an image that had been taken down by his
injunctions; ordering him at the same time to abolish
the use of holy water, about St. John's tide, and to
take down an image called our Lady of Pity in the
Pew, for the idolatry that was committed about it.
At this time it was discovered that great indulgences,
with all such-like favours, were sent from Rome to
Ireland; so that generally in that kingdom the King's
supremacy was rejected, and yet at the same time it
appears that many were put in prison for denying the
presence in the sacrament: and a proclamation was
set out, both against Tindall's New Testament, and
Coverdale's.

Thirleby, bishop of Westminster, was sent ambas- -~i»
sador to the Emperor; and afterwards Secretary Petre
was sent to the same court. Mount continued like- princes
wise to be employed, but without a character: he
seems to have been both honest and zealous; and in
many letters, writ both in the year 1545 and 1546,
he warned the King of the Emperor's designs to ex-
tirpate tutheranism, and to force the whole empire to
submit to the Pope and the council, then sitting at
Trent. The German Princes sent over a vehement
application to the King, to consider the case of Her-
man, bishop of Colen, praying him to protect him, and
to intercede for him. They gave a great character
of the man, of which Mount makes mention in his
letters; but I do not find that the King interposed in
that matter. The Emperor seemed to enter into great
confidences with Thirleby, and either imposed on him,
or found him easily wrought on: he told him that the
King of France was making great levies in Switzer-
land, and he was well assured that they were not de- -

250 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

signed against himself; so he warned the King to be
on his guard. This being inquired into, was not
1546. only denied by the court of France, but was found to
office? be false, and was looked on as an artifice of the Em-
peror's to keep up a jealousy between those two courts.
By such practices he prevailed on Thirleby to assure
the King, that the Emperor did not design to enslave
Germany, but only to repress the insolence of some
princes, and to give justice a free course : all the news
he wrote from thence did run in this strain ; so that
Germany was fatally abandoned by both Kings. Yet
still the King sent over to the Emperor repeated com-
plaints of the ill-treatment his subjects met with in
Spain from inquisitors; and that in many courts jus-
tice was refused to be done them, upon this pretence,
that the King and all who adhered to him were de-
clared heretics, and as such they were excommuni-
cated by the Pope, and so were not to be admitted to
sue in judicatories : these were sent over to Thirleby,
but I do not see what was done upon all those re-
presentations.

The last message the King sent to the Germans
was Jn the year 1546, by Mount, with whom one But-

- - • • -i i /~« • • 1

of ier was joined : the German princes, m general terms,
the K,ng. praye(j tne King to insist on rejecting the council of
Trent, assuring him that the Pope would suffer no re-
formation to be made. This letter was agreed to by
the greater number of the princes of the union, only
the Elector of Saxony had conceived great prejudices
against the King. He said, " he was an impious man,
with whom he desired to have no commerce : he was
no better than the Pope, whose yoke he had thrown
off only for his own ends : and that he intended out
of the two religions to make a third, only for enriching
himself; having condemned the principal points of
their doctrine in his parliament."

dSomTni I mid at this time a secret disgust the Emperor was

ed with the in towards his brother Ferdinand; upon which Fer-

dinand sent a message to the King, setting forth the

just claim he had to his father's succession in Spain ;

since, by the agreement of the marriage between Fer

ill opi-

PART III. BOOK III. 251

dinand of Arragon and Isabel of Castile, a special
provision was made, that whensoever there was a
second son issuing from that marriage, the kingdom
of Arragon, and all that belonged to it, should be
again separated from Castile. He also pretended,
that he ought to have had a larger share in the suc-
cession of the house of Burgundy ; and that instead
of those rich provinces, he was forced to accept of
Austria, and the provinces about it, which lay ex-
posed to the Turks, and were loaded with great debts,
contracted by his grandfather Maximilian. To this
the King sent an answer secretly, and ordered the
person (who he was, does not appear; but I think it
was Mount) that carried it, to insist on the discourse
of his pretensions to the Netherlands, which were
then vastly rich. He was particularly required to ob-
serve Ferdinand's behaviour, and all that he said on
that subject: and it seems, that our court being then
in a good understanding with the court of France,
communicated the matter to Francis: for he wrote,
soon after that, a letter to Ferdinand, encouraging him
to stand on his claim, and promising him his assist-
ance to support his pretensions on the Emperor. But
Ferdinand, not being inclined to trust the court of
France with this secret, sent the letter to the Empe-
ror : so I see no more of that matter.

The last transaction of importance in this reign was Q| Kwto
the fall of the Duke of Norfolk, and of the Earl of imprison
Surrey his son. I find in the council-book, in the
year 1 543, that the Earl was accused for eating flesh
in Lent, without license ; and for walking about the
streets in the night, throwing stones against windows,
for which he was sent to the Fleet. In another letter,
he is complained of for riotous living. Towards the
end of the year 1546, both he and his father were put
in prison; and it seems the council wrote to all the
King's ambassadors beyond sea an account of this,
much aggravated, as the discovery of some very dan-
gerous conspiracy; which they were to represent to
those princes in very black characters. I put in the
Collection an account given by Thirleby of what he

merit.

252 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

did upon it. The letter is long; but I only copy out

Numb. 73. , i-i i i- TIT i

tliat which relates to this pretended discovery: dated
from Hailbron, on Christmas-day 1546.

" He understood, by the council's letters to him,
what ungracious and ingrateful persons they were
found to be. He professes, he ever loved the father,
for he thought him a true servant to the King : he
says he was amazed at the matter, and did not know
what to say. God had not only on this occasion, but
on many others, put a stop to treasonable designs
against the King, who (next to God) was the chief
comfort of all good men: he enlarges much on the
subject, in the style of a true courtier. The messen-
ger brought him the council's letters, written on the
1 5th of December, on Christmas-eve ; in which he saw
the malicious purpose of these two ungracious men :
so, according to his orders, he went immediately to
demand audience of the Emperor; but the Emperor
intended to repose himself for three or four days, and
so had refused audience to the Nuncio, and to all
other ambassadors ; but he said, he would send a se-
cretary, to whom he might communicate his business.
Joyce, his secretary, coming to him, he set forth the
matter as pompously as the council had represented
it to him. In particular, he spoke of the haughtiness
of the Earl of Surrey ; of all which the Secretary pro-
mised to make report to the Emperor, and likewise
to write an account of it to Grandville. Thirleby ex-
cuses himself that he durst not write of this matter to
the King: he thought it would renew in him the me-
mory of the ingratitude of these persons, which must
wound a noble heart."

After so black a representation, great matters might
ke exPected : but I have met with an original letter
tter of the Duke of Norfolk's to the lords of the council,
writ indeed in so bad a hand, that the reading it was
almost as hard as deciphering. It gives a very dif-
ferent account of that matter, at least with relation to
the father. He writes, " that the Lord Great Cham-
berlain, and the Secretary of State, had examined him
upon divers particulars : the first was, Whether he had

PART III. BOOK HI. 253

a cipher with any man? he said, he had never a cipher
with any man, but such as he had for the King's af-
fairs, when he was in his service. And he does not
remember that ever he wrote in cipher, except when
he was in France, with the Lord Great Master that
now is, and the Lord Rochford : nor does he remem-
ber whether he wrote any letters then or not; but
these two lords signed whatsoever he wrote. He
heard, that a letter of his was found among Bishop
Fox's papers, which being shewed to the Bishop of
Duresme, he advised to throw it into the fire. He
was examined upon this: he did remember the matter
of it was, the setting forth the talk of the northern
people, after the time of the commotions ; but that it
was against Cromwell, and not at all against the King
(so far did they go back, to find matter to be laid to
his charge): but whether that was in cipher, or not,
he did not remember. He was next asked, if any
person had said to him, that if the King, the Empe-
ror, and the French King came to a good peace, whe-
ther the Bishop of Rome would break that by his
dispensation ; and whether he inclined that way. He
did not remember he had ever heard any man speak
to that purpose: but, for his own part, if he had
twenty lives, he would rather spend them all, than
that the Bishop of Rome should have any power in
this kingdom again. He had read much history, and
knew well how his usurpation began and increased :
and both to English, French, and Scots, he has upon
all occasions spoken vehemently against it. He was
also asked, if he knew any thing of a letter from Gar-
diner and Knevet, the King's ambassadors at the
Emperor's court, of a motion made to them for a re-
conciliation with that Bishop, which was brought to
the King at Dover, he being then there.

" In answer to this, he writes, he had never been
with the King at Dover since the Duke of Richmond
died : but for any such overture, he had never heard
any thing of it; nor did any person ever mention it
to him. It had been said in council, when Sir Francis
Bryan was like to have died, as a thing reported by

254 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

him, that the Bishop of Winchester had said, he
could devise a way to set all things right between the
King and the Bishop of Rome. Upon which, as he
remembers, Sir Ralph Sadler was sent to Sir Francis,
to ask the truth of that, but Sir Francis denied it ;
and this was all that ever he heard of any such over-
ture. It seems these were all the questions that were
put to him; to which those were his answers. He
therefore prayed the lords to intercede with the King,
that his accusers might be brought face to face, to say
what they had against him: and he did not doubt,
but it should appear he was falsely accused. He de-
sired to have no more favour than Cromwell had ; he
himself being present when Cromwell was examined.
He adds, Cromwell was a false man; but he was a
true, poor gentleman : he did believe, some false man
had laid some great thing to his charge. He desired,
if he might not see his accusers, that he might at
least know what the matters were; and if he did not
answer truly to every point, he desired not to live an
hour longer.

" He had always been pursued by great enemies
about the King; so that his fidelity was tried like gold.
If he knew wherein he had offended, he would freely
confess it. On Tuesday, in the last Whitsun-week,
he moved the King, that a marriage might be made
between his daughter (the Duchess of Richmond)
and Sir Thomas Seymour ; and that his son Surrey's
children might, by cross-marriages, be allied to my
Lord Great Chamberlain's children, (the Earl of Hert-
ford.) He appealed to the King, whether his intention
in these motions did not appear to be honest. He next
reckons up his enemies : Cardinal Wolsey confessed
to him at Asher, that he had studied for fourteen years
how to destroy him, set on to it by the Duke of Suffolk,
the Marquis of Exeter, and the Lord Sandys, who often
told him, that if he did not put him out of the way,
he would undo him. When the Marquis of Exeter
suffered, Cromwell examined his wife more strictly
concerning him than all other men ; of which she sent
him word by her brother, the Lord Mountjoy : and

PART III. BOOK III. 255

Cromwell had often said to himself, that he was a
happy man that his wife knew nothing against him,
otherwise she would undo him. The late Duke of
Buckingham, at the bar, where his father sat Lord
High Steward, said, that he himself was the person
in the world whom he had hated most, thinking he
had done him ill offices with the King : but he said,
he then saw the contrary. Rice, that married his sister,
often said, he wished he could find the means to thrust
his dagger in him. It was well known to many ladies
in the court how much both his two nieces, whom it
pleased the King to marry, had hated him : he had
discovered to the King that for which his mother-in-
law was attainted of misprision of treason. He had
always served the King faithfully, but had of late
received greater favours of him than in times past:
what could therefore move him to be now false to
him ? ' A poor man, as I am, yet I am his own near
kinsman. Alas! alas! my lords (writes he), that ever
it should be thought any untruth to be in me.' He
prays them to lay this before the King, and jointly to
beseech him, to grant the desires contained in it. So
he ends it with such submissions, as he hoped might
mollify the King."

Here I must add a small correction, because I pro-
mised it to the late Sir Robert Southwell, for whose
great worth and virtues I had that esteem which he
well deserved. Sir Richard Southwell was concerned
in the evidence against the Duke of Norfolk : he gave
me a memorandum, which I promised to remember
when I reviewed my History. There were two bro-
thers, Sir Richard and Sir Robert, who were often
confounded, an R serving for both their christened
names. Sir Richard was a privy-counsellor to Henry
the Eighth, King Edward, and Queen Mary: the second
brother, Sir Robert, was master of the rolls in the time
of Henry the Eighth, and in the beginning of Edward
the Sixth. I had confounded these, and in two several
places called Sir Richard master of the rolls.

I have now set forth all that I find concerning the
Duke of Norfolk ; by which it appears that he was

250 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

designed to be destroyed only upon suspicion : and
his enemies were put on running far back to old stories,
to find some colours to justify so black a prosecution.
This was the last act of the King's reign ; which,
happily for the old Duke, was not finished, when the
King's death prevented the execution.
A recapi- Thus I have gone over all those passages in this

tulalion . , , O „ • T

of Kmg reign, that have tallen in my way, since 1 wrote my
' History. I have so carefully avoided repeating any
thing that was in my former work, that I have, per-
haps, not made it clear enough, into what parts of it
every thing here related ought to be taken in. Nor
have I put in my Collection any of those papers that
either the Lord Herbert or Mr. Strype had published,
one or two only excepted in each of them ; but these
I put in it, both because I copied them from the ori-
ginals when I did not reflect on their being published
by those writers, and because they seemed of great
importance to the parts of my History to which they
belonged. Some of these being very short, and the
others not long, I thought the inserting them made
my Collection more complete. I would not lessen the
value of books, to which I have been too much be-
holden, to make so ill a return ; to the last especially,
from whose works I have taken that which seemed
necessary, to make the History as full as might be, but
refer my reader to such vouchers as he will find in them.
mind And now, having ended what I have to say of King
Henry, I will add a few reflections on him, and on

of flattery. j^g rejgn> jje jja(j certainly a greater measure of

knowledge in learning, more particularly in divinity,
than most princes of that or of any age ; that gave
occasion to those excessive flatteries which in a great
measure corrupted his temper and disfigured his whole
government. It is deeply rooted in the nature of man
to love to be flattered ; because self-love makes men
their own flatterers, and so they do too easily take
down the flatteries that are offered them by others ;
who, when they expect advantages by it, are too ready
to give this incense to their vanity, according to the
returns that they expect from it.

PART III. BOOK III. 257

Few are so honest and disinterested in their friend-
ship, as to consider the real good of others; but choose
rather to comply with their humour and vanity. And
since princes have most to give, flattery (too common
to all places) is the natural growth of courts; in which,
if there are some few so unfashioned to those places,
as to seek the real good and honour of the prince, by
the plain methods of blunt honesty, which may carry
them to contradict a mistaken prince, to shew him his
errors, and with a true firmness of courage, to try to
work even against the grain ; while they pursue that,
which, though it is the real advantage and honour of
the prince, yet it is not agreeable to some weak or per-
verse humour in him : these are soon overtopped by
a multitude of flatterers, who will find it an easy work
to undermine such faithful ministers ; because their
own candour and fidelity make them use none of the
arts of a countermine. Thus the flattered prince easily
goes into the hands of those who humour and please
him most, without regarding either the true honour of
the master, or the good of the community.

If weak princes, of a small measure of knowledge rhe course
and a low capacity, fall into such hands, the govern- °
ment will dwindle into an inactive languishing; which
will make them a prey to all about them, and expose
them to universal contempt both at home and abroad :
while the flatterers make their own advantages the
chief measure of the government ; and do so besiege
the abused and deluded prince, that he fancies he is
the wonder and delight of all the world, when he is
under the last degrees of the scorn of the worst, and
of the pity of the best of his people.

But if these flatterers gain the ascendant over
princes of genius and capacity, they put them on great
designs, under the false representations of conquests
and glory ; they engage them either to make or break
leagues at pleasure, to enter upon hostilities without
any previous steps or declarations of war, to ruin their
own people for supporting those wars that are carried
on with all the methods both of barbarity and perfidy,
while a studied luxury and vanity at home is kept up,

VOL. in. s

of all t curts.

25$ BURNET'S REFORMATION.

to amuse and blind the ignorant beholders, with a
false show of lustre and magnificence.

This had too deep a root in King Henry, and was
s' too long flattered by Cardinal Wolsey, to be ever after-
. wards brought into due bounds and just measures ; yet
Wolsey pursued the true maxims of England, of main-
taining the balance during his ministry. Our trade
lay then so entirely in the Netherlands, without our
seeming to think of carrying it further, that it was
necessary to maintain a good correspondence with
those provinces : and Charles's dominions were so
widely scattered, that, till Francis was taken prisoner,
it was visibly the interest of England to continue still
jealous of France, and to favour Charles. But the
taking of Francis the First changed the scene ; France
was then to be supported. It was also so exhausted,
and Charles's revenue was so increased, that without
great sums both lent him, and expended by England,
all must have sunk under Charles's power, if England
had not held the balance.
A great \^ was also a masterpiece in Wolsey to engage the

occasion __. i 111 • T 1 •*/

of flattery King to own that the book against Luther was written
hThook7. by him, in which the secret of those who, no doubt,
had the greatest share in composing it, was so closely
laid, that it never broke out. Seckendorf tells us,
that Luther believed it was writ by Lee, who was a
zealous Thomist, and had been engaged in disputes
with Erasmus, and was afterwards made archbishop
of York. If any of these who still adhered to the old
doctrines had been concerned in writing it, probably
when they saw King Henry depart from so many
points treated of in it, they would have gone beyond
sea, and have robbed him of that false honour and
those excessive praises which that book had procured
him. It is plain More wrote it not : for the King
having shewed it him before it was published, he (as
he mentions in one of his letters to Cromwell) told the
King, that he had raised the papacy so high, that it
might be objected to him, if he should happen to have
any dispute with the Pope, as was often between
princes and popes : and it will be found in the remarks

PART III. BOOK III. 259

on the former volumes, that he in another letter says
he was a sorter of that book. This seems to relate
only to the digesting it into method and order.

How far King Henry was sincere in pretending scru-
ples of conscience, with relation to his first marriage,
can only be known to God. His suit of divorce was
managed at a vast expense, in a course of many years ;
in all which time, how strong soever his passion was
for Anne Boleyn, yet her being with child so soon
after their marriage, is a clear evidence that till then
they had no unlawful commerce. It does not appear
that Wolsey deserved his disgrace, unless it was that
by the commission given to the two Legates, they were
empowered to act conjunctly or severally : so that,
though Campegio refused to concur, he might have
given sentence legally, yet he being trusted by the
Pope, his acting according to instructions did not de-
serve so severe a correction : and had any material dis-
covery been made to render Wolsey criminal, it may
be reasonably supposed it would have been published.

The new flatterers falling in with the King's passion, The <*a.
outdid and ruined Wolsey. More was the glory ofwor"0
the age ; and his advancement was the King's honour
more than his own, who was a true Christian philo-
sopher. He thought the cause of the King's divorce
was just, and as long as it was prosecuted at the court
of Rome, so long he favoured it : but when he saw
that a breach with that court was like to follow, he left
the great post he was in, with a superior greatness of
mind. It was a fall great enough, to retire from that
into a private state of life; but the carrying matters so
far against him as the King did, was one of the justest
reproaches of that reign. More's superstition seems
indeed contemptible, but the constancy of his mind was
truly wonderful.

Cromwell's ministry was in a constant course of cromweii-
flattery and submission, but by that he did great things m
that amaze one, who has considered them well. The
setting up the King's supremacy, instead of the usur-
pations of the papacy, and the rooting out the mo-
nastic state in England, considering the wealth, the

s 2

260 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

numbers, and the zeal, of the monks and friars in all
the parts of the kingdom, as it was a very bold under-
taking, so it was executed with great method, and per-
formed in so short a time, and with so few of the con-
vulsions that might have been expected, that all this
shews what a master he was, that could bring such a
design to be finished in so few years, with so little
trouble or danger.

But in conclusion, an unfortunate marriage to which
he advised the King not proving acceptable, and he
being unwilling to destroy what he himself had
brought about, was, no doubt, backward in the design
of breaking it when the King had told him of it: and
then, upon no other visible ground but because Anne
of Cleve grew more obliging to the King than she was
formerly, the King suspected that Cromwell had be-
trayed his secret, and had engaged her to a softer
deportment on design to prevent the divorce ; and did
upon that disgrace and destroy him.

The Duke of Norfolk was never till Cromwell's fall
the first in favour ; but he had still kept his post by
perpetual submission and flattery. He was sacrificed
at last to the King's jealousy, fearing that he might be
too great in his son's infancy; and, being considered
as the head of the popish party, might engage in an
uneasy competition with the Seymours, during the
minority of his son : for the points he was at first ex-
amined on were of an old date, of no consequence,
and supported by no proof.

The King'* When the King first threw off the Pope's yoke, the
Cy ID m«. Reformers offered him in their turn all the flatteries
iig?on! r" they could decently give : and if they could have had
the patience to go no further than he was willing to
parcel out a reformation to them, he had perhaps gone
further in it : but he seemed to think, that as it was
pretended in popery, that infallibility was to go along
with the supremacy, therefore those who had yielded
to the one ought likewise to submit to the other ; he
turned against them when he saw that their complai-
sance did not go so far : and upon that, the adherers
to the old opinions returned to their old flatteries, and

PART III. BOOK III. 261

for some time seemed to have brought him quite back
to them ; which probably might have wrought more
powerfully, but that he found the old leaven of the
papacy was still working in them ; so that he was all
the while fluctuating ; sometimes making steps to a
reformation, but then returning back to his old notions.
One thing probably wrought much on him. It has
appeared, that he had great apprehensions of the
council that was to meet at Trent, and that the Em-
peror's engagements to restrain the council from pro-
ceeding in his matter, was the main article of the new
friendship made up between them : and it may be
very reasonably supposed, that the Emperor repre-
sented to him, that nothing could secure that matter
so certainly as his not proceeding to any further in-
novations in religion : more particularly his adhering
firmly to the received doctrine of Christ's presence in
the sacrament, and the other articles set forth by him :
this agreeing with his own opinion, had, as may be
well imagined, no small share in the change of his con-
duct at that time.

The dexterous application of flattery had generally
a powerful effect on him : but whatsoever he was, and
how great soever his pride and vanity, and his other
faults were, he was a great instrument in the hand of
Providence for many good ends : he first opened the
door to let light in upon the nation : he delivered it
from the yoke of blind and implicit obedience : he put
the Scriptures in the hands of the people, and took
away the terror they were formerly under by the cruelty
of the ecclesiastical courts : he declared this church
to be an entire and perfect body within itself, with full
authority to decree and regulate all things, without
any dependance on any foreign power : and he did
so unite the supreme headship over this church to the
imperial crown of this realm, that it seemed a just con-
sequence that was made by some in a popish reign,
that he who would not own that this supremacy was
in him, did by that renounce the crown, of which that
title was made so essential a part, that they could no
more be separated.

262 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

He attacked popery in its strong holds — -the monas-
teries— and destroyed them all ; and thus he opened
the way to all that came after, even down to our days :
so that while we see the folly and weakness of man in
all his personal failings, which were very many and
very enormous, we at the same time see both the jus-
tice, the wisdom, and the goodness of God, in making
him, who was once the pride and glory of popery, be-
come its scourge and destruction ; and i., directing his
pride and passion so as to bring about, under the
dread of his unrelenting temper, a change that a milder
reign could not have compassed without great con-
vulsions and much confusion : above all the rest, we
ought to adore the goodness of God in rescuing us by
his means from idolatry and superstition ; from the
vain and pompous shows in which the worship of
God was dressed up, so as to vie with heathenism it-
self, into a simplicity of believing, and a purity of
worship, conform to the nature and attributes of God,
and the doctrine and example of the Son of God.

May we ever value this as we ought ; and may
we, in our tempers and lives, so express the beauty of
this holy religion, that it may ever shine among us,
and may shine out from us, to all round about us !
and then we may hope that God will preserve it to
us, and to posterity after us, for ever.

PART III.— BOOK IV.

OF WHAT HAPPENED DURING THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD
THE SIXTH, FROM THE YEAR 1547 TO THE YEAR 1553.

I HAD such copious materials when I wrote of this
King, partly from the original council-book, for
the two first years of that reign, but chiefly from the
Journal writ in that King's own hand, that I shall not
be able to offer the reader so many new things in this
as I did in the former, and as I may be able to do in
the succeeding reign. Some gleanings I have, which
I hope will not be unacceptable.

PART III. BOOK IV. 263

_ A true ac-
count ol a

I begin with acknowledging a great error commit-
ted in copying out a letter of Luther's, that I found PaPer of
among Bucer's Collections. The noble Seckendorf tr'ng" *
was the first that admonished me of this : but with ft"b^M
a modesty suitable to so great a man : without that History
rancour in which some among ourselves have vented
their ill-nature against me. I took the sure method
to confess my error, and to procure an exact collated
copy of that paper, from that learned body, to whose
library it belongs ; which will be found in the Collec- collect
tion. It is an original in Luther's own hand ; but it N
could not have been easily read, if Bucer had not writ
out a copy of it, which is bound up in the same volume
with the original. It was an instruction that Luther
gave to Melancthon, when he went into Hesse, in the
year 1534, to meet and treat with Bucer upon that
fatal difference, concerning the manner of the presence
in the sacrament. " In which it appears, that Luther
was so far from departing from his opinion, that he
plainly says, he could not communicate with those of
the Zuinglian persuasion ; but he would willingly
tolerate them, in hope that in time they might come
to communicate together. And as for a political
agreement, he does not think the diversity of religion
ought to hinder that, no more than it was a bar to
marriage or commerce, which may be among those of
different religions." And now I have, I hope, deli-
vered myself from all the censures to which the wrong
publishing of that paper had exposed me.

I should next enter into the historical passages of
King Edward's reign; but a great discovery, made
with relation to the most important foreign transac-
tion that happened both in King Henry and King
Edward's reign (I mean the council of Trent ; the
first session of which was in the former reign, and the
second in this), has given me an opportunity of ac-
quainting the world with many extraordinary pas-
sages relating to it.

There was a large parcel of original letters writ to 7arsas's

/~1 •!! 1 I • 1 /* A /» letters con

Granville, then bishop of Arras, afterwards cardinal, cermngih
and the chief minister of Charles the emperor, that, Trent!' '

264 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

when he left the Netherlands, were in the hands of
some of his secretaries, and were not carried away by
him. About fifty years after that, Mr. William Trum-
ball, then King James the First's envoy at Brussels,
grandfather to Sir William Trumball (a person emi-
nently distinguished by his learning and zeal for re-
ligion, as well as by the embassies and other great
employments he has so worthily borne), got these into
his hands; no doubt under the promise of absolute
secrecy, during the lives of those who had them;
since, if they had been then published, it might have
been easily traced from whence they must have come;
which would have been fatal to those who had parted
with them, in a court so bigotted as was that of Al-
bert and Isabella. I have read over the whole series
of that worthy gentleman's own letters to King James
the First, and saw so much honesty and zeal running
through them all, that, it seems, nothing under some
sacred tie could have obliged both father and son to
keep such a treasure so secret from all the world, espe-
cially Padro Paulo's History coming out at that time
in London ; to which these letters, as far as they went,
which is from the 7th of October 1551, to the last of
February 1 551-2, would have given an authentic con-
firmation. I have been trusted by the noble owner
with the perusal of them. It is impossible to doubt
of their being originals : the subscriptions and seals
of most of them are still entire.

Translated These were by Sir William deposited in Bishop
r. Stillingfleet's hands, when he was sent to his foreign
employments; that such use might be made of them,
when he found a person that was master of the
Spanish tongue, as the importance of the discovery
might deserve. Soon after that, my very worthy
friend, Dr. Geddes, returned from Lisbon, after he had
been above ten years preacher to the English factory
there; and since he is lately dead, I hope I shall be
forgiven, to take the liberty of saying somewhat con-
cerning him. He was a learned and a wise man.
He had a true notion of popery as a political combi-
nation, managed by falsehood and cruelty, to esta-

PART III. BOOK IV. 265

blish a temporal empire in the person of the popes.
All his thoughts and studies were chiefly employed
in detecting this; of which he has given many useful
and curious essays in the treatises he wrote, which
are all highly valuable. When Bishop Stillingfleet
understood that he was master of the Spanish tongue,
he put all these papers in his hands. He translated
them into English, intending to print the originals in
Spanish with them; but none of our printers would
undertake that; they reckoning, that where the vent
of the book might be looked for, which must be in
Spain and Italy, they were sure it would not be suf-
fered to be sold: he was therefore forced to print
the translation in English, without printing the ori-
ginals.

Since that time, that learned and judicious French- And into
man, Monsieur le Vassor, has published a translation M*°U b
of them in French, with many curious reflections: but Vassor-
though he found that a complete edition of the letters
in Spanish was a thing that the booksellers in Hol-
land would not undertake, yet he has helped that all
he could, by giving the parts of the letters that were
the most critical and the most important, in Spanish.
Both these books are highly valuable. The chief
writer of those letters, Vargas, was a man not only
very learned, but of a superior genius to most of that
age, as appears both by the letters themselves, and by
the great posts he went through. He was specially
employed by the Emperor, both in the session that
was held in the former reign, and in that which sat
in this reign ; to which only these letters do relate.
He was the chief of the counsel that the Emperor's
Ambassadors had in matters in which either divinity
or canon-law (the last being his particular profession)
were necessary; and such a value was set on him,
that the Emperor sent him ambassador to the republic
of Venice. And when the last session was held by
Pope Pius the Fourth, Philip sent him ambassador
to Rome, as the person that understood best how to
manage that court, with relation to the session of the
council.

266 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

^ think it may give the reader a just idea of that
of council, both of the fraud and insolence of the Legate,
"egate> and of the method in which matters were carried
there, to see some of the more signal passages in
those letters; that it may both give him true impres-
oct. r. sions of what was transacted there, and may move
him to have recourse to the letters themselves. "He
sets forth how much the Pope and his ministers
dreaded the coming of the protestants to the council :
we can plainly perceive that they are not themselves,
nor in a condition to treat about any business, when
they are brought to touch on that point. These may,
to their mortification, deliver their minds freely against
abuses and some other things. Whosoever offers any
thing that is not grateful to the Legate, or that doth
not suit exactly with some people's prepossessions ;
he is reported to have spoke ill, and to think worse;
and to have taken what he said out of I do not know
whom. There are several matters, which the Legate
ought to treat with more deliberation than he hath
hitherto handled things: I pray God give him grace
to understand this.

ZtVtTat " In the next letter, without date, mention is made
the Empe- Of a letter that the Emperor wrote to the Pope ; in
thl pope! which he did assure him, that nothing should be done
in the council, but that which he had a mind should
be done in it: and that he would oblige the prelates
to hold their tongues, and to let things pass without
any opposition. The copy of this being shewn the
Ambassador, he was astonished at it; but Vargas said,
it was not to be understood literally (in the original
it is Judaically) it was only writ to bring the Pope to
grant the bull; but that it was not intended by it that
the Pope should be suffered to do such things as
would bring all to ruin; but only to do such things
as are reasonable. He adds in Latin, that the liberty
the Pope took was not only a disease and sickness of
mind, but was really grown to a fury and a madness."
Here the spirit of the promise is set up against the
letter; and a strict adhering to words is counted a
part of the yoke of Judaism ; from which some most

PART III. BOOK IV. 267

Christian princes have thought fit, on many occasions,
to emancipate themselves.

In another letter he sets forth the behaviour of the o«. 12.
prelates: "The Legate never so much as acquaints
them with the matter; all things appearing well to
them at first sight; and who, knowing nothing of
matters until they are just ready to be pronounced,
pass them without any more ado. I am willing to let ™*^ne
you know how things are carried there ; and what the not what
Pope's aims are, who seeks to authorize all his own they d
pretensions by the council. There are several other
things I am not at all satisfied with, which were car-
ried here with the same sleight that Pope Paul made
use of. And is not this a blessed beginning of a
council ! As to the canons of reformation, they are of
so trivial a nature, that several were ashamed to hear
them; arid had they not been wrapped up in good
language together, they would have appeared to the
world to be what they are."

In another letter he writes, "I cannot see how either °c'-28-
catholics or heretics can be satisfied with what is done
here. All that is done here is done by the way of
Rome : for the Legate, though it were necessary to save
the world from sinking, will not depart one tittle from
the orders he receives from thence; nor indeed from
any thing that he has once resolved on."

In another he writes, " As for the Legate, he goes Nov '?
on still in his old way, consuming of time to the last
hour in disputations and congregations concerning
doctrines; and will at last produce something in a
hurry, in false colours, that may look plausible : by
which means they have no time to read, and much
less to understand what they are about. Words or
persuasions do signify but very little in this place;
and, I suppose, they are not of much greater force at
Rome. By what I can perceive, both God and his
Majesty are like to be very much dishonoured by what
will be done here. And if things should go on thus,
and be brought to such an issue as the Pope and his
ministers aim at and give out, the church will be left
in a much worse condition than she was in before. I

2C8 BURNbTTS REFORMATION.

pray God, the Pope may be prevailed on to alter his
measures: though I shall reckon it a miracle if he is;
and shall thank God for it as such."
NOV. 26. In another he writes, "There are not words to ex-
Press the pride, the disrespect, and shamelessness,
wnerewith the Legate proceeds. The success and end
of this synod, if God by a miracle does not prevent
it, will be such as I have foretold. I say, by a mi-
racle; because it is not to be done by any human
means: so that his Majesty does but tire himself in
vain, in negotiating with the Pope and his ministers.
The Legate has hammered out such an infamous re-
formation (for it deserves no better epithet) as must
make us a jest to the world. The prelates that are
here resent it highly: many of them reckoning that
they wound their consciences by holdingtheir tongues,
and by suffering things to be carried thus."

Upon the point of collating to benefices, he writes,
" We ought to put them to shew what right the Pope
has to collate to any benefice whatsoever: I will un-
dertake to demonstrate from the principles and foun-
dations of the law of God, and of nature, and of men,
and from the ancient usage of the church, and from
good policy, that he has no manner of right to it : and
all this without doing injury to his dignity, and the
plenitude of his power. He advises the leaving those
matters to a better time, in which God will purge the
sons of Levi : which purgation must come, and that
with a severe scourge; it being impossible that a thing
so violent, and so fraught with abuses, should hold
long : the whole nerve of ecclesiastical discipline being
broke, and the goods of the church made a perfect
trade and merchandize."
NO good Speaking of general councils, he writes, " This

to be ex- r o _o _ 7

pecied which is now sitting here will totally undeceive the
eo°u™cii. world, so as to convince it, that, by reason of the op-
position and industry of the popes to engross all to
themselves, nothing of reformation is ever to be ex-
pected from a general council. I would not have
things, wherein the Pope and his court have such
great interest and pretensions, to be decided or han-

PART III. BOOK IV. 2G9

died here : since it cannot be done but to our great
prejudice, and to the great detriment of the whole
church; which at present has neither strength nor
courage to resist; and if God do not remedy it, I do
not see when it will."

Speaking of exemptions, he writes, "The canonists iiecom.
have made strange work; having made many jests, fie'"'"!?
as well as falsehoods, to pass for current truths. li,°n of

• T f f C"aPterS-

When I speak of the canonists, I speak as a thief of
the family, being sensible of the abuses which have
been authorized by them in the church. The ex-
emption of chapters ought to have been quite taken
away, that so there might be something of order and
discipline, and that they who are the head should not
be made the feet. It troubles me to see how those
matters are managed and determined here; the Legate
doing whatever he had a mind to, without either
numbering or weighing the opinions of the divines
and prelates; hurrying and reserving the substance of
things, which ought to have been well weighed and
digested, to the last minute: the major part not know-
ing what they are a doing. I mean, before the fact;
for believing that Christ will not suffer them to err in

o

their determinations, I shall bow down my head to
them, and believe all the matters of faith that shall be
decided by them: I pray God every body else may
do the same. The taking no care to reform innu-
merable abuses has destroyed so many provinces and
kingdoms; and it is justly to be feared, that what is
done in this council may endanger the destroying of
the rest. I must tell you further, that this council
drawing so near an end, is what all people rejoice at
here exceedingly ; there being a great many who wish
it never had met; and for my own part, I would to
God it had never been called; for I am mistaken if
it do not leave things worse than it found them."

In another of the same date, if there is no error in A decree
the writing, "he complains that the decree of the doc-
trine was not finished till the night before the session :
so that many bishops gave their placet to what they
neither did nor could understand. The divines of

270 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Louvaine and Cologne, and some Spanish divines,
being much dissatisfied with several of those matters,
have publicly declared they were so. This is a very
bad business: and should things of this nature come
once to be so public, it must totally ruin the credit of
all that has been done, or shall be done hereafter ;
and must hinder the council from being ever received,
either in Flanders or in Germany. The Bishop of
Verdun, speaking to the canons of reformation, said,
they would be unprofitable, and unworthy of the
synod, calling it a pretended reformation: the Legate
fell upon him with very rude language, calling him
a boy, an impudent raw man, with many other hard
names: nor would he suffer him to speak a word in
his own defence, telling him with great heat, he knew
how to have him chastised. It is really a matter of
amazement to see how things appertaining to God
are handled here; and that there should not be one
to contend for him, or any that have the courage to
speak in his behalf; but that we should be all dumb
dogs that cannot bark."

NOV. SB. In another he writes, "that the Legate himself
wished that the decrees were corrected as to some
particulars: and in another, without date, he tells how
the divines were employed in correcting them." This
secret was never heard of before : Father Paul knew
nothing of it. A decree after it has passed in coun-
cil was thus secretly corrected by divines ; so the in-
fallibility was removed from the council, and lodged
with the divines.

In another he writes, " It would have been a happy
thing that this council had never met; which is no
had never more than what I have often wished and declared :
by reason of the many mischiefs it has already done
and is still doing. It is to little purpose, either in
this or any following age, to hope for any thing of a
reformation from a general council; or to see any
better order therein than is in this. He supposes the
Emperor will still continue to solicit the Pope, that
things may not be carried there at such a scandalous
rate as they have been hitherto : and that he will take

met.

PART III. BOOK IV. 271

care that no occasion be given to the council for to
disperse itself upon the prelates speaking their mind
freely; or denying their consent to such matters as are
not convenient; which is a thing that may very justly
be feared."

In another he writes, "This synod must end tu- J*> • ">
multuously and ingloriously." In another he writes,
" that it was an astonishing thing that the Legate had JaD 19
foisted in several passages into the doctrine of orders,
which must of necessity ruin all. By the brutal vio-
lences, pretensions, and obstinacy, of the Legate,
things are running into such a state as must in the
end, if I am not mistaken, make both himself and the
whole earth to tremble: or if it does not make him
tremble, it must be because he is given over to a re-
probate sense : as in truth he seems to be abundantly
in every thing that he does.

In another he writes, " All they drive at, is to get Jan.so.
the Pope's pretensions established under the doctrine
of order; and so, instead of healing, to destroy and
ruin all: those being matters which were never so
much as proposed or disputed in the council: neither
is it fitting, as things stand here, that they, or any
thing else of the same nature, should be meddled with
in this synod.

He enlarges on the authority of bishops being de-
rived from Christ, "though subjected to the Pope;
and he writes, that upon this bottom only, the hierar-
chy of the church can be established : to settle it on
any other, is in effect to confound and destroy it.
Nevertheless, the Pope, if he could carry this point,
though all things else were ruined, and whatever was
done in the ancient church condemned, would find
his own account in it: for after that there would be
no possibility of ever having any thing redressed."
The decree of order, on which the Legate had set his
heart, is set down at the end of this letter, the trans-

i '

The decree

lation of it into English runs thus: concerning

This may be called the new Jerusalem, that comes t
down from heaven; which was, by the most exactly- proposed,
regulated policy of the old Jerusalem, shadowed only '

272 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

as a pattern to represent the heavenly Jerusalem : for
as she had many different orders, under one chief
governor, so the visible church of Christ has his chief
vicar; for he is the only and supreme head in earth,
by whose dispensation offices are distributed so to all
the other members, that, in the several orders and
stations in which they are placed, they may execute
their functions to the good of the whole church with
the greatest peace and union. A deputation of twenty
was named to consider of this. The Legate and the
two Presidents making three of that number; it was
severely attacked by the Bishop of Guadix."
i-hbrlast °f ^n k*s ^ast letter ne writes, " that the Legates would
one way or other bring about the dissolution of the
synod ; which will be certainly done, if they can but
get the said clauses determined; because in them they
will have gained all that they desire : and after that
they will never stand in need of any more councils for
to serve their pretensions. And in case they should
not be able to carry those points, they will then, to
rid themselves of this yoke that is upon their neck,
and of the fears they will be under, when they shall
find that they are not able to bring the synod to do
all the mischief to the church, and to the authority of
the present and all future general councils, that the
Pope and his ministers would have them do, they will
then perplex and confound all."

"es"s the These are very clear discoveries of the zeal and in-
same oPi- dignation which possessed this great statesman during
e this whole session : he shews also the opinion he had
of the former session under Pope Paul (in which he
had likewise assisted), in the directions he gives con-
cerning the government of a council, and of the office
of an ambassador, which he drew up before the council
was re-assembled, in this its second session, in which
these words are :

" In the whole conduct of this council of Trent
there does not appear the least footsteps of any of the
fore-mentioned essentials of a general council : on the
contrary, the most pernicious and effectual methods
that can be contrived, have been taken to destroy

PART III. BOOK IV. 273

liberty totally, and to rob councils of that authority,
which, in case of great storms, used to be the sheet-
anchor of the church, by which means they have cut
off all hope of ever having any abuses that infest the
church redressed, to the great disparagement of all
past as well as future councils, from which no good
is ever to be expected.

"The conduct of this council has been of pernicious
consequence; in which, under the title of directing
it, the Pope's legates have so managed matters, that Cll
nothing but what they have a mind to can be pro-
posed, discussed, or defined therein; and that too
after such a manner as they would have it: all the
liberty that is here being only imaginary; so that
their naming it is nothing but cheat and banter : which
is so notorious, that several of the prelates even among
the Pope's pensioners have not the face to deny it.
The clause that they have inserted into the canons of
reformation, which is, ' saving in all things the autho-
rity of the apostolical see,' is telling the world, in
plain terms, that what the Pope does not like shall
signify nothing. He writes of certain methods that
the legates have used in negotiating with people to
change their minds: this they have done so often,
that it is now taken notice of by every body : neither
can there be any course more pernicious or destruc-
tive of the liberty of the council. The legates many
times, when they proposed a thing, declared their
opinion of it first. Nay, in the middle of voting, when
they observed any prelate not to vote as they would
have him, they have taken upon themselves to speak
to it before another was suffered to vote, doing it
sometimes with soft words, and at other times with
harsher; letting others to understand thereby how they
would have them vote; many times railing at the
prelates and exposing them to scorn, and using such
methods as would make one's heart bleed to hear of,
much more to see.

" The common method was, the legates assembled
the prelates in a general congregation the night be-
fore the session was to be held. Then they read the

VOL. in. T

274 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

decrees to them, as they and their friends had been
pleased to form them. By which means, and by their
not being understood by a great many prelates, some
not having the courage to speak their minds, and
others being quite tired out with the length of the
congregation, the decrees were passed. We, who saw
and observed all these doings, cannot but lament both
our own condition and the lost authority of councils.
" He shews the legates' drift was to canonize all the
KS abuses of the court of Rome: so they never suffered
£ ruL tnem to be treated of freely, but managed them like
the compounding of a law-suit: in all which courses,
it is certain the Holy Ghost did not assist: they striving
still to authorize abuses, and giving the world to un-
derstand that the Pope is gracious in granting them
any thing, as if all were his own: taking abuses,
though never so pernicious, and splitting them as they
thought good; by which artifice, that part of the
abuse which was approved of by the synod, becomes
perpetual; and for the part that was reprobated, they
will, according to their custom, find ways to defeat its
condemnation.

" There is nothing that can be so much as put to
the vote, without the consent of the legates ; who,
notwithstanding that they are (by reason of the great
number of pensioners which the Pope has here) always
sure of a majority, do nevertheless make use of strange
tricks in their conduct of the council. Besides, by
having made their own creatures the secretaries, no-
taries, and all the other officers of the council, they
have made it thereby a body, without any thing of
soul or strength in it: whereas all those officers ought
to have been appointed by the council, and especially

the notaries.

" This is the course that has been hitherto taken
in the council of Trent, which is employed rather in
struggling with the Pope and his legates, who seek
to engross all to themselves, than in reforming and
remedying the evils under which the church groans.
I pray God it do not increase them by the course it
takes, by artifice and dissimulation, to reduce the

PART III. BOOK IV. 275

whole synod to the will of the Pope. — It may be truly
said, we are in a convention of bishops, but not in a
council. — It would have been much better not to have
celebrated a council at this time, but to have waited
till God had put the Christian commonwealth in a
better disposition; — rather than to ha/e celebrated
one after this manner, with so little fruit, to the great
sorrow of catholics, the scorn of heretics, and the pre-
judice of the present and of all future councils." So
much may serve to shew the sense that Vargas had
of the first as well as of the second session of the
council of Trent.

Malvenda, one of the Emperor's divines that was

1 1 • ' • 1 frill 1 a"d °'ler

there, complains m one letter, "that the decrees, but made the
especially the matters of doctrine, were communicated J^netsc.om
to them very late. So that notwithstanding the sub- Oct- 12-
stance of these decrees may be sound, which it is well
if it is, nevertheless considering that they are to cor-
rect them upon a bare hearing them read, on the eve
of a session, that must in my opinion hinder them
from having that authority and majesty which such
matters do use to have. I pray God give them grace
to mend this. — He confesses, it was not fit any thing
should be done without the Pope's consent : yet that
ought to be managed with all possible secrecy, in
order to prevent the Lutherans, if they should come
to know it, from reflecting on the liberty of the coun-
cil, and the freedom that the prelates ought to have;
who might safely enjoy more, without having any
thing pass to the prejudice of his Holiness."

In another he writes, "As there will not want those NOV.CS.
that write of this council, so, for my own part, I pray
God it may not do more harm than good, and espe-
cially to the Germans that are here: who, seeing how
little liberty it enjoys, and how much it is under the
dominion of the Legate, cannot possibly have that
respect and esteem for it as is convenient."

There are some letters from the Bishop of Oren, Octob- '«
written in the same strain. In one he writes, " that
for what concerns a reformation, the Emperor must
set himself about it in earnest, both with the Pope and

T 2

276 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

the fathers; for if he does it not, we shall have our
wounds only skinned over, but shall have the rotten
core left, to the corrupting of all quickly again. — The
prelates here are all very much troubled to see with
how ill a grace people that say any thing of a refor-
Nor.ee. mation are heard." In another he writes, " They dis-
cover here little or no inclination for to do any thing
that deserves the name of a true reformation. Several
things might be done that would be of great advan-
tage to the people, and would be no prejudice to his
Holiness, or to his court. May God remedy things !
under whom, unless his Majesty and your Lordship
labour very hard, there will be no remedy left for the
church. In a postscript, he tells the same story that
Vargas had told, of the Legate's treating the Bishop
of Verdun so ill, for his calling the reformation of-
fered, a pretended reformation: and he commanded
him to be silent when he was about to say somewhat
in his own justification. The Bishop answered, that
at this rate there was no liberty; and having obtained
leave of the Emperor, by whom he was sent thither,
he would be gone. The Legate told him he should
not go, but should do what he commanded him. — He
writes, that it was a great reproach to the bishops,
from whom the world expected canons of reformation,
that in truth they could give them nothing but what
the Legate pleases. — It were just with the people, if
we do not treat about their interest more in earnest
than we have done hitherto, for to stone us when we
return home."

Reflec. I have set all this out so copiously, that it may ap
those p7o° pear from what those, who were far from being in any
gorj. favourers of the Reformation, who were at Trent,
and were let into the secret of affairs, wrote of the
council to the Emperor's chief minister, how little not
only of liberty, but even of common decency, there
appeared in the whole conduct of that .council.

This digression is, I hope, an acceptable entertain-
ment to the reader ; and it must entirely free every
considering person from a vulgar but veak prejudice,
infused into many by practising- missionaries, which

PART III. BOOK IV. 277

was objected to myself by a great Prince, that no nation
ought to have reformed itself, in a separation from the
rest of the church : but that there ought to have been
a general acquiescing in such things as were com-
monly received, till by a joint concurrence of other
churches the Reformation might have been agreed and
settled in a general council. These letters do so ef-
fectually discover the vanity of this conceit, that at
first sight it evidently appears, that even those abuses
and corruptions that could not be justified, yet could
not be effectually reformed at Trent ; and that every
thing was carried there, partly by the artifices of the
legates, and partly by the many poor Italian prelates,
who were all pensioners of the court of Rome : so that
no abuse, how gross or crying soever, could be amend-
ed, but as the Popes for their own ends thought fit to
give it up. This appears so evidently in the letters,
out of which I have drawn this abstract, that I hope
any prejudice formed upon the prospect of an uni-
versal reformation is by it entirely removed. I turn
next to the affairs of England

The Earl of Hertford, advanced to be duke of So-
merset, depended much on Paget's advices. He told
him on the day that King Henry died, that he desired
his friendship ; and promised to him, that he would
have a great regard to his advice. But though Paget
put him oft in mind of this, he forgot it too soon. His
great success in his first expedition to Scotland was
a particular happiness to him, and might have esta-
blished him ; but his quarrelling so soon with his
brother was fatal to them both.

Thirl eby was still ambassador at the Emperor's 1hirie°y

^ it- 1T» writes

court : he studied to make his court to the Protector, of the
and wrote him a very hearty congratulation upon his
exaltation; and added, that the Bishop of Arras seemed
likewise to rejoice at it. At the same time, he warned
him of the designs of the French against England.
He gave him a long account of the Interim, in which
he writes, that Malvenda had secretly a great hand :
he himself seems to approve of it ; and says, that it
was as high an act of supremacy as any in all King

writes
of the
Interim.

278 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Henry's reign ; for by it, not only many of the doc-
trines of popery had mollifying senses put on them,
different from what was commonly received, but the
sacrament was allowed to be given in both kinds, and
the married priests were suffered to officiate. It is
true, all was softened by this, that it was only a pru-
dent connivance in the Interim, till the council should
be re-assembled to bring all matters to a final settle-
ment.

nobby The Protector either mistrusted Thirleby, or he cal-
led him home, to assist Cranmer in carrying on the
Reformation. He sent Sir Philip Hobby in his stead.
He was a man marked in King Henry's time as a
favourer of the preachers of the new learning, as they
were then called. There was one Parson, a clerk,
known to have evil opinions (so it is entered in a part
of the council-book for the year 1 543), touching the
sacrament of the altar ; who was maintained by Wei-
don, one of the masters of the household, and by
Hobby, then a gentleman-usher, for which they were
both sent to the Fleet ; but they were soon after dis-
charged.

Hobby was therefore sent over ambassador, as a
person on whose advices the government here might
depend, with relation to the affairs of Germany. I have
seen a volume of the letters writ to him by the Pro-
tector and council, with copies of the answers that he
wrote.

The Empe- His first dispatch mentioned a particular dispute
fosor re" between the Emperor and his Confessor. The Con-
Sn'tkl fessor refused to give him absolution unless he would
for not per- recall the decree of the Interim; and, instead of fa-

secuiiug - *

heretics vourmg heresy, would with the sword extirpate he-
retics. The Emperor said, he was satisfied with what
he had done in the matter of the Interim, and that he
would do no more against the Lutherans: if the Friar
would not give him absolution, others would be found
who would do it. So the Friar left him.

At that time a proposition of a marriage for the
Lady Mary was made by the Emperor, who seemed
to apprehend that she was not safe in England. It

PART III. BOOK IV. 279

was with the brother of the King of Portugal. He
was called at first the Prince of Portugal ; and it was
then hearkened to : but when the council understood
he was the King's brother, they did not think fit to
entertain it. And in the same letter mention is made
of Geoffrey Pole, who was then beyond sea, and de-
sired a pardon : the council wrote, that he was in-
cluded in the last act of pardon ; yet, since he desired
it, they offer him a special pardon. This letter is
signed T. Cant., Wiltshire, Northampton, Wentworth,
T. Ely, T. Cheyne, A. Wingfield, Herbert, N. Wal-
ton, J. Gage.

The next dispatch to him has a particular account ^
of two persons whom the King of France had cor- Frenc
rupted to betray one of their forts to him. The King Kmgt
of France had said to their Ambassador, Par la fay
de gentilhomme, By the faith of a gentleman, he would
make no war, without giving warning first. This he
promised on the 20th of July ; yet, hearing of the
commotions that were in England, he began hostilities
against Bulloigne within three or four days after.
This is signed E. Somerset, T. Cant., R. Ryche Can.
W. St. John's, W. Paget, W. Petre, J. Smith, E. Wot-
ton. So long ago did it appear, that the bonajide of
that court was not a thing to be much relied on. I
would have printed these letters, if they were in my
power : but having had the originals in my hands
about thirty years ago, I did not then copy them out,
but contented myself with taking extracts out of them,
to which I shall upon other occasions have recourse.

As for the progress in the Reformation at home, '^^
Cranmer was delivered from too deep a subjection, in the
which he had lived to King Henry. The load of great
obligations is a weight on a generous mind : the hope
he had of gaining on the King, to carry him to a fur-
ther reformation, did, no doubt, carry him too far in
his compliances to him. He did perhaps satisfy him-
self, as I have reason to believe many in the Roman
communion do to this day, that he did not in his mind,
or with his thoughts, go along in those devotions that
they cannot but think unlawful ; but what through a

the

matkiii.

280 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Tearfulness of temper, or an ill-managed modesty, they
do not depart from established practices, even though
they think them unlawful. The compliances that we
find in the apostles, particularly in St. Paul himself,
the apostle of the Gentiles, in order to the gaining the
Jews, might all meet together, to carry him too far in
his submissions to King Henry. This can neither be
denied nor justified ; but the censures passed on it may
be much softened when all these things are laid to-
gether. Now he was delivered from that servitude,
so he resolved to set about a further reformation with
much zeal, though perhaps still with too great caution.
He studied if it was possible to gain upon Gardiner :
he had reason to believe, from his forwardness in com-
plying with King Henry, that he had no great scru-
pulosity in his own thoughts ; so he tried to draw him
to assist, at least not to oppose the steps that were to
be made ; and judging that it was necessary to give
the people due instruction, to carry them to a further
measure of knowledge, he set about the preparing a
book of Homilies to be read in churches : and to give
some more light into the meaning of the New Testa-
ment, he chose Erasmus's Paraphrase as the most un-
exceptionable book that could be thought on ; since
he had been so much favoured in England ; and as
he had written against Luther, so he lived and died
in the Roman communion.
Gardiner Oanmer communicated his designs, with the

at the head O '

of the op draught of the Homilies, to Gardiner ; but he was re-
solved to set himself at the head of the popish party :
he had no doubt great resentments, because he was
left out of the council, which he imputed to the Sey-
mours. Cranmer tried if the offer of bringing him to
sit at that board could overcome these; yet all was in
vain. He insisted at first on this, that during the
King's minority it was fit to keep all things quiet, and
not to endanger the public peace by venturing on new
changes. He pressed the Archbishop with the only
thing that he could not well answer; which was, that
he had concurred in setting forth the late King's book
of a necessary doctrine : Gardiner wrote, that he was

position
to it.

PART III. BOOK IV. 281

confident Cranmer was a better man than to do any
such thing against his conscience upon any King's
account ; and if his conscience agreed to that book,
which he himself had so recommended, he wished
things might be left to rest there. Cranmer pressed
him again and again in this matter, but he was intrac-
table. In particular he excepted to the homily of jus-
tification, which was thought to be of Cranmer's own
composing: because justification was ascribed to faith
only, in which he thought charity had likewise its in-
fluence ; and that without it faith was dead, and a
dead thing could not be the cause of justification. But
the Archbishop shewed him his design in that, was
only to set forth the freedom of God's mercy, which
we relying on, had by that the application of it to
ourselves ; not meaning that justifying faith was ever
without charity ; for even faith did not justify as a
meritorious condition, but only as it was an instrument
applying God's mercy to sinners. Upon this there
was perhaps too much of subtilty on both sides. As
for Erasmus's Paraphrase, Gardiner excepted to it
as being in many things contrary to the Homilies: so
he thought, since they agreed so little together, they
ought not to be joined and recommended by the same
injunctions : to this it was said, that the Paraphrase
was a good and useful book, though in some particu-
lars the Homilies differed from it.

But as they had the perverseness of the popish party
to deal with, so it was not easy to restrain their own
side. Those whose heat could not be well managed,
were apt to break out into great disorders ; some in-
sulting the priests as they were officiating, others talk-
ing irreverently of the sacrament ; some defining the
manner of the presence, and others asserting the im-
possibility of it, as it was explained. These disorders
gave occasion to two proclamations this year; the first
was on the 12th of November, against insolence to-
wards priests, such as the reviling them, tossing them,
and taking their caps and tippets violently from them :
the other was on the 27th of December, against irre-
verent talkers of the sacrament, and against those who

282 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

in their sermons went to define the manner, the nature
and fashion, and the possibility or impossibility, of
the presence. The visitors went about with their in-
junctions. They are registered in the books of the
Dean and Chapter of York ; where the visitation was
held in September. It came not to Winchester till
October, for the monition concerning it was made on
the 7th of October. Whether the slowness of the
visitors coming thither was occasioned by any secret
practice with Gardiner, and upon the hopes of gain-
ing him or not, I cannot tell. He, it seems, had before
that refused to receive or obey the injunctions ; for
which he was put in the Fleet : and when he wrote
his letter to the Protector, complaining of the proceed-
ings against him, he had been then seven weeks there.
proceed. I can say nothing new of the parliament that sat
cTvoca- this year. When the convocation was opened on the
5th of November, the Archbishop told them, that it
was with the King and the Lords' consent, that the
prelates and clergy should consult together about set-
tling the Christian religion right, and delivering it to
the people. He sent them to choose their prolocutor,
and to present him the Friday following. It is set
down in the minutes, that the lower house consulted
how they might be joined to the lower house of par-
liament ; and about the reformation of the ecclesias-
tical laws. On the 9th of December, some were ap-
pointed to know if the Archbishop had obtained
license (in the minutes called indemnity or immunity)
for them to treat of matters of religion. In the fifth
session, on the last of November, the Prolocutor ex-
hibited an order given him by the Archbishop for re-
ceiving the communion in both kinds, to which, in the
next session, they agreed, no man speaking against it.
Sixty-four agreed to this f Polydore Virgil and Weston
being two of them. And in the eighth session, on the
17th of December, a proposition was offered to them,
r in these words : "That all such canons, laws, statutes,
u was free decrees, usages, and customs, heretofore made or used,
that forbid any person to contract matrimony, or con-
(jemn matrimony already contracted, by any person

PART III. BOOK IV. 283

for any vow or promise of priesthood, chastity, or
widowhood, shall from henceforth cease, be utterly
void, and of none effect." Here it was that Redman's
opinion was read, which I had in my History put as
read the following year. This proposition went to all
monastic vows, as well as to the marriage of priests.
The proposition was subscribed by fifty- three, who
were for the affirmative ; only twenty two were for the
negative : after which a committee was named to draw
the form of an act for the marriage of priests. But all
that is in the often-cited minutes as to this matter, is,
Item, propounded for the marriage of priests ; and to
it is added, and that the ecclesiastical laws should be
promulgated ; there is no more in the minutes of the
convocations during this reign.

Strype adds to this a particular remark out of the
Defence of the Priests' Marriage, that divers of those
who were for the affirmative did never marry; and that
some of those who were for the negative yet did after-
wards marry. Cranmer went on gathering authorities
out of Scripture and the fathers against unwritten tra-
ditions : he wrote a book on this subject in Latin ; but
in Queen Mary's time it was translated into English,
and published by an English exile beyond sea. He
took a special care to furnish Canterbury with good Crannier's

11 1 1 • 1 i labours

preachers : but though their labours were not quite and zeai.
without success, yet superstition had too deep a root
there to be easily subdued : and in the universities,
the old doctrines were so obstinately persisted in, that
when some in Cambridge offered to examine the mass
by the Scriptures and the fathers, and to have a dis-
putation upon it, the Vice-Chancellor did forbid it.
The Archbishop had procured a confirmation of their
privileges, of Cambridge at least ; for Strype only
mentions that : the mildness he expressed towards all
who opposed him, even with insolence, was remark-
able: when one who thought he carried this too far,
told him that if ever it came to the turn of his enemies,
they would shew him no such favour, he answered,
Well, if God so provide, we must abide it.

I did in the account of the arguments against tran-

284 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

y. substantiation, mention a letter of St. Chrysostom's to
Cesarius, of which Peter Martyr brought over a copy
8to m Latin, to England. Since that time the popish clergy

England, were sensible, that by that letter it appeared plainly,
that St. Chrysostom did believe that the substance of
bread and wine remained still in the sacrament ; as
the human nature remained in the person of Christ :
so that by this, all the other high figures used by that
father must be understood so as to reconcile them to
this letter : therefore they have used all possible en-
deavours to suppress it. When the learned bigot had
brought a copy of it from Florence to France, and
printed it with other things relating to that father, they
ordered it to be cut out in such a manner, that in the
printed book it appeared that some leaves were cutout;
yet one copy of it was brought to the present learned
and pious Bishop of Lincoln, then chaplain to our Am-
bassador at Paris, who first printed it here in England ;
as the learned Le Moyne, having another copy sent to
him, printed it about the same time in Holland.

•rroubiesat j }iave nothing to add concerning the tumults of the

Frankfort, , • i i

r- IB?, year 1549, but that the popish clergy were generally
at the head of the rebels. Many of these were priests
that had complied and subscribed the new book; some
of them were killed in every skirmish, and very few of
the clergy shewed much zeal against them : so that
the Earl of Bedford could have none but Miles Cover-
dale to go along with the force that he carried into
Devonshire to subdue them.

The Lady Upon some information, that the Lady Mary's ser-

M-dry tie ....-, *'.*',

nies, that vants were active m assisting those commotions, the
se'rvanlT Protector and council wrote to her on the 17th; that
TrZr," ktter being delivered to her on the 20th of July, she
the nsings. presently wrote an answer, which I had from Sir Wil-
liam Cook, and it will be found in the Collection. In
it, " she expresses her dislike of those revolts. A chap-
lain of hers in Devonshire had been named, but she
writes she had not one chaplain in those parts. An-
other that was named lived constantly in her house :
she justifies all her servants that had been named; and
assured them, that all of her household were true sub-

PART III. BOOK IV. 285

jects to the King. The council had likewise charged
her, that her proceedings in matters of religion had
given the rebels great courage: which, she wrote, ap-
peared to be untrue ; since the rebels in her neigh-
bourhood touched upon no point of religion. She
prayed God, that their new alterations, and unlawful
liberties, might not rather be the occasion of such as-
semblies. As for Devonshire, she had neither lands
nor acquaintance in those parts."

In the suppressing these tumults, the Protector did
visibly espouse the people's interest, and blamed the
Lords for their inclosures, and the other oppressions
that had, as he said, occasioned all those disorders. By
this he came to be universally beloved by the people;
but trusting to that, he began to take too much upon
him : and was so wedded to his own thoughts, that he
often opposed the whole council. Upon which Paget
wrote him a long letter, in which, as a faithful friend,
he set before him his errors; chiefly his wilfulness, and
his affecting popularity too much. He desired to be
dismissed the council ; for while he was there he was
resolved to deliver his opinion according to his reason,
and not seek to please another ; he had offered him
faithful advices, and warned him of the cloud that he
saw gathering against him. This he wrote on the 6th
of July, some months before it broke out : it seems the Cott- Lihr-
Protector took this freedom well from him, for he con-
tinued firm to him to the last. His brother the Lord
Seymour's fall lay heavy on him : though that Lord
had almost compassed another design, of marrying the
Lady Elizabeth ; so I find it in the council's letters to
Hobby of the 18th of January 1548-9.

As for the other matter with which he was loaded, i^nte.-
the entertaining some German troops, I find among fo
Sir Philip Hobby's letters a great many orders and let-
ters, signed by the whole council, as well as by the
Protector, which shew that they all concurred in that
matter. The true secret of it on both sides was this:
the bulk of the people of England was still possessed
with the old superstition to such a degree, that it was
visible they could not be depended on, in any matter

286 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

that related to the alterations that were made, or were
designed to be made : whereas the Germans were full
of zeal on the other side ; so that they might well be
trusted to : and the Princes of Germany, who were
then kept under by the Emperor, so that they neither
durst nor could keep their troops at home, but hoped
they might at some better time have an occasion to
use them, were willing to put them in the hands of
the present government of England. Howsoever, this
had an odious name put on it, and was called a ruling
by strangers : so that it very much shook the Duke of
Somerset's popularity ; for though it could not be
denied, that all the council had concurred with him
in it, yet the load and blame of all were laid on him.

The popish party was very active in procuring the
change of measures that followed. The council wrote
over to the Emperor, to let him know that the neces-
sity of their affairs was like to force them to treat for
the delivering up of Bulloigne to the French ; though
this was a secret not yet communicated to the whole
privy-council.

Bonner's being removed was not much resented,
neither at home nor abroad. He was a brutal man,
few either loved or esteemed him : and Ridley, who
came to succeed him, was the most generally esteemed
man of all the Reformers. One thing that made it
more acceptable to those who favoured the Reforma-
tion, was the suppressing the bishoprick of West-
minster, and the removing Thirleby to Norwich,
where it was thought he could do less mischief than
where he was: for though he complied as soon as any
change was made, yet he secretly opposed every thing
while it was safe to do it. He had a soft and an in-
sinuating way with him; which, as was thought, pre-
vailed too much even on Cranmer himself. But
Gardiner was a dexterous man, and much more es-
teemed, though as little beloved as Bonner was : so
the falling on him gave a greater alarm to the whole
party. He who was so well known both in the Em-
peror's court and in the French court, sent over tra-
gical accounts of the usage he met with. This was

O O

PART III. BOOK IV. 287

writ over hither by our ambassador at the court of
France: upon which a very severe character of him
is given in a letter signed E. Somerset, T. Cant, R.
Rich, C. W. Wiltshire, J. Warwick, J. Bedford, W.
Northampton, G. Clinton, W. Petre, W. Cecyl. In
it they gave an account of the proceedings against
him; and add, "He had shewed not only a wilful
pride, but a cankered heart, guilty of open and shame-
i'ul lies; by which impudent falsehood he shewed
himself most unworthy to be a bishop, whatsoever
strangers may think of him. For religion, he is as far
from any piety or fashion of a good bishop, as a player
of a bishop in a comedy is from a good bishop indeed."

Whether the Protector designed anything against
the constitution of the church, or at least to swallow
up the great endowments that were not yet devoured,
I cannot tell. But there is an advice in one of Hobby's
letters, dexterously enough proposed, that gives reason
to suspect, this might be on design to broach a busi-
ness that was to be so cunningly proposed : and Hobby
being a confidant of the Protector's, he may be sup-
posed to have written as he was directed by him. He
wrote it in September 1548. He tells the council,
" that the protestants of Germany hoped that the King,
seeing that the late wars in Germany happened chiefly
by the bishops continuing in their princely and lordly
estate, would, for preventing the like, appoint the
godly bishops an honest and competent living, suffi-
cient for their maintenance, taking from them the rest
of those worldly possessions and dignities, and thereby
avoid the vain glory that letteth them truly and sin-
cerely to do their office, and preach the gospel and
word of Christ." On the other side he wrote, The
papists say they doubt not but my lords the bishops,
being a great number of stout and well learned men,
will well enough weigh against their adversaries, and
maintain still their whole estate; which coming to
pass they have good hope that in time these princely
pillars will well enough resist this fury, and bring all
things again into the old order.

I have no particulars to add concerning the Pro-

288 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

The PO- lector's fall, and the new scene ; but that soon after,
d^eived* when it appeared that the papists were not like to be
ho^Ton more favourably dealt with than they were under the
theprotec- Duke of Somerset, the Bishop of Arras did expostu-

eor's tall. , . • i TT i i TT • i i i .1 i

late upon it with Hobby. He said, they had been
assisting to the pulling down of the Duke of Somer-
set, and that hopes of better usage had been given
them; yet things went worse with them than before.
Upon that he fell to rail at Bucer, and said, he be-
lieved he inflamed matters in England as much as he

o

had done in the empire. For at this time many were
forced to come to England for shelter, the chief of
whom were Bucer, Fagius, Peter Martyr, and Ber-
nardine Ochinus; all these were entertained by Cran-
mer, till he got good provisions to be made for them,
in the universities, which were now most violently
set against every step that was made towards a re-
formation. Hobby came over to England, and tried
what service he could do to his friend the Duke of
Somerset; but the faction was grown too strong to be
withstood. Upon his submission, the matter went for
some time very high against him and his friends. On
omncii t] e i3th Of October, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Michael

book.

Stanhope, Sir John Thynne, and Edward Wolfe,
called adherents to the Duke of Somerset, and the
principal instruments of his ill government, were sent
to the Tower; and on the 14th he himself was sent
thither. No more mention is made of them till the
1549. 6th of February, that the Duke of Somerset was set
at liberty; but bound in a recognizance of 10,000/.
not to go above four miles from Sheen, or Sion, nor
to come into the King's presence, unless he was called
for by the King and his council. And when he knew
that the King was to come within four miles of these
houses, he was to withdraw from them. Yet, it seems,
his enemies were still in some apprehension of him,
and probably some messages went between him and
his friends in the Tower. For, on the 18th of Fe-
bruary, they were all made close prisoners, and their
servants were not suffered to attend upon them. But
it seems, upon examination, this was found not to be

PART III. BOOK IV. 289

of a criminal nature; so, on the 22d, they were dis-
missed upon their recognizances. And, upon the 10th
of April, the Duke of Somerset was again brought to
the council-board, being that day sworn of the privy-
council.

On the 20th of April, Hobby being sent back to
the Emperor's court, had orders to try if the proposi-
tion for a marriage of the Lady Mary to the Prince
of Portugal might be set again on foot. And in ex-
cuse for its being rejected before, he had orders to say,
that few of the council had been made acquainted
with it: he was desired therefore to inquire what
that Prince's estate was. Whether this flowed from
the Earl of Warwick's ambitious designs, which might
make him wish to have her sent away far out of Eng-
land ; or, if it flowed from the uneasiness the council
was in, by reason of her persisting in the old way of
religion, I cannot determine. Hobby had also orders
to represent to the Emperor, that they had hitherto
connived at her mass, in hopes that she would by that
connivance be moved to conform herself to the laws.
Diversity of rites in matters of religion ought not to
be suffered. The laws were so strict, that no license
could be granted in opposition to them. Yet they
were resolved to connive a little longer, though she
abused the King's favour; for she kept, as it were>
an open church, not only for her servants, but for all
her neighbours. They therefore wished that the Em-
peror would give her good advice in this matter.
The letter was signed by Cranmer, by the Earls of
Wiltshire and Warwick, the Marquis of Northampton,
the Lord Wentworth, and Paget, Petre, Herbert,
Darcy, and Mason. To all this, it seems, the Ern-
peror had little regard; for, not long after that, the
Ambassador wrote over, that, by the Emperor's com-
mand, an order was served on him, not to have the
English service in his house. The council looked on
this as contrary to the privileges of ambassadors, by
the law of nations. So they ordered, that the Em-
peror's Ambassador should nothave mass in his house,
and gave him notice of it. When the Emperor knew

VOL. in. u

290 BURNKT'S REFORMATION.

this, he complained of it as a high violation of the
dignity of that character. But the council-books
shew that they stood firm, and would not recall their
order till the Emperor recalled his order against the
new service in the English Ambassador's house.
What further proceedings were of either side in this
matter does not appear to me. I find by the council-
books, that the carrying on the Reformation was cor-
dially espoused, and pursued at that board.

Gardiner had been long a prisoner; and his being
detained in the Tower, no proceedings being had
against him, occasioned a great outcry. So, on the
8th of June 1550, it was resolved to send some to him,
to see if he repented of his former obstinacy, and
would apply himself to advance the King's proceed-
ings ; upon which the King would receive him into fa-
vour, and all past errors should be forgiven. So the
Duke of Somerset, and others, were sent to him. They
made report, on the 10th of June, that he desired to
see the book of the King's proceedings, and then he
would make a full answer. He seemed to them in all
things willing to conform himself to it, promising, that
if he found any thing in it against his conscience, he
would open it to none but to the council. So the book
was sent him; and he was allowed the liberty of the
gallery and gardens in the Tower, when the Duke of
Norfolk was not in them. On the 13th of June the
Lieutenant of the Tower reported, that he had given
back the King's book; and that he said, he would
make no answer to it till he was set at liberty, and
that then he would speak his conscience. So the lords,
who had been with him, were appointed to go to him
again. The matter rested till the 8th of July.

In an imperfect book of the minutes of the council
that I have by me, it is set down, that Gardiner did
at last subscribe six articles. The two first appear
not. The third is, "that the Book of Common Prayer
was a godly and Christian book, to be allowed and
observed by all the King's true subjects. 4th. That
the King, in his young and tender age, was a full and
entire King. And that the subjects were bound to

PART III. BOOK IV. 291

obey the statutes, proclamations, and commands, set
forth in this age, as well as if he were thirty or forty
years old. 5th. That the statute of the Six Articles
was, for just causes, repealed by the authority of par-
liament. 6th. That the King, and his successors, had
full authority in the churches of England and Ireland
to reform and correct errors and abuses, and to alter
rites and ceremonies ecclesiastical, as shall seem most
convenient for the edification of his people, so that
the alteration is not contrary to the Scriptures and the
faws of God." To all this he subscribed his name :
but no date is added to those minutes. But it is en-
tered, that he did it in the presence of the council,
who also subscribed as witnesses to it. Their names
are, E. Somerset, W.Wiltshire, J.Warwick, J. Bed-
ford, W. Northampton, E. Clinton, G. Cobham, W.
Paget, W. Herbert, W. Petre, E. North. It was re-
solved to carry his submissions further; so twenty new
articles were drawn up, in which, "the obligation to
celibacy, and all the vows made by the monks, all
images, relics, and pilgrimages, are condemned. It
is affirmed, that the Scriptures ought to be read by
all : that the mass was full of abuse and superstition,
and was justly taken away : that the eucharist ought
to be received in both kinds : that private masses were
not agreeable to Scripture: that the sacrament ought
not to be adored: that the book of Homilies was
godly and wholesome : that the book of ordaining bi-
shops, priests, and deacons, ought to be received and
approved by all : and that the lesser orders were not
necessary. That the Scriptures contained all things
necessary to salvation : and that Erasmus's Paraphrase
was, upon good and godly considerations, ordered by
the King to be put in all churches."

But to this a preface was added, setting forth, "that
whereas he had been suspected as favouring the Bi-
shop of Rome's authority, and that he did not ap-
prove of the King's proceedings, in altering some rites
in religion : upon which he had been brought before
the council, and admonished; and was ordered to
preach, declaring himself in those things. But thouo-h

u 2

292 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

he promised to do it, lie had not done this as he ought
to have done; by which he had not only incurred the
King's displeasure, but divers of the King's subjects
were encouraged by his example (as the King's coun-
cil was certainly informed) to repine at his Majesty's
proceedings; for which he was very sorry, and con-
fessed that he had been condignly punished. And he
thanked the King for his clemency, treating him not
with rigour, but mercy. And, that it might appear
how little he did repine at his Highness's doings,
which in religion were most godly, and to the com-
monwealth most prudent; he did, therefore, of his own
will, and without any compulsion, subscribe the fol-
lowing articles." But on the margin of the minutes,
the Bishop's answer to this is thus set down: "I can-
not in my conscience confess the preface: knowing
myself to be of that sort I am indeed, and ever have

been ." The rest is torn out. On the 15th of

July it is entered, that report was made by those who
were sent to him, that he said he had never offended
the King. So he prayed that he might be brought to
his trial, in which he asked no mercy, but only justice.
When he had passed his trial and was released, it
should then appear what he would do with relation to
the articles : but it was not reasonable that he should
subscribe them while he was yet in prison.

Some of the privy-counsellors were sent again to
him, and they were ordered to carry with them a di-
vine and a temporal lawyer ; so they took with them
Ridley bishop of London, and Mr. Goodrick : his an-
swer was to the same purpose, and was next council-
day reported. Upon which he was brought before
the council, and required to subscribe the paper; but
he still refusing to do it, the sentence of sequestration
was read, with a denunciation of deprivation if he did
not conform within three months: nevertheless (it is
added in the council-book) upon divers good consi-
derations, and especially upon hope that within that
time he might be yet reconciled, it was agreed, that
the said Bishop's house and servants should be main-
tained in their present estate until the time that this

PART III. BOOK IV. 293

intimation should expire : and the matter in the mean
time was to be kept private. These are all the addi-
tional passages taken from the council-book relating
to Gardiner.

Those steps, in which the Reformation was advanc-
ing but slowly, occasioned great distractions over most
parts of the kingdom: while those who adhered to the
old practices and doctrines preached severely against
all innovations, and others as severely against all cor-
ruptions and abuses. The ill effects of these contra-
dictory sermons had given occasion to a proclamation
on the 24th of April 1550, prohibiting all preaching, AH preach-

T 11 1 T7" • 1 A | ing is for-

except by persons licensed by the King or the Arch- bidden,ex-
bishop of Canterbury: and the disorders occasioned "j^
bv men's divorcing their wives, or marrying more «peciaiiy

•*. T, -ITT 11 licensed.

wives than one, were likewise ordered to be proceeded
against by the same proclamation. On the 9th of
August there came out another proclamation, prohi-
biting all plays till Allhollontide; what the reason of
this last was does not appear. That against all preach-
ing was much censured. It was represented, that by
reason of the proclamation against preaching, the
people were running into great ignorance and disso-
luteness. So letters were ordered to be written to the
Bishops of Duresme and Ely ; and eight days after
to the Bishop of Lincoln, and other bishops, to appoint
their chaplains, and others by their discretion, to
preach in their dioceses, notwithstanding the procla-
mation against preaching. There was also an order
made in council, that some bishops and other learned
men should devise an order for the creation of bishops
and priests. I use the words in the council-book.
Twelve were appointed to prepare it. Heath, bishop "**i»re-

C 1 T 1 fuses to

01 Worcester, was one ot them. It seems there was subscm>e
a digested form already prepared, probably by Cran- %££.
mer, for that service : for the order was made on the nations-
2d of February, and on the 28th it was brought to the
council, signed by eleven of the number, Heath only
refusing to sign it. He said, as it is entered in the
council-book, that all that is contained in the book
was good and godly; he also said he would obey it;

294 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

but added, that he would not sign it. The matter was
respited for some days, and great pains were taken by
Cranmer and others, to persuade him to sign it; but
he still refusing it (as the council-book has it) obsti-
nately, he was on the 4th of March sent to the Fleet.
He was in September called again before the council,
and required to subscribe the book : and divers learned
men argued to persuade him, that the book was ex-
pedient and allowable: his obstinacy was charged on
him, for which they said he had deserved a longer
imprisonment: but he might still recover the King's
favour if he would subscribe it. He acknowledged
he had been very gently used, rather like a son than
a subject: he insisted on what he had formerly said,
that he would not disobey the order set forth in the
book: every one in the council took pains on him; for
it seemed a contradiction to say he would obey it, and
not subscribe it. He was offered more time for con-
ferences. He said, he knew he could never be of an-
other mind; adding, that there were other things to
which he would not consent, as to take down altars,
and to set up instead of them tables. The matter
ended with a charge given him to subscribe under the
pain of deprivation. At this time two entries made
in the council-books, shew the good effects of Lati-
mer's zealous preaching. On the 10th of March he
brought in 104/. recovered of one who had con-
cealed it from the King: and a little after 363/. of the
King's money : of which, for his attendance in Lent,
50/. was allowed to him. I find there was in this
reign, as in the former, a peculiar seal for ecclesias-
tical matters, which was in Secretary Petre's keeping:
many took out licenses under this seal, for eating meat
in Lent; some only for a man and his wife; and some
for four, six, or ten, that did eat with them; and some
for as many as should come to their house. Licenses
of another nature I find were often taken out for keep-
ing a number of retainers above what was allowed by
the statute.

All endeavours were toe weak to overcome the
aversion that the people had to the steps that were

r, in trou-
e-for not

PART III. BOOK IV. 295

made towards a reformation. Dr. Cox, the King's Da>.bi
almoner and preceptor, was sent to Sussex, to preach
and instruct the people there, who were much disturb-
ed(as the council-book has it) by the seditious preach-
ino- of Day, bishop of Chichester, and others. Day
denied this ; so an order was made in council, that he
should bring in writing that which he had preached.
The Duke of Somerset reported to the council, that
Day had been with him, and owned that he had re-
ceived the order that the council had made for the
taking down of altars, and setting tables in their stead :
but answered, that he could not in conscience obey it:
this seemed indeed unaccountable ; but he insisted
that he could not in conscience obey it, and prayed to
be excused. Upon that he was summoned to appeal-
before the council, and there, he said, he could not
conform himself to their order: for he thought he fol-
lowed in that both the Scriptures, and the doctors and
fathers of the church : and that he did not perceive
any strength in the six reasons, given by the Bishop
of London, to justify the change. He quoted a pas-
sage in Isaiah, which the Archbisbop, with the Bishop
of London, and the rest of the council, thought not at
all to the purpose : so he was ordered to confer with
the Archbishop, and the Bishops of Ely and London,
and to appear before them on the 4th of December.
When he was again before the council, he entered into
a dispute with the Archbishop and the Bishop of Ely.
They pressed him to give his reasons for being so posi-
tive ; he insisted on those words in the Epistle to the
Hebrews, " We have an altar :" and though they
thought it was clear, that by the altar Christ himself
was meant, yet that did not satisfy him : they also
shewed him from Origen, that the Christians in those
days had no altars : he might call the table an altar
if he pleased : so the ancient writers did ; but all this
had no effect on him. A few more days were given
him to consider of the matter : he positively answered,
he could not obey their order with a good conscience :
and, rather than do it, he was resolved to suffer the
loss of all he had. Two days more were given him :

296 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

but he was still firm. So on the llth of December
1 550, he was sent to the Fleet. Further proceedings
against him were stopped for many months ; in which
time it is said that the King himself wrote to him :
but all was in vain. So in September 1551, a com-
mission was given to judge him; and on the 14th of
October, it seems both Heath and he were deprived :
for then an order passed in council for seizing the
temporalities of both their bishopricks. Letters were
written in June 1552 concerning them, to the Bishops
of Ely and London : the former was to receive Day,
and the latter Heath, and to use them as in Christian
charity should be most seemly. It seems that both
Heath and Day saw the change of doctrine that was
preparing, with relation to the sacrament: so they were
willing to lay hold on the first colour to break off from
any further compliances : for the points they stood upon
did not seem of such importance, as to suffer depri-
vation and imprisonment for them.

There was at that time a very scandalous venality
of all offices and employments, which was so much
talked of at the court of France, that the Ambassador
whom the King had there wrote over an account of
it ; and it was said, that whereas King Henry had by
his endowments made some restitution, yet, for all the
wealth they had seized on in chantries and colle-
giate churches, no schools nor hospitals were yet en-
dowed. Here a very memorable passage in Ridley's
life deserves to be remembered : he wrote to Cheek,
that he being to give Grindal a prebend in St. Paul's,
had received a letter from the council to stop collation :
for the King was to keep that prebend for the furni-
ture of his stable. " Alas ! Sir (he writes), this is a
heavy hearing. Is this the fruit of the gospel? Speak,
Mr. Cheek, speak, for God's sake, in God's cause,
unto whomsoever you think you may do any good
withal : and if you will not speak, then I beseech you
let this my letter speak." There was nothing that
opened all men's mouths more than a complaint en-
tered in the council-book, made by one Norman,
against the Archbishop of York, that he took his wife

PART III. BOOK IV. 297

and kept her from him. The council gave such credit
to this, that as a letter was written to that Archbishop,
not to come to parliament, so they ordered a letter to
be written to Sir Thomas Gargrave and Mr. Chaloner
to examine the matter. What they did, or what re-
port they made, does not appear to me. Holgate, during
all the time he was Archbishop of York, was more set
on enriching himself than on any thing else. He
seemed heartily to concur in the Reformation, but he
was looked on as a reproach to it, rather than a pro-
moter of it. This might have a share in the censure,
that, as was reported, King Henry passed on the
bishops in that time ; " some for sloth, some for igno-
rance, some for luxury, and some for popery, are unfit
for discipline and government." At this time the
anabaptists were again inquired after, and a commis-
sion was granted to Cranmer, Thirleby, Cox, and Sir
Thomas Smith, to inquire after them, and to judge them.

Now Gardiner's business was brought to a conclu- oardin.ru
sion. On the 23d of November, a committee of the deprived'
council was appointed to consider how to proceed
further against him : on the 14th of December an
order was sent to the Lieutenant of the Tower to carry
him to Lambeth on the 16th, and after that as often
as they required him. The commission to try him was
directed to Cranmer, and others : he desired counsel;
it was granted ; and his lawyers had free access to him.
On the 19th of January his servants moved in coun-
cil, that some of that board might be sworn as his
witnesses : they said they would answer upon their
honour, but would not be sworn : and on the 15th of
February, the last mention made of him in the council-
book, is in these words : " Forasmuch as the Bishop
had at all times, before the judges of his cause, used
himself unreverently to the King's Majesty, and very
slanderously towards his council ; and especially yes-
terday, being the day of the judgment given against
him, he called the judges heretics and sacramentaries ;
these being there as the King's commissioners, and
of his Highness's council, it was ordered that he
should be removed from his present lodging into a

298 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

meaner one in the Tower, and have but one servant
to wait on him : that his books and papers should be
taken from him, and that from henceforth he should
have neither pen, ink, nor paper, given him, but be
sequestered from all conference, and from all means
that may serve him to practise any ways." Here was
severity upon severity, which, as it raised him to be
depended on as the head of the popish party, so it must
have recommended him to the compassions of all
equitable people.

Whether these hard orders were rigorously execut-
ed or not, does not appear to me. I find in a letter
of Hooper's to Bullinger, one circumstance relating to
Gardiner : it is without date. In it, as he tells him
that Crome did with zeal oppose their doctrine con-
cerning the sacrament; but commends him as a person
of great learning, and a man of a most holy life ; he
tells him also, that Gardiner had a month before sent
him a challenge toa public disputation upon thathead;
promising, that if he did not clearly carry away the
victory, he would submit himself to the laws, and
would willingly surfer the cruelest hardships. Hooper
accepted the challenge, and a day was set for them to
dispute; but when the day came near, Gardiner said,
he must be first set at liberty : so all this show of a
readiness to maintain the old doctrine, vanished to
nothing. Concerning the King, Hooper writes in
that same letter, that these thousand years, there had
not been any person of his age, who had such a mixture
both of piety and learning, with so true a judgment,
as appeared in him. If he lived and went on suitably
to these beginnings, he would be the wonder and the
terror of the world. He took notes of all the sermons
he heard ; and after dinner he asked the young persons
that were bred up with him, an account of what they
remembered of the sermon ; and went over the whole
matter with them. He wrote further in this letter, that
then they were every day expecting that the Duke of
Somerset should be again called to sit in the council.

Poinet, bishop of Rochester, was translated to Win-
chester, being nominated to it the 8th of March: and

PART III. BOOK IV. 209

on the 5th of April he took his oath of homage. While
he was bishop of Rochester he had no house to live
in, so he kept his benefice in London. But it is entered
in the council-book, that no bishop after him was to
have any benefice besides his bishoprick.

A new scene of contention was at this time very AD account
unhappily opened. Hooper, a zealous, a pious, and
a learned man, had gone out of England in the latter
years of King Henry's reign ; and had lived at Zurich,
at a time when all Germany was in a flame on the ac-
count of the Interim. Upon that a great question
arose among the Germans concerning the use of things
in themselves indifferent. For a great part of the
design of the Interim was, to keep up the exterior face
of things, as it had been in popery, with the soften-
ings of some other senses put on them. It was said,
" If things were indifferent in themselves, it was law-
ful, and that it became the subjects' duty to obey them
when commanded." Many thought that Melancthon
himself went in that matter too far. It was visible,
the design in it was, to make the people think the dif-
ference was not great between that and popery : so the
rites were ordered to be kept up on purpose to make
it easy to draw the people over to popery. Out of this
another question arose ; Whether it was lawful to obey
in indifferent things, when it was certain they were en-
joined with an ill design? Some said, the designs of
legislators were not to be inquired into, nor judged :
and whatever they were, the subjects were still bound
to obey. This created a vast distraction in Germany,
while some obeyed the Interim, but many more were
firm to their principles, and were turned out of all for
their disobedience. Those who submitted were for the
most part Lutherans, and carried the name of Adia-
phorists, from the Greek word that signifies things in-
different. The reformed were generally firmer. Those
of Switzerland, particularly at Zurich, had at this time
great apprehensions of a design of introducing popery,
by keeping up an exterior that resembled it. Of this
I find a very late instance, the year before this, in a
letter that Mount wrote from Strasburg, on the 1 8th of

300 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

February 1548, to Musculus, which will be found in
tne Collection.

' When he left Augsburg, there were no changes
then begun there; but they expected every day, when
the new superstitious practices were to be set up. One
of the ministers told him, that the magistrates had de-
sired the ministers, not to forsake them in that time of
distress. They promised that they would give them
timely notice when those rites were to be brought in
among them. They prayed them likewise, to recom-
mend the Interim in the softest manner, and with the
best colours they could. This was refused by the
greater number of them ; who said, they could never
approve that which was by an unanimous consent con-
demned. He did not doubt, but they had heard what
was done in Saxony. He wishes the German courage
and firmness might now appear : that if they could
not act with their usual courage, they might at least
shew their courage in suffering. The Duke of Deux-
Ponts had left Augsburg; and said, the publishing the
Interim did not belong to him, but to the bishops.
Those of Breme had such a heavy composition laid on
them by the Emperor, that they said it was not in their
power to comply with it, though they had a mind to
it. So it was thought this was done on design to take
their town, as a convenient post for a garrisoned place,
to keep that country in order He concludes, desiring
to know what agreement there was, as to these mat-
ters, in the Helvetic churches." They were, indeed,
much inflamed on this occasion ; and very zealous
against any compliance with the Interim, or the use
of the rites prescribed by it : so Hooper came from
Zurich in the heat of this debate, and with this tinc-
ture upon his mind.

When he came to Brussels, on the 20th of April
1549, he wrote a letter to Bullinger, that is in the Col-
lecti°n- " HG sets forth in it, very tragically, the mi-
sery of the Netherlands, under the violent oppressions
of the Spaniards. Complaints were heard in all places,
of rapes, adulteries, robberies, and other insolences,
every day committed by them : so that a hostess of a

PART III. BOOK IV. 301

public-house said to him, ' If she could but carry her
children in her arms with her, she would choose to
go and beg from door to door, rather than suffer their
brutalities every day, as they were forced to do.' He
hoped this would be a warning, to put others on their
guard.

" The Emperor came seldom out of his chamber.
Hooper had been at the Duke of Saxony's house, who
had about thirty of his servants still attending on him :
he designed to have talked with Hooper, but the Spa-
niards hindered it. He had no hope of obtaining his
liberty, though his health was much broken : but he
continued firm in his religion, and did not despair of
things, but hoped religion would be again revived.
The Landgrave was kept at Oudenard. He was both
uneasy and inconstant. Sometimes he was ready to
submit to the Emperor, and to go to mass : at other
times he railed at the Emperor and at the Interim
(Hooper was entertained by Hobby, the English am-
bassador, from whom probably he heard these things) ;
he prayed God to pity him, for he suffered justly for
his treachery. The Pope's Legate was there, and
preached all that Lent in his own court.

" The Pope and the Emperor were then in very ill
terms. The Pope pressed the Emperor to own the
council at Bologna ; for he was afraid to let it sit again
in Trent : but the Emperor was as positive for their
coming back to Trent ; and said roundly, he would
break with the Pope, if that were not done. The Am-
bassador told him, that if the Emperor's Confessor
were to any degree right set, there might be good hope
of the Emperor : but both he, and all his ministers,
were strangely governed, and in a manner driven by
the Confessor. About seven months before this, he
had left the Emperor, because he would not be more
severe, and would not restore popery entirely in Ger-
many. The Emperor had offered him a bishoprick in
Spain worth twenty thousand crowns : but he refused
it, and said, he would be tied to the church, but not
to him, unless he would serve the church with more
zeal. The Emperor seemed to design to break the

302 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

peace of Switzerland, and Hooper understood that
some of Lucern were then hanging on at court, pro-
bably with no good design. He wishes they would
fear God, lead holy lives, and fight bravely : and so
they might expect to be protected by God : yet he
understood that the Emperor was troubled that he had
meddled so much as he had done in matters of reli-
gion in Germany : he found that was like to cross his
other designs, which might have succeeded better if
he had left that matter more at liberty. His army lay
then near Bremen, but was undertaking nothing. The
cities there had furnished themselves with stores and
provisions for five years ; and were making no sub-
missions." This account I thought no digression from
my chief design in writing, since this intelligence came
no doubt from the Ambassador. Upon Hooper's com-
ing to England he applied himself much to preaching,
and to the explaining the Scriptures. He was much
followed, and all churches were crowded where he
preached. He went through the Epistle to Titus, and
ten chapters of the Gospel of St. John : his fame came
to court. Poinet and he were ordered to preach all
the Lent at court; Hooper on Wednesdays, and Poinet
on Fridays : he was also sent to preach both in Kent
and in Essex. At this time Bullinger wrote to the
King, and sent with it a book that he dedicated to
him, which was presented to the King by the Marquis
of Northampton ; for an order was made, that none but
privy-counsellors might bring books or papers to the
King. The King said to Hooper, that he had read the
letter, and would read Bullinger's book : and spoke to
the Marquis of a present to be sent him : but Hooper
told him, he never took any : besides, that it was for-
bidden by the laws of Zurich. Hooper, in his letters
to Bullinger, on the 8th of February 1550, says, The
Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Rochester,
Ely, St. David's, Lincoln, and Bath, were sincerely
set on advancing the purity of doctrine, agreeing in
all things with the Helvetic churches. He commends

o

particularly the Marquis of Dorchester, afterwards
duke of Suffolk, and the Earl of Warwick, afterwards

PART III. BOOK IV. 303

duke of Northumberland, who at that time put on such
a show of zeal, that Hooper calls him a most holy in-
strument, and the best affected to the word of God.
He writes of Cranmer, that he wishes he were not too
feeble. He was at London when the council divided
from the Duke of Somerset, but had not meddled in*
that matter : and he says not a word of it, but that he
blesses God the Duke of Somerset was to be set at
liberty. In June he was named to be bishop of Glou-
cester; for he gives an account of it in a letter to Bui-
linger, on the 29th of June. He declined it, as he
writes, both for the oath, which he says was foul and ?
impious, and by reason of the Aaronical habits. The
King asked what his reasons were : he told them very
freely to him. He says of him, that the world never
saw such a prince as he was, for his age. He likewise
says, the Lady Elizabeth, his sister, was wonderfully
zealous, and very knowing : she read both Greek and
Latin ; and few could maintain an argument against
her, particularly in matters of religion.

Among the letters sent me from Zurich, I find some
written upon the occasion of the difficulty that was
made in Hooper's business, to Bullinger and Gualter,
pressing them very earnestly to write to the King, to
let fall all the ceremonies: they tell them, that Ridley
though he stood upon the forms of the law, yet was
very earnest to have Hooper made a bishop. They
seem also to reflect on the bishops, for their earnest-
ness in that matter, as if they were ashamed to have
that to be blamed to which they themselves had sub-
mitted : and they reflect on Bucer for supporting the
matter too much. Those of Zurich were more discreet
and modest than to interpose in such a manner. It
would have been too great a presumption in them, to
have made any such application; but, it seems, Bul-
linger wrote about it to the King's preceptor, Cox. I
have not found his letter : but I find, by Cox's letter
to him, that he himself was for proceeding easily in
this matter. He wrote to him in May, in these words :
" I think all things in the church ought to be pure and
simple, removed at the greatest distance from the

304 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

pomps and elements of this world. But, in this our
church, what can I do in so low a station? I can only
endeavour to persuade our bishops to be of the same
mind with myself. This I wish truly, and I commit
to God the care and conduct of his own work." Of
•the King he writes, " Believe me, there appears in him
an incredible beginning of learning, with a zeal for
religion, and a judgmentin affairs almost already ripe."
Traheron, at the same time, writes of him, "We are
training up a prince, that gives the greatest hopes of
being a most glorious defender of the faith, even to a
miracle. For, if God is not so provoked by our sins,
as to take him too early from us, we do not doubt,
but that England shall again give the world another
Constantine, or rather one much better than he was."
This matter took up much time, and was managed
with more heat than might have been expected; con-
sidering the circumstances of that reign: he, being
named to be bishop of Gloucester, was recommended
by Dudley to Cranmer, that he would not charge him,
with an oath that was (as is expressed) burdenous to
his conscience. This was the oath of supremacy. He
next desired to be excused from accepting the bishop-
rick, or from the ceremonies used in the consecration;
upon which the King writ to Cranmer in August,
freeing him from all dangers and penalties that he
might incur by omitting those rites, but left the matter
to the Archbishop's discretion, without any persua-
sion or command to omit them. The Archbishop did
not think fit upon that letter to act against the laws:
there were several conferences between Ridley and
Hooper, not without heat: Hooper maintaining, that
if it was not unlawful, yet it was highly inexpedient,
to use those ceremonies. The council, apprehending
the ill effects of controversies between men of the same
profession, sent for Hooper, and wished him to let
this opposition of his fall. He desired leave to put
his reasons in writing; that was granted him: and
when he offered his reasons, they were communicated
to Ridley. I gave an account in my former work how
honestly and modestly both Bucer and Peter Martyr

PART III. BOOK IV. .305

behaved themselves on this occasion. Peter Martyr
mentions Hooper's unseasonable and bitter sermons,
which it seems his heat carried him to ; and probably
that was the reason that moved the council to com-
mand him to keep his house, unless it were to go to
the Archbishop of Canterbury; or to the Bishops of
Ely, London, or Lincoln, for the satisfaction of his con-
science, and not to preach or read, until he had fur-
ther license. But he did not obey this order: he writ
a book on the subject and printed it. This gave more
distaste. He also went about and complained of the
council, for which, being called before the board, he
was committed to the Archbishop's custody, to be re-
formed by him, or to be further punished. The Arch-
bishop represented that he could in no sort work upon
him, but that he declared himself for another way of
ordination: upon that he was on the 27th of January
committed to the Fleet.

Micronius, a minister of the German church at Lon-
don, in a letter to Bullinger on the 28th of August
1550, tells him that the exception that Hooper had
to the oath of supremacy, was, because the form was,
By God, by the saints, and by the holy gospels. This
he thought impious; and when he was before the
council, the King being present, he argued that God
only ought to be appealed to in an oath, for he only
knew the thoughts of men. The King was so fully
convinced by this, that with his own pen he struck
these words out of the oath, saying, that no creature
was to be appealed to in an oath. This being cleared,
no scruple remained but with relation to the habits.
The King and council were inclined to order him to
be dispensed with as to these. But Ridley prevailed
with the King not to dispense in that matter. The
thing was indifferent, and therefore the law ought to
be obeyed. This had such an effect, that all Hooper's
exceptions were after that heard with great prejudice.
Micronius was on Hooper's side as well as Alasco.
Ridley had opposed the settling the German church
in a different way from the rites of the church of Eng-
land: but Alasco had prevailed to obtain an entire

VOL. III. X

30G BURNET'S REFORMATION.

liberty for them to continue in the same forms of wor-
ship and government in which they had been consti-
tuted beyond sea, in which he had been assisted by
Cranmer. It is added in that letter, that it was be-
lieved that the Emperor had sent one over to carry
away the Lady Mary secretly, but the design was dis-
covered and defeated. To explain this matter of the
collect, oath, I shall insert in the Collection the oath of the
'' bishops, as it was practised in King Henry's reign, and
continued to be used to that time, which is on record,
and is among Mr. Rymer's manuscripts. Hooper's
matter hung in suspense nine whole months; in which
time he seemed positively resolved not to yield, not
without severe and indecent reflections on those who
used the habits. Cranmer expressed a willingness to
have yielded to him ; but Ridley and Goodrick stood
firm to the law: while many reflected on them, as in-
sisting too much on a thing practised by themselves,
as if vain-glory and self-love had been their chief mo-
tives: they said, they wished that distinction of habits
was abolished, but they thought the breaking through
laws was so bad a precedent, and might have such ill
consequences, that they could not consent to it. Bucer
and Peter Martyr expressed their dislike of the habits,
but thought the thing was of itself indifferent; so they
blamed him for insisting so much on it. Alasco, on
the other hand, encouraged him to continue in his re-
fusal to submit to the laws in that matter: in conclu-
sion, he was prevailed on to submit, and was conse-
crated. This was written to Bullinger by one of the
ministers of the German church. His standing out
so long, and yielding in the end, lost him much of the
popularity, that, to speak freely, he seemed to be too
fond of; yet his great labours in his diocese, and his
patience and constancy during his imprisonment, and
in his last most extreme sufferings, made all good
people willing to forget what was amiss, and to return
to a just esteem of what was so truly valuable in him.
In conclusion, he submitted, and was consecrated
according to the established form, and went into his
diocese, which he found overrun with ignorance and

PART III. BOOK IV. 307

superstition: he applied himself to his duty with great
and indefatigable industry; preaching often twice,
sometimes thrice in a day, to instruct the people and
to reform the clergy. He did earnestly wish that the
articles of religion; which he knew were under con-
sideration, might be quickly published. He found the
greatest opposition in his diocese rose from the pre-
bendaries of his church. Of this he made great com-
plaints, as indeed all the bishops that were well af-
fected to the Reformation found the greatest opposition
in their cathedrals ; though none of them expressed
it so severely as Ferrar, bishop of St. David's, who
wrote to a lord desiring that he might have leave to
defend himself against those " high-minded, arrogant,
stubborn, ambitious, covetous canons," who for pri-
vate revenge were set against him : yet, on the other
hand, there were great complaints made of his beha-
viour in his diocese as both indiscreet and contentious.
A petition was sent up to the council in the name of
the inhabitants of his diocese against him, complain-
ing of his insatiable covetousness, and his daily vexing
his poor tenants and clergy without cause; and, in-
deed, his firmness and sufferings afterwards raised his
character more than his conduct in his diocese had
done.

The last and the most eminent of all the popish
clergy that fell in trouble during this reign, was Ton-
stal, bishop of Duresme. He was a generous and well-
tempered man, learned far above the common rate.
He retained his old opinion concerning the presence
in the sacrament ; but he had hitherto submitted, and
gone along in all that was done. He had no heat, nor
a spirit of opposition in his temper, yet his opinion
was known. The true account of his matter has been
taken out of the council-book, which has come to light
since I wrote my History. One Ninian Mainvil
charged him as consenting to a conspiracy in the
North, for raising a rebellion there ; to this the Bi-
ship answered, and Mainvil made replication. The
council-book only refers to these, and gives no account
of the Bishop's answer. Mainvil had a letter of the

x2

308 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Bishop's, which was his main evidence, upon which
the issue of the trial depended : but that was then
wanted; and, as appeared afterwards, the letter was
put in the Duke of Somerset's hands, and he still kept
it, but whether he did it out of kindness to him, or
to have this as a check to overawe Tonstal does not
appear.

This letter was found among the Duke of Somer-
set's papers, after his last apprehension : upon which
Tonstal was sent for, and his letter was produced
against him. He could not deny it to be of his own
hand ; and not being able to make any further an-
swer, he was on the 20th of December sent to the
Tower. Whitehead, dean of Duresme, and Hand-
marsh, Tonstal's chancellor, were accused of the same
crime by Mainvil. The Dean's death put an end to
his trouble, but Tonstal lay in the Tower till Queen
Mary set him at liberty: and there, in the 77th year
of his age, he wrote his book asserting the corporal
presence of Christ in the sacrament. It seems the
evidence against Tonstal did not at all amount to a
consent to a conspiracy; for he was only charged with
misprision of treason ; whereas the consenting to it
would have been carried further, to high treason it-
self: but even that must have been by a stretch of
his words; since, if his letter had imported that, Cran-
mer could not have opposed, much less have pro-
tested against, the bill attainting him for misprision,
if the evidence had been clear. This is confirmed by
the opposition made in the House of Commons, where
the bill fell. So, since the parliament would not at-
taint him, a commission was issued out some months
after: and on the 22d of September 1552, a letter
was written to the Lord Chief Justice, signifying to
him, that there was a commission addressed to him,
and to some others, for determining the Bishop of
Duresme's case, with eight letters, and other writings
touching the same, which he is required to consider
and to hear, and to give order in the matter as soon
as the rest of his colleagues were brought together.
He was brought before these commissioners. He de-

PART III. BOOK IV. 309

sired counsel, and time convenient to make his an-
swer. Both were denied him, as is set forth in the
sentence that reversed this. He was charged as a
conspirator against the King and the realm. The
commission empowered them to proceed against him
for all offences, both according to the ecclesiastical
and the temporal laws. He made divers protestations
against the several steps of their proceedings : and
at last he appealed from them to the King. The
commissioners on the llth of October deprived him
of his bishoprick ; but did not attaint him of mispri-
sion of treason ; for the judgment in that case must
have been the forfeiture of his goods, and imprison-
ment for life ; but he was by order of council on the
31st of October to receive money for his necessities,
remaining prisoner in the Tower till further orders
should be given touching the money and goods lately
appertaining to him.

This was one of the violent effects of the Duke of
Northumberland's ambition, who was all this while a
concealed papist, as himself declared at his execu-
tion. I have laid all these things relating to the de-
privation of the bishops that opposed the Reforma-
tion together, to give a full view of that matter. But
now I must look back to some matters that happened
while these proceedings went on. There was an in-
formation brought to the council of some at Bocking,
who were irregular in the worship of God, who thought
that to stand or to kneel at prayer, or to be covered
or bareheaded, was not material, and that the heart
only was necessary : when they were brought before
the council, they confessed that they met together ;
sometimes to confer about the Scriptures, and that
they had refused to receive the communion above two
years, as was judged upon very superstitious and er-
roneous principles (so it is entered in the council-
book) ; with divers other evil opinions, worthy of
great punishment. Five of them were sent to pri-
son, and seven gave bonds to appear when called for.
They were required to resort to their ordinaries, if
they had any doubt in religion, for resolution from

310 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

them. These were probably some of the anabaptists,
though that is not objected to them.

The great point that was then most canvassed in
the universities, was the presence in the sacrament.
Concerning this, I have, among the papers sent me
from Zurich, a letter of Peter Martyr's to his friend
Bullinger, dated from Oxford the 1st of June 1550,
collect, which will be found in the Collection. " He excuses
'' himself for his slowness in answering his letters, by
reason of the constant labours he was engaged in.
For, besides his daily exposition of St. Paul, which
might claim his whole time, there was a new load
brought on him. He was commanded, by an order
from the King, to be present at the public disputa-
tions upon theological matters ; which were held once
a fortnight. And in the college in which he was
placed, there was a disputation, where he was ap-
pointed to be present, and to moderate. He was
in a perpetual struggle with most obstinate adver-
saries. The business of religion did not go on with
the zeal and success to be wished for : yet it made
a better progress than he had expected four months
before. The number of their adversaries was great :
they had few preachers on their side ; and many of
those who professed the gospel were guilty of gross
vices. Some, by a human policy, were for purging
religion, but for altering outward things as little as
might be. They, being secular men, apprehended,
that upon a more visible change, such disorders would
follow as might prove fatal : whereas it was evident,
that the innumerable corruptions, abuses, and super-
stitions, that had overrun the church, were such, that
it was impossible to reform it without bringing mat-
ters back to those pure fountains, and to the first sound
principles of religion. The devil studied to undermine
those good designs, by keeping up still many relics
of popery, that by these the memory of the old abuses
might be preserved, and the return to them rendered
easier. On the other hand, they had this great com-
fort, that they had a holy King, full of fervent zeal
for true religion. He writes, that he speaks in all this

PART III. BOOK IV. 311

tender age with that learning, that prudence, and that
gravity, that it amazes all people who hear it : there-
fore they were all bound to pray God earnestly, to
preserve him long for the good of the church. There
were several of the nobility well inclined, and some
bishops not of the worst sort, among whom the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury was the standard-bearer. Hooper
was lately made a bishop, to the joy of all good men ;
who was to pass through Oxford, in his way to his
diocese. He believed that he himself had given Bui-
linger an account of his being made a bishop, other-
wise he would have wrote it. He also commends
Coverdale's labours in Devonshire : and adds, that if
they could find many such men, it were a great hap-
piness. Alasco being forced to leave Friezeland, by
reason of the Interim, was then about the settling his
congregation in London. He was at that time in the
Archbishop's house. The peace with France gave
them some hopes. All were under great apprehen-
sions, from the Pope's designs of bringing his council
again together : but they must still trust in God. And
after somewhat of their private concerns, he desires his
prayers for the progress of God's word in this kingdom.
" He also, in a letter written on the 6th of Auorust 1551

J O

1551, laments the death of the young Duke of Suf-
folk, looking on him as the most promising of all the
youth in the nation, next to the King himself." After
some more on that subject, he adds this sad word,
" There is no end put to our sins, nor any measure in peccati,
sinning. He commends Hooper's labours in his dio- ''^'7™-
cese mightily, and wishes that there were many more d»*imp°-
such bishops as he was."

Upon the death of the two young Dukes of Suffolk,
Gray, marquis of Dorchester,* was made Duke of Suf-
folk. He had married their sister, but had no sons
by her. He had three daughters, of whom the eldest,
Lady Jane, was esteemed the wonder of the age. She
had a sweetness in her temper, as well as a strength
of mind, that charmed all who saw her. She had a
great aptness to learn languages, and an earnest de-

* Query — Marquis of Dorset ?

312 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

sire to acquire knowledge. Her father found out a
very extraordinary person to give her the first impres-
sions; Ailmer, who was afterwards, in Queen Eliza-
beth's time, advanced to be bishop of London. Under
his care she made an amazing progress. He found,
it seems, some difficulty in bringing her to throw off
the vanities of dress, and to use a greater simplicity
in it. So, on the 23d of December 1552, he wrote
to Bullinger, "that the Lady Elizabeth was a pattern
to all in the modesty of her dress ; and yet nobody
was prevailed on by such an illustrious example to
follow it; and, in all this light of the gospel, to ab-
stain from wearing gold, or gems, or platting of hair."
He was particularly charged with the education of
Lady Jane Gray, whom he calls his scholar: but, it
seems, he could not prevail in this particular; so he
desires Bullinger to write his thoughts to her on that
head.

There was nothing done for almost two whole years,
pursuant to the act passed in November 1549, for
making a new body of ecclesiastical laws; concerning
which it is not easy to guess what was the clause in
it that gave the bishops so much offence, that the
greatest part of the bench protested against it. For
both the Archbishops and the Bishops of Ely, Du-
resme, Worcester, Westminster, Chichester, Lincoln,
Rochester, and St. David's, joined in the protestation.
There were only two clauses that I can imagine could
give them this disgust. One is, that only four bishops
and four common lawyers were made necessary to be
of the number of the thirty-two persons. The other
might be, the limitation of the time to three years :
though that seems designed to make the act have its
effect in a little time. Two years were almost ended,
before any steps were made towards the execution of
it. On the 6th of October 1551, the council wrote to
the Lord Chancellor to make out a commission for
thirty-two persons to reform the ecclesiastical laws.
These were, the Archbishop, the Bishops of London,
Winchester, Ely, Exeter, Gloucester, Bath, and Ro-
chester. The eight divines were, Taylor, Cox, Parker,

PART III. BOOK IV.

Latimer, Cook, Peter Martyr, Cheek, John Alasco.
The eight civilians were, Petre, Cecil, Smith, Taylor
of Hadley, May, Trahern, Lyell, Skinner. The eight
common lawyers were, Hales, Bromley, Goodrick,
Gosnald, Stamford, Caryl, Lucas, Brook.

This, it seems, brought Peter Martyr from Oxford 1552-
to London in March 1552. And on the 8th of that
month, he wrote to Bullinger from Lambeth, being
lodged with the Archbishop. He tells him, " that the
King did earnestly press the bishops, that since the
papal authority was cast out of this church, the eccle-
siastical laws might be so reformed, that none of the
papal decrees might continue to be of any authority
in the bishops' courts; and that another body of laws
ought to be compiled for them. He had therefore ap-
pointed two-and-thirty persons to set about it, of which
number he himself was one. He says, the greater
number of them were persons both eminently learned
and truly pious: in this he desires both their advices
and their prayers. This work must be so prepared as
to receive a confirmation in parliament; in which he
foresaw some difficulties." It seems that this number
was thought too great to bring any thing to a good
conclusion, or these persons had not all the same
views: for soon after, on the 9th of November after
this, a new commission was ordered to be made out
to eight persons for preparing the same work. These
were, the Archbishop, the Bishop of Ely, Doctor Cox, ufc of
Peter Martyr, Taylor, May, Lucas, Goodrick. Strype
tells us, he saw the digest of the ecclesiastical laws
written out by the Archbishop's Secretary: the title
being prefixed to each chapter, with an index of the
chapters in the Archbishop's own hand. In many
places there are corrections and additions in his hand,
and some lines are scored out: some of them were
also revised by Peter Martyr : the seventh chapter in
the title de Pr<zscriptionibus is all written by Peter
Martyr. Several chapters are added to the first draught,
which is probably that which was prepared in King
Henry's time. There was a later and more perfect
draught of this work prepared for King Edward,

314 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

which coming into Fox's hands, he printed it in the
year 1571 : the differences between the two draughts,
as Mr. Strype assures us, are not very material. But
all this was brought to no conclusion.
The Duke I fin(j somewhat to be added concerning the Duke

ot Jj'tmer- /> ri ' • i i i • T-I

eefs last or Somerset s tragical death, in a letter that one John
ab Ulmis, a Switzer, then in England, wrote from Ox-
ford, the 4th of December 1552, to Bullinger. That
the Duke of Somerset was censured, as having been
too gentle to the Lady Mary, in conniving at her mass.
But when he proposed the doing that in council, the
Earl of Warwick answered, " The mass is either of
God or of the devil. If it is of God, we ought all to

o

go to it. If it is of the devil, why should it be con-
nived at in any person?" Yet still the gentleness of the
Duke of Somerset made him suffer it to go on. But
now, he adds, since the Earl of Warwick had the
greatest share in the government, he had put her
priests in prison, and had given strict orders to suffer
no mass to be said in her house.

He tells one remarkable particular in the Duke of
Somerset's trial : " That after he was found guilty of
the conspiracy against the Earl of Warwick (upon
which the people expressed a great concern,), the
Earl of Warwick addressed himself to the Duke, and
told him, That now, since by the law he was adjudged
to die, he, as he had saved him formerly, so he would
not now be wanting to serve him, how little soever he
expected it from him. He desired him, therefore, to fly
to the King's mercy, in which he promised he would
faithfully serve him. Upon this the Duke did petition
the King; and it was hoped that he would reconcile
those two great men, and that by this means the Duke
of Somerset should be preserved."

It seems there was some treaty about his pardon.
For though he was condemned on the 1st of Decem-
ber, he was not executed till the 22d of January. What
made it to be respited so long, and yet executed at
last, does not appear. It is probable it was from a
management of the Duke of Northumberland's, who,
by the delay, did seem to act in his favour, that so he

PART III. BOOK IV. 315

might be covered from the popular odium, which he
saw his death was like to bring upon him; and, at the
same time, by the means of some who had credit with
the King, he possessed him with so bad an opinion of
the Duke of Somerset, that he, looking on him as an
implacable man, capable of black designs, resolved to
let the sentence be executed upon him.

In the same letter he gives an instance of Hooper's Ho<Per-»
impartial zeal in the discharge of his function in his 5rlial
diocese: that, while he was censuring some inferior
people for their scandalous life, one said to him, " We
poor people must do penance for these things, while
great and rich men, as guilty as we, are overlooked.
Upon that, he said, Name any person, how great so-
ever, that was guilty of adultery, so that it should be
proved against him, and he would leave himself in
their hands, to be used by them as they pleased, if he
did not proceed equally against all. So, in a few days,
Sir Anthony Kingston, a great man in those parts,
being accused of adultery, he cited him into his court:
he, for some time, refused to appear. At last he came ;
and when the Bishop was charging his sin severely
upon him, he gave him very foul language, and at
last fell to beat him. This was presently followed so
severely, that he was fined in 500/. and forced to sub-
mit to do pe.nance."

This raised the Bishop's character, as it contributed
not a little to establish his authority in his diocese.
He set himself to his duty there with so much zeal,
that his wife, who was a German, wrote to Bullinger,
praying him to write to her husband to take a little
more care of himself: for he preached commonly
thrice, sometimes four times in one day. The crowds
of those who came constantly to hear him, made him
look on them as persons that were hungering for the
word of life. So, she apprehending that his zeal made
him labour beyond his strength, studied to get others
to put some stop to that ; which, it seems, she could
not prevail with him so far as to restrain.

About this time, the bishops and divines were em-
ployed in the review of the Common Prayer ; but I

316 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

have met with nothing new with relation to that mat-
ter, save that, on the 6th of May 1551, there was an
order of council for preserving peace sent to all the
cathedrals, at least to that of Exeter, for it is in that
register. And on the 18th of January there was a
commission issued out for the repressing of heresy,
and for observing the Common Prayer. And on the
27th of October 1 552, the council-book mentions also
a letter written to the Lord Chancellor, to add in the
edition of the new Common Prayer Book, a declara-
tion, touching kneeling at the receiving the com-
munion.

tSeAV It remains that 1 give the best account I can of the
Reiigum Articles of Religion. It seemed to be a great want
' that this was so long delayed, since the old doctrine
had still the legal authority of its side. One reason
of delaying the publishing them probably was, that
the King, in whose name and by whose authority they
were to be published, might be so far advanced in
years, and out of the time of pupillage, that they might
have the more credit, and be of the more weight. For
though it was a point settled in law, that the King's
authority was at all ages the same, yet the world would
still make a difference in their regard to things passed
while he was a child, and those things authorized by
him when he was in the sixteenth year of his age.
£°con^oed The ^rst imPressi°n of these Articles appeared with
cation, a title apt to make one think they had been agreed on
in the convocation. It runs thus in English, " Articles
which were agreed to in the synod of London, in the
year 1552, by the Bishops and other Godly and
Learned Men, to root out the Discord of Opinions,
and establish the Agreement of true Religion." But
there is reason to believe that no such articles were
offered to the convocation.* Weston objected after-
wards to Cranmer, that he had set forth a catechism

* Collier uses an expression of some force in this case, considering that the
original records and acts of the convocation are lost ; he says, " It appears they
stood upon the bottom of a convocation authority :" — drawn up probably by
Cranmer, approved by a delegated committee of the two bouses, and (in which
he has the support of Heylin), reported afterwards to both houses and agreed
there. — N.

PART III. BOOK IV. 317

in the name of the synod of London ; and yet, said
he, there be fifty, which, witnessing that they were
of the number of the convocation, never heard one
word of this Catechism. And in a long and much-
laboured sermon of Brooks, preached at St. Paul's
Cross in November 1553, there is an intimation that
makes it indeed probable that the Articles were
brought into the upper house of Convocation. For
when he complains that they were set forth as allowed
by the clergy, he adds, Whereas the convocation, with-
out all doubt (for the lower house at least), was never
made privy thereto. That reserve seems to make it
probable that they were brought into the upper house.
In the first impression of the Articles, the Catechism
is printed first before the Articles. So this is to be
understood of that whole book, which is indeed a very
small one.

When this was objected to Cranmer, he answered,
" I was ignorant of the setting to of that title ; and
as soon as I had knowledge thereof, I did not like it.
Therefore, when I complained thereof to the council,
it was answered by them, that the book was so en-
titled, because it was set forth in the time of the con-
vocation." In the interrogatories that were afterwards
exhibited to him, in order to his final censure, the
seventh ends thus, " That he did compile and cause
to be set abroad divers books." The last part of his
answer to that was, " As for the Catechism, the book
of Articles, with the other book against Winchester,
he grants the same to be his doings."

It is true, in the first convocation under Queen
Mary, when the Prolocutor charged Philpotwith this,
that a Catechism was put forth without their consent,
he answered on the sudden, that the house had granted
an authority to make ecclesiastical laws to certain
persons to be appointed by the King's majesty. And
what was set forth by them might be well said to be
done in the synod of London, although the house had
no notice thereof before the promulgation. But Wes-
ton also said, " That the Catechism beareth the title
of the last synod before this, although many of them

318 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

who were then present were never made privy there-
of in setting it forth." So that both Weston and Phil-
pot agree that the book was never brought before the
convocation. In this matter, Philpot, as he could not
deny the fact, so he made use of the best answer that
then occurred to him, without considering that the
convocation had not agreed to any such deputation of
thirty-two persons. For that was settled by an act of
parliament ; nor did the deputation relate to matters
of doctrine, but only to the canons and proceedings
in the ecclesiastical courts. For, as it was a revival of
the acts passed in King Henry's time, so it run in the
same strain with them. These evidences make it plain
that the Articles of Religion did not pass in convo-
cation. We have Cranmer's own word for it, that he
drew them ; and that he, who was always plain and
sincere, did not approve of that deceitful title that
was prefixed to them to impose upon the unwary
vulgar. He also owns that they were his doings.
One reason that may seem probable for his not offer-
ing them to the convocation, might be, that he had
observed that many made a difference between obey-
ing orders already made, and the consenting before-
hand to the making of them : a greater degree of au-
thority and evidence seemed necessary for the one
than for the other. Besides, that the offering things
to debate, while it was free to argue on either side of
the question, might carry some to engage themselves
so far, that they could not after that submit with any
decency. This, as far as I can judge, seems to be
Cranmer's reason for not offering the Articles to be
debated and passed in convocation.

But pub. But now that they were to be published with autho-
ihVixings rity, that was to be done in the King's name. So a
uthor"y> very few days before the King's death, he sent a man-
date to Cranmer to publish the Articles, and to cause
them to be subscribed. This was done pursuant to the
Archbishop's motion to the King and council ; for he
had desired, " That all bishops might have authority
from him to cause all their preachers, archdeacons,
deans, prebendaries, parsons, vicars, curates, with all

PART III. BOOK IV. 319

their clergy, to subscribe the said Articles. And he
trusted that such a concord and quietness in religion
should shortly follow thereon, as else is not to be looked
for in many years. God shall thereby be glorified.
His truth shall be advanced, and your lordships (for
he writes it to the privy-council) shall be rewarded of
him, as the setters forward of his true word and gospel."
Dated from Ford, the 24th of November. It seems
they were prepared some time before that ; for on the
20th of October, in the year 1552, the council had
written to the six preachers, Harley, Bell, Horn, Grin-
dall, Pern, and Knox, to consider of some articles then
offered to be subscribed by all preachers, which can
be no other than these Articles. But as this matter
was long delayed formerly, so, when it was now order-
ed, it was sent about with all the diligence that so im-
portant a work required. The King also directed his
orders to all the Archbishop's officers, enjoining them
to cause all rectors, vicars, or those in any ecclesias-
tical employments) to appear before the Archbishop,
to obey and do, on the King's part, as shall be signi-
fied to them.

The mandate that upon this was sent out by the And sent
Archbishop's officers, which is in the Collection, bhhop c"
though it is in the King's name, yet was issued out coile"^"^'
by Cranmer himself, in execution of the mandate; it Numb. 7.
is mentioned in it, that it was sent to him by the King.
It was thus put in the King's name, pursuant to the
act passed in the beginning of this reigri, that all pro-
cess in the ecclesiastical courts should be in the King's
name : but its being tested by the Archbishop, shews
it was the act of his court. For though there is an
exception in that act for the archbishops, yet that only
related to what they should act in their provinces as
metropolitans, but not to their proceedings in their
particular dioceses ; in which it seems they were put
on the same foot with the other bishops. The King's
mandate to himself is not in any record that I was
able to find out. After the mandate, the execution of
it by his officers was certified to him on the 22d of
June, which is in his register, and is added in the

320 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Collection to the mandate. But probably the time
given them run further than the King's life : for no-
thing further appears to have been done upon it. The
clergy of the city of London (probably only his pecu-
liars) appeared before him, and he exhorted them to
subscribe the Articles : no mention is made of any
one's refusing to do it ; but he compelled none to sub-
scribe, which he affirmed in his answer to an inter-
rogatory put to him by Queen Mary's commissioners ;
for he said that he compelled none, but exhorted such
to subscribe as were willing to do it before they did it.
It came to Norwich where Thirleby was bishop, who
complied readily with everything that he was required
to do, though, by his sudden turn, and his employ-
ments in the next reign, it appears that he acted at
least against his heart, if not against his conscience.
The mandate for Norwich, which will be found in
the Collection, bears date the 9th of June, in the 7th

year °f ^is TeiSn : an(^ it is not to be doubted but that
the like mandates were directed to all the bishops,
though they do not appear upon record. " It sets
forth, that whereas, after a long time of darkness, the
light was now revealed to the inestimable benefit of the
nation, the King thought it his duty to have a uniform
profession, doctrine, and preaching, for the evading
dangerous opinions and errors ; and therefore he sent
him certain articles, gathered with great judgment, of
the greatest part of the learned bishops of the king-
dom, and sundry others of the clergy ; which he re-
quired and exhorted him to sign, and in his preaching
to observe, and to cause them to be subscribed by
all others who do or shall preach or read within his
diocese : and if any shall not only refuse to subscribe,
but shall preach contrary to them, he is required to give
notice of it to the King and his council, that further
order may be given in the matter. And for such per-
sons as came to be admitted to any benefice or cure,
he was to confer with them on these articles, and to
cause them to subscribe them, otherwise not to admit
them to any such benefice, to which they were pre-
sented. But if the person was ignorant, and did not

PART III. BOOK IV. 321

understand them, pains were to be taken on him to
instruct him ; and six weeks time might be given him
to examine them by the Scriptures : but at the end of
six weeks, if he did not subscribe them, he was to be
rejected. Then follows an order for him to receive the
Catechism, and to give it to all masters of schools, that
it may be taught in them all ; and he is required to
make report to the Archbishop of the province, of the
obedience given to these orders." This order was so
readily executed, that about fifty of the clergy sub-
scribed it. This instrument was examined, and sent to
me by Dr. Tanner, the learned chancellor of Norwich.

But besides the evidence that appears from the re-
gisters of Canterbury arid Norwich, I have a further o
prcof that the Articles of Religion were only promul- bndge'
gated by the King's authority, in an injunction sent to
the University of Cambridge, signed by the Bishop of
Ely, Sir Jo. Cheek, Mayo, and Wendy, who were the
visitors of the University, bearing date the 1st of June
1553, directed to all the regents and non-regents, set-
ting forth that great and long pains had been taken by
the King's authority, and the judgments of good and
learned men, concerning some articles described ac-
cording to the title with which they are printed : these
being promulgated by the King's authority, and de-
livered to all the bishops for the better government
of their dioceses, they did commend them to them,
and by their visitorial authority, they do enjoin that
all doctors and bachelors of divinity, and all doctors
of arts, should publicly before their creation swear to
them, and subscribe them ; and such as refuse to do
it, are to be denied their degree. To this is added
the form of the oath to be taken. The injunction will
be found in the Collection.

Thus it appears, by a variety of evidences, that these
articles were not passed in convocation, nor so much set UP the
as offered to it.* And as far as can be judged from

* See before, p. 317. They are now generally held to have been agreed to
in Convocation, 15.52, though previously delivered to the bishops, to procure
subscriptions; and this by royal authority, before they were publicly set forth
and fully sanctioned.— See Laurence, V27 8. and Nares' Life of Lord Burehlev
368.— N.

VOL. III. Y

322 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Cranmer's proceedings, he intended to put the govern-
ment of the church in another method, different from
the common way of convocation ; and to set up pro-
vincial synods of bishops, to be called as the Arch-
bishop saw cause, he having first obtained the King's
license for it. This appears by the 18th chapter of
the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws prepared
by him, in which it is plain that these provincial synods
were to be composed only of the bishops of the pro-
vince. The convocations now in use by a long pre-
scription, in which deans, archdeacons, and cathedrals,
have an interest, far superior in number to those elected
to represent the clergy, can in no sort pretend to be
more than a part of our civil constitution ; and have
no foundation, either in any warrant from Scripture,
or from the first ages of the church; but did arise out
of that second model of the church, set out by Charles
the Great, and formed according to the feudal law ; by
which a right of giving subsidies was vested in all who
were possessed of such tenures, as qualified them to
contribute towards the supporting of the state.

As for the Catechism, it was printed with a preface
prefixed to it in the King's name, bearing date the 24th
of May, about seven weeks before his death; in which
he sets forth, that it was drawn by a pious and learned
man (supposed to be Bishop Poinet), and was given
to be revised by some bishops and other learned men:
he therefore commands all schoolmasters to teach it.
K'ne I come now to set forth the dismal overturning of all

i.« i j • ^5

that had been done now in a course of twenty years.
King Edward was for some months under a visible

O

decay ; his thoughts were much possessed with the
apprehensions of the danger religion must be in if his
sister Mary should succeed him. This set him on
contriving a design to hinder that. He seemed to be
against all females' succession to the crown. I have
put in the Collection a paper that I copied out of a
manuscript of the late Mr. Petyt's, all written in that
King's own hand, with this title, My device for the suc-
cession. " By it the crown was to go to the issue male
of his own body, or if he had only female issue, to the

PART III. BOOK IV. 323

issue male coming of the issue female, next to the issue
male of the Lady Frances ; then in succession to her
three daughters, and to their issue male ; and if they
had only female issue, to the first issue male of any
of her daughters. The heir male after eighteen was
to enter upon the government ; but his mother was to
govern till he was of that age, with the advice of six
of that council of twenty persons, which he should
name by his last will ; but if the mother of the issue
male should not be eighteen, then the realm was to be
governed by the council, provided that after the issue
male was of the age of fourteen, all matters of import-
ance should be opened to him. If at his death there
were no issue male, the Lady Frances was to be go-
verness-regent; and after her life, her three daughters
were to be governesses in succession, till an heir male
was born ; and then the mother of that heir male was
to be governess. If four of the council should die,
the governess was ordered, within a month, to sum-
mon the whole council, to choose four in their stead,
in which the governess was to have three voices. But
after the death of the governess, the council was to
choose the new counsellors till the King was fourteen
and then he was to choose them; but by their advice."

It may seem by this, that the King designed this
some time before his death, while he thought that he
himself might have issue : but he was prevailed on to
change a great deal of this scheme, especially those
clauses that kept the crown as in an abeyance, till an
issue male should be born ; which would have totally
changed the government : so he departed from these
clauses.

This was afterwards put in another form by the Much
judges; and that scheme which they prepared, was, "
in six several places, superscribed by the King's hand.
Probably it consisted of so many pages. I never saw
that paper; but I have put in the Collection the paper collect
that was subscribed by twenty-four counsellors and K
judges : in which they set forth, " that they had often
heard the King's earnest desire touching the limita-
tion of the succession to the crown, and had seen his

Y 2

Numb. 11.

324 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

device written in his own hand; and after that was
copied out, and delivered to judges and other learned
men, they did sign with their hands, seal with their
seals, and promise by their oaths and honours to ob-
serve every article in that writing, and all such other
matter, as the King should by his last will declare,
touching the limitation of the crown; and never to
vary from it, but to defend and maintain it to the ut-
most of their power. And they also promised, that
they would prosecute any of their number, or any
other, that should depart from it, and do their utter-
most to see them severely punished."

opposed I gave an account in my History of the opposition
that Cranmer made to this; but Mr. Strype has dis-
covered more particulars concerning it. He tells us,
"that he argued with the King himself once about it,
in the hearing of the Marquis of Northampton, and
the Lord Darcy. He desired leave to speak to the
King alone about it, that so he might be more free
with him; but that was not allowed him. He hoped
if he had obtained that liberty, he should have di-
verted the King from it. He argued against it in
council, and pleaded that the Lady Mary was legiti-
mate : but some lawyers were prevailed on to say, that
the King being in possession of the crown, might dis-
pose of it as he pleased. He stood firm, and said,
that he could not subscribe it without perjury, having
sworn to the observance of King Henry's will. Some
counsellors said, they had sworn to that will as well
as he; and that they had consciences as well as he.
He said every man was to answer to God for his own
deeds, and not for other men's: he did not take upon
him to judge any man's conscience but his own. He
spake with the judges about the matter; and they
agreed that the King might settle the succession, not-
withstanding King Henry's will ; yet he remained still
unsatisfied, till the King himself required him to set
his hand to his will; saying, he hoped he alone would
not stand out, and be more repugnant to his will, than
all the rest of the council were. This made a great
impression on him; it grieved him much : but such

PART 111. BOOK IV. 325

was the love that he bore to the King, that in conclu-
sion he yielded, and signed it."

A little before the King's death, a very extraordi-
nary thing happened in Ireland. I had told in my
former work, that Goodacre and Bale were sent over p°isoned
to promote the reformation in Ireland. The former
was made Primate of Armagh; of whose death there
is a report that has been all along believed by his pos-
terity. A reverend and worthy clergyman of Hamp-
shire, not far from Salisbury (who is the fourth in de-
scent from that Primate; they having been all cler-
gymen but one), told me he had it from his grand-
father, who was the Primate's grandson. " That he
being invited to a popish lord's house, a monk there
drank to him in a poisoned liquor, on design to poison
him, of which they both died." This I set down from
the venerable person's own mouth, as a thing known
and believed in the family.

I have no particulars to add, neither concerning the A cha
death nor the character of that good prince, King[heco<m
Edward ; whose untimely end was looked on by all ^
people as a just judgment of God, upon those who time-
pretended to love and promote a reformation, but
whose impious and flagitious lives were a reproach to
it. The open lewdness in which many lived, without
shame or remorse, gave great occasion to their adver-
saries to say, they were in the right to assert justifi-
cation by faith without works; since they were, as to
every good work, reprobate. Their gross and insa-
tiable scrambling after the goods and wealth, that had
been dedicated with good designs, though to super-
stitious uses, without applying any part of it to the
promoting the gospel, the instructing the youth, and
relieving the poor, made all people conclude that it
was for robbery, and not for reformation, that their
zeal made them so active.

I will here give an eminent instance of fraudulent
proceedings in the beginning of this reign; of which
the present learned and zealous Dean of Norwich was
pleased to send me a copious account out of their re-
gisters. The Prior, when inducted into that dignity,

326 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

took an oath not to alienate any of their lands; which
was confirmed by injunctions exhibited to the convent
in the royal visitation. But the King, upon certain
reasons suggested by the Prior and convent, and ap-
proved by him, did dispense with that oath ; so that,
notwithstanding the oath, they were left at liberty to
alienate some lands set forth in the instrument dated
the 1st of April, 1538, countersigned by Cromwell.
A month after that, on the 2d of May that year, the
church was converted from a prior and convent, to a
dean and chapter; and the last prior was made the
first dean of the church.

^ But on the 26th of May, 1547, in the beginning of
King Edward's reign, a letter was sent to that church,
signed by the Duke of Somerset, Rich the lord chan-
cellor, and six other privy-counsellors; pretending,
that they designed the advancement of God's glory,
and the truest intent of the late King's determination :
by which Sir Richard Southwell, Sir Roger Towns-
hend, and Sir William Paston, were authorized to re-
ceive a full surrender of the whole chapter; assurino-
both the dean, and every one of the prebendaries, that
there should be no alteration made in their yearly
profits; and that there should be a just contentation
given to the residue of the ministers there. A com-
mission was granted on the 27th to these persons, to
take the surrender, with articles and instructions an-
nexed to it: which, because probably many others

?ult'i2. were of t!ie same sort> are Put in tne Collection. But
for all this appearance of fair dealing, it being pre-
tended that this was only designed that the King
should be the founder, and that the church should
lose nothing by the surrender; yet, when they had
made the surrender, in the hope of new letters-patents,
they could not obtain them : and lands, to the value
of 200/. a year, were taken from them. Upon which
that corporation tried, in Queen Mary's time, to get a
bill to pass, to restore them to the state they were in
before they were prevailed on to make the surrender.
But the bill did not pass. Perhaps it might be sug-
gested, that it would alarm the nation too much, if any

*

PART III. BOOK IV.

alienation of church-lands, how fraudulently soever
obtained, were meddled with. I give this as a well-
attested instance; by which it may appear, how things
of this kind were obtained and managed, chiefly in the
beginning of this reign. For I am not so much set
on justifying every thing that was done in this reign,
as another voluminous writer is on condemning almost
every thing done in it, with a particular virulence
against the memory of that pious prince. This, from
one of another communion, is that which might have
been expected ; but it is a little singular, when it comes
from one who says he is of our church.

The irregular and immoral lives of many of the pro- xheb^
fessors of the gospel, gave their enemies great advan- [j^ewho
tages to say, they run away from, confession, penance, Profes9ed

f i' J l ,il ,.1 -i i T the gospel.

tasting, and prayers, only that they might be under
no restraint, but indulge themselves in a licentious and
dissolute course of life. By these things, that were
but too visible in some of the more eminent among
them, the people were much alienated from them : and
as much as they were formerly prejudiced against po-
pery, they grew to have kinder thoughts of it, and to
look on all the changes that had been made, as de-
signs to enrich some vicious courtiers; and to let in
an inundation of vice and wickedness upon the nation.
Some of the clergy that promoted the reformation,
were not without very visible blemishes: some indis-
cretions, both in their marriages and in their beha-
viour, contributed not a little to raise a general aver-
sion to them.

It is true, there were great and shining lights among
them, whose exemplary deportment, continual labours,
fervent charity, and constant zeal, both during their
lives and at their deaths, kept up the credit of that
work, as much as it was disgraced by others : but they
were few in comparison of the many bad, and those of
the clergy, in whom the old leaven had still a deep
root, though they complied in everything that was im-
posed on them : seeing that they had lost those per-
quisites of masses, and other practices, which brought
them their chief gains, and saw nothing came in lieu

328 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

of them for their subsistence; they, who in their hearts
hated all that they were forced to profess outwardly,
did secretly possess such as were influenced by them,
with an abhorrence of all that was done ; and they
disposed the nation to be ready to throw it all off.
Much u- That which was above all, was, that God was highly
uwTw. y dishonoured by men who pretended zeal for his glory,
formers, j^ ^fa their works dishonoured him. They talked
of the purity of the gospel, while they were wallow-
ing in all sensuality and uncleanness : pretending to
put all their confidence in the merits and sufferings of
Christ, while they were crucifying him afresh, and
putting him to open shame. In such lamentations as
these, I find the good men of that time did often vent
their sorrows, in their letters to one another, and break
out into severe reflections on them. Some did it after-
wards abroad in their exile, and others at home in their
sufferings. Their only human hope was in the King
himself; in whom there appeared such a progress, both
in knowledge and zeal, that they expected to see him
complete the reformation, and redress those crying
abuses, in which the men in power found their account
too evidently to expect a remedy from them. They
were men, in whose hands things grew every day worse
and worse; and whose arrogance and other disorders
our chief reformers were forced in some measure to
connive at, that they might not provoke them to retard
a work that could in no wise be carried on without
their countenance and authority; though they saw the
prejudice it brought upon them, to be obliged to apply
to, and to make use of such tools, with which the righ-
teous souls of our best reformers were much grieved.
They were engaged with men that were ready to pull
down, especially when any thing was to be got by it;
but were as backward in building up, as they were
forward in plucking down. So that they seemed to
design to leave all in a great ruin. These were great
hinderances to the progress of the Reformation, as they
were both the burden and the shame of our reformers.
I thought it not amiss to open this as fully as I found
it lying before me; and I hope the reader will not only

PART III. BOOK IV. 329

consider this as a part of the history of a former age,
but as an admonition to us in the present. If we fall
under the disorders and corruptions that then reigned,
why should not we expect such a calamity as overtook
and overwhelmed them ? We may justly look for worse,
since we have the advantages of much more light, and
many more blessings, as well as many alarming ter-
rors, which have all gone over us without those dis-
mal convulsions that we might have looked for : and
they have as easily slipped out of our thoughts, as if
we had never seen or felt them. To the viciousness
of life, and the open immoralities and neglect of re-
ligion, that were the sins of the former age, many
among us have added a studied impiety, and a labour-
ed opposition to all revealed religion ; which some
have owned in so barefaced a manner, that perhaps
no age of the world can shew any thing like it. If
others with secular views have declaimed against this,
and put on some show of zeal, how much more of party
than of true religion has appeared in it. The divided
parties among us have shewed little true regard to re-
ligion, and to a course of virtue and piety, which can
only give both strength and honour to a church ; and
this does too plainly appear in many, who talk the
most of it, or for it.

Have we of the clergy made the steps that became
us, and that were designed in the former age, for throw-
ing out abuses, for regulating the courts, and restor-
ing discipline? While we have, for above one hundred
and fifty years, expressed once a year a faint wish that
the primitive discipline were again restored, and yet
have not made one step towards it. What a venality
of the ad vo wsons to livings do we hear of ; and at best
the disposing of them goes generally by secular re-
gards, by importunities, obligations, or friendship :
and above all, how few of those that labour in the
gospel do labour indeed, and give themselves wholly
to it ? How much of their time and zeal is employed
in things that do not deserve it so well, as the watch-
ing over, the instructing, and the building up their
flock in their most holy faith ? How few do fast and

wards the
reformed.

330 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

pray, and study to prepare themselves and their people
for the evil day, that seems much nearer us than the
greatest part are willing to apprehend ; that so we may
by our intercessions deliver our church and nation
from that which is ready to swallow us up ; or at least
be so fortified and assisted, that we ourselves, and
others, by what they see in us, may glorify God in
that day of visitation !
The provi. I shall conclude this book with one reflection, that
£ may make us hope that the Reformation was under a
particular and watchful care of Providence : when the
light seemed almost extinguished in one place, it broke
out in another ; by which, as it was still kept shining
somewhere, so there was a sanctuary opened, to which
those who were forced to fly from one place, might in
their flight find a covert in another from the storm. In
the beginning of this reign, by the breaking of the
Smalcaldic league, by the taking of the Elector of
Saxony, and the Landgrave of Hesse, and by the In-
terim, the Reformation seemed to be near extinguished
in Germany. In this church it was at that time ad-
vanced ; and we kindly then received those who were
forced to fly hither for shelter. And now in the year
before the death of this good King, there was not only
a revival, but a lasting settlement procured in Germany
to the Reformation there : so that those who fled from
hence, found a safe and kind harbour in all the places
of the empire to which they were driven by the storm
and tempest that arose here. Of which I go next to
gather up such gleanings as have come in my way.

331

PART III.— BOOK V.

OF WHAT HAPPENED DURING QUEEN MARY'S REIGN, FROM
THE YEAR 1553 TO THE YEAR 1558.

AS soon as the Queen came to the Tower of Lon-
don, she sent for the Lord Mayor, and the Alder-
men of the city, and told them, " that though her own soft:
conscience was stayed in matters of religion, yet she
meaneth graciously not to compel or strain other peo-
ple's consciences otherwise than God shall, as she
trusteth, put in their hearts a persuasion of the truth."
These soft words were not long remembered : of the
progress of the severities in her reign, I have a very
authentical account before me, in the original council
book, that begins on the 17th of August 1553, and
goes to the end of the year 1557 : but from that to her
death I have not so sure a thread. The book begins
with orders for letters to be written to Coverdale and
Hooper for their undelayed repair to the court : and
a complaint being made of a sermon preached by
Fisher, parson of Amersham, he was ordered to ap-
pear the next day, and to bring the notes of his ser-
mon with him. A parliament was summoned to meet
in November. On the 14th of August the writ for
the convocation was directed to Cranmer. A letter
was soon after written by the Queen and council to
the Bishop of Norwich, to suffer none to preach with-
out a special license ; the same order was intimated
to the Lord Mayor of London ; and the same was no
doubt universally both ordered and executed.

On the 20th of August there was an order for guards But
to defend the preacher at St. Paul's Cross, occasioned
by what had happened to Bourn : it seems few came
to hear the sermons, for the Lord Mayor was ordered
" to make the ancients of the companies resort to the
sermons, lest the preacher should be discouraged by
a small audience." On the 23d of August, Gardiner
was declared lord chancellor. Here I shall set down
the appointments of the lord chancellor as they were
settled at that time : — there was a privy seal given for

MSS.

332 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

wages and diets, and for the masters in chancery, for
542/. 15-y. yearly: 50/. was ordered for attending on
the star chamber every term : and besides that, a salary
was given of 300/. and 64/. for twelve ton of wine, and
16/. for wax. All these were granted the 2 1st of Sep-
tember, but were to commence from the 23d of August.
On the 24th of August there was an order sent to the
Keeper of Newgate to receive and keep John Melvil,
a Scot, and a very seditious preacher; so he was called
in the warrant. On the same day a letter was written
to the Mayor of Canterbury, to set Panton, vicar of
St. Dunstan's, and one Burden, on the pillory for sedi-
tious words against the Queen ; and to take bonds at
their discretion for their good abearing. On the 26th
of August, a letter was writ to the Mayor of Coventry
to apprehend Symonds, a vicar there, and to send him
up with such matter as can be procured to charge him
with : " and to punish at their discretion such slander-
ous talkers, as by his lewd preaching have had dis-
solute and seditious talk."
Against Here is a great deal of heat in ten days time. Cran-
mer was called before the council in the beginning of
August . probably on the account of his signing King
Edward's will, and acting upon it: but since so many
of those who had signed it, were then at the council-
board, they were perhaps ashamed to proceed further
against him, who had opposed it so much. He had
for that time only a severe reprimand, and was com-
manded to keep his house. He was brought again
before some of the Queen's commissioners, being cited
to appear, and to bring the inventory of his goods
with him. He brought it, but no further proceedings
against him are mentioned at that time. On the 29th
of August, Hooper appeared before the council : on
the 1st of September he was sent to the Fleet, no re-
gard being had to the active zeal that he had expressed
in asserting the Queen's right, and against the Lady
Jane; so sincerely did he follow the dictates of his con-
science, when he could not but see what consequences
it was like to have. On the 2d, order was given theit
his servant might attend on him. On the 3 1st of Au-

PART III. BOOK V.

gust, Coverdale appeared before them, and in respect
that he was a foreigner, he was ordered to attend till
further order. On the 2d of September, Sanders, vicar
in Coventry, appeared before the council, and a letter
was written to the Mayor of Leicester to bring up their
vicar: on the 4th of September, Latimer was sum-
moned to appear, and a letter was written to the Mayor
of Coventiy to set Symonds at liberty, upon his re-
pentance, for a wish he had uttered, wishing they were
hanged that said mass; if he refused to do that, the
Mayor was to give notice of it.

On the 5th of September a letter was written to Sir
John Sidenham,to let the strangers depart, and to give
them a passport. This related to the congregation of
the foreigners that had settled in order to set up a
manufacture at Glastonbury. On the 10th of Sep-
tember a letter of thanks was ordered for the gentle-
men of Cornwall, for their honest proceeding in elect-
ing knights for the parliament: it seems there was some
debate about it with the Sheriff: for a letter was written
to him to accept of the election; and not to trouble
the county for any alteration. On the 13th of Sep-
tember it is entered, that Latimer for his seditious de-
meanour should be close prisoner in the Tower, with
a servant to attend him. On the same day Cranmer
was ordered to appear the next day at the Star Cham-
ber. On the 14th, in the Star Chamber, Cranmer, as
well for his treason against the Queen, as for spread-
ing seditious bills moving tumults, to the disquiet-
ing the present state, was sent to the Tower, and
referred to justice. There are several orders made
for restoring all chalices to churches, together with
all other goods belonging to them, though they had
been sent into the great wardrobe. On the 4th of
October the Archbishop of York was committed to
the Tower for divers offences; and Horn, the dean
of Duresme, was summoned again and again, but he
thought fit to go beyond sea. Nothing gave more of-
fence than the promoting petitions for retaining the
doctrine and service settled in King Edward's time.
Those of Maidstone were charged with it; and this is

334 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

on several occasions mentioned in the council book.
But as the government was thus set to overthrow all
that had been done in King Edward's time; so the
fierceness of the popish party made them on many oc-
casions outrun the government: some of the clergy
continued to perform the daily worship, and to cele-
brate the sacrament; more they durst not do in public,
all preaching being forbidden. The people that fa-
voured the Reformation frequented the service with
great devotion and zeal, for all saw what was coming
on them: and so they studied to prepare themselves
for it. Some of the ruder multitudes came into their
churches and disturbed them while they were at their
devotions: they insulted the ministers, and laughed
at their worship; and there were every where infor-
mers with false stories to charge the more zealous
preachers: in many places the people broke in vio-
lently into churches, and set up altars, and the mass
in them, before the parliament met to change the laws.
The Duke The Duke of Northumberland shewed that abject-
cumber- ness of mind, that might have been expected from so
ut ins°lent a m^n» loaded with so much guilt. He begged
his life with all possible meanness, " that he might do
penance all the. days of his life, if it were in a mouse-
hole." He went to mass in the Tower, and received
the sacrament in the popish manner. He sent for Gar-
diner, and asked him if there was no hope for him to
live and do penance for his sins. The Bishop said,
his offence was great, and he would do well to provide
for the worst; especially to see that he stood well with
God in matters of conscience and religion: for, to
speak plainly, he said, he thought he must die. The
Duke desired he might have a learned priest sent him,
for his confession and spiritual comfort. " For reli-
gion, he said, he could be of no other but of his : he
never was of any other indeed : he complied in King
Edward's days only out of ambition, for which he
prayed God to forgive him, and he promised that he
would declare that at his death." The Bishop shed
many tears, and seemed to be troubled for him : and as
he reported himself, he pressed the Queen so much,

PART III. BOOK V. 335

that he had almost gained her consent for his life. But
the Emperor, who was then designing the marriage,
that took effect afterwards, saw what a struggle there
might be against that, and what mischief such a man
might afterwards do ; so he wrote his advice for his
death positively to the Qneen : and he was executed,
and died as he had lived.

Gates and Palmer, who suffered with him, had tried others Suf.
how far the going to mass, and receiving the sacra- hTm. "
ment in the popish way, could save them: but when
they were brought to surfer, Gates confessed, " that
he had lived as viciously as any in the world. He
was a great reader of the Scriptures, but no man fol-
lowed them less; he read them only to dispute. He
exhorted people to consider how they read God's holy
word, otherwise it would be but poison to them. Pal-
mer thanked God for his affliction, and said, he had
learned more in one dark corner of the Tower, than
he had ever learned formerly: he had there come to
see God in his works, and in his mercies ; and had
seen himself amass of sin, and of allvileness the vilest."
He seemed not daunted with the fear of death, though
he saw two die before him, and the bloody axe coming
to finish the business on himself. I find nothing new
with relation to the session of parliament.

The writ upon which the convocation was sum-
moned, was directed to Cranmer, but executed by
Bonner, bishop of London. Weston was chosen pro-
locutor : and the Queen sent a message to them, to
dispute about religion. I gave formerly an account of
that disputation, and can add little to it. The minutes
tell us, that Philips, who was one of the five that re-
fused to subscribe, did, on the 30th of April, recant,
and subscribe. It is, indeed, of little consequence, to
inquire into the proceedings of the convocation during
this reign ; in which, all the old notions of popery were
taken up, even before they were enacted. Though
both this convocation and the next were summoned
by the Queen's writ, with the title of Supreme Head
of the Church.

There was at this time an infamous slander set

330 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

about, of the Queen's being with child by Gardiner.
The Queen's whole life being innocent as to all such
things, that might have made them to despise such a
report, rather than to trace it up : besides, Gardiner's
great age made that none could believe it. But the
Earl of Sussex, in his officious zeal, pursued it through
t- eight or ten hands : and one at last was indicted for
having reported it; though such an absurd lie had,
perhaps, been better neglected, than so minutely in-
quired into. In the same letter that mentions this, the
Earl of Sussex gives an account of examinations, touch-
ing a design for an insurrection, upon the arrival of
the Prince of Spain.

of marty The Emperor had, on the 21st of December, signed
a commission, empowering the Count of Egmond,
and others, to treat a marriage between his son and
the Queen. Upon their coming to England, the
Queen gave a commission, on the 1st of January, to
the Lord Chancellor, and others, to treat with them.
And Prince Philip of Spain, did, on the 28th of
April, send from Valladolid, full powers to the same
effect. That which quickened the treaty was, an ac-
count of a vast treasure that was come with the fleet
from the West Indies to Seville ; reckoned to have
brought over five millions, as Mason wrote from Brus-
sels. He does not denominate the millions, whether
pounds or crowns. He wishes the half were true. It
was necessary to have a great treasure in view : for
though I never found any hint of the corrupting of
parliament-men before this time, yet there was now
an extraordinary occasion for it ; and they saw where
only the treasure to furnish it could be had. A con-
currence of many circumstances seemed to deter-
mine all things for this marriage. Every thing was
agreed to : the conditions seemed to be of great ad-
vantage to the nation. In this treaty of marriage,
if Caesar Campana (who wrote Philip's life very co-
piously) was well informed, Philip himself was ex-
tremely disgusted at it : for he desired to be married

ran in. to a wife more suitable to his own age. He adds
another particular, " that the nation shewed such an

PART lil. BOOK V. (537

aversion to it, that the Count of Egmond, with the
others sent over to treat about it, saw themselves in
sucli danger, that they were forced to fly away, that
they might avoid it ; and a parliament was to be
called, to approve of the conditions of the treaty."

Sir Thomas Wiat was a man that had been oft em- ^
ployed in embassies, particularly in Spain ; where he rising and
had made such observations upon the subtilty and pr"
cruelty of the Spaniards, and of the treatment that
such kingdoms and provinces met with, that came
under their yoke, that he could not look on the mi-
sery that his country was like to fall under without a
just concern about it. He was the Duke of Northum-
berland's kinsman, yet he would not join in Lady
Jane's business : and before he knew that any others
had done it, he proclaimed the Queen at Maidstone;
but he did not, upon that, run to her for thanks as
others did : yet the Queen was so sensible of his loy-
alty and zeal for her, that she sent her thanks to him
by the Earl of Arundel ; to whom he appealed, as
to this particular, when he was under examination in
the Tower. He had obtained a pass to go beyond
sea : but his lady being with child, he stayed to see
the end of that. Nothing set him on to raise the coun-
try as he did, but his love and zeal for the public. He
never pretended that religion was his motive ; many
papists joined with him. When he passed by Charing-
Cross, he might have turned to Whitehall, which was
but ill defended, for many of the Earl of Pembroke's
men came over to him. This shewed that he meant no
harm to the Queen's person. His marching into London,
was on design to engage the city to come and join with
him in a petition to the Queen against the Spanish match .
The Queen herself was so satisfied, as to his good in-
tentions, that she intended to have pardoned him, had
not a message from the Prince of Spain, determined
her to order his head to be cut off. I suppose there
may be a mistake here ; and that it was the Emperor,
then in Flanders, and not the Prince of Spain, who
was yet in Spain, that sent this advice. He never ac-
cused the Lady Elizabeth : but being entangled by

VOL. in. z

338 BUR NET'S REFORMATION.

questions in one examination, he had said somewhat
reflecting on the Earl of Devonshire; for this he begged
his pardon. And when he was on the scaffold, he not
only cleared the Lady Elizabeth, but referred himself,
with relation to her innocence, and that she was not
privy to their matters, to the declaration he had made
to the council. All this account concerning him I
take from a relation that his son gave afterwards to
EXMSS. the Lord Burghley, marked with that lord's hand on it.
It seems the priests at this time understood the in-
terests of their cause better than others did above an
age after. For they moved the Queen to shew a sig-
nal act of mercy, and to pardon all that had been en-
gaged in this rising.

Grlye™' Only it gave a colour to the severity against the
cuted Lady Jane Gray and her husband. She was the
wonder and delight of all that knew her. I have two
of her letters in Latin, writ to Bullinger, copied from
the originals all in her own hand, written in a pure
and unaffected style. She was then entering on the
study of the Hebrew, in the method that Bullinger
advised her. She expresses in her letters a wonder-
ful respect and submission to him, with great strain
of modesty, and a very singular zeal for religion.
There being nothing in those letters that is in any
sort historical, I thought it was not proper to put
them in my Collection ; though one cannot read
them, without a particular veneration for the memory
of so young and so rare a creature.

^"asMhe And now tne government, finding all things under
nam^ their feet, did begin to shew to the whole nation
what was to be expected. All that adhered to the
Reformation were sure to be excluded from all favour ;
commissions were sent over the whole kingdom, to
proceed, as upon other points, so particularly against
the married clergy. These came to York, directed
to the Guardian of the Spiritualties in that place ; and
the Dean and Chapter were authorized by the Queen
to act pursuant to their instructions. And they acted
as in a vacancy : though the commission to proceed
against the Archbishop bears date the 16th of March ;

PART III. BOOK V. 339

yet, on the 9th of March, they sent out a general ci-
tation of the clergy, to appear before them on the R«g-
12th of March. They did not, indeed, begin to de-
prive any before the 27th of April : and from that day
to the 30th of December, they deprived one-and-fifty,
of whom several were prebendaries.

I will here insert a short account of the unjust and
arbitrary deprivations of the married clergy, that was
published by Parker, afterwards Archbishop of Can-
terbury. " What examples have they in stories be-
fore-time, that deprivations have been thus handled
before our days ? I will not speak of particular cases;
where some men have been deprived, never convict,
no, nor never called : some called, that were fast
locked in prison ; and yet they were nevertheless de-
prived immediately. Some were deprived without
the case of marriage after their order : some induced
to resign, upon promise of pension, and the promise
as yet never performed. Some so deprived, that they
were spoiled of their wages, for the which they served
the half-year before ; and, not ten days before the re-
ceipt, sequestered from it : some prevented from the
half-year's receipt, after charges of tenths and sub-
sidies paid, and yet not deprived six weeks after.
Some deprived of their receipt, somewhat before the
day, with the which their fruits to the Queen's Ma-
iesty should be contented; and some yet in the like
case chargeable hereafter, if the Queen's merciful
Grace be not informed thereof, by the mediation of
some charitable solicitor. — • — And a little after, there
were deprived, or driven away, twelve of sixteen thou-
sand, as some writer maketh his account." But there
are good reasons to think, that numbers have been wrong
taken of this. Among other suggestions, Dr. Tanner
has sent me this ; that the diocese of Norwich is reck- by some'
oned almost an eighth part of all England ; and he
finds there were only three hundred and thirty-five
clergymen deprived on that account : by this, the
whole number will fall short of three thousand. This,
it is true, is but a conjecture; yet it is a very probable
one; and the other account is no way credible.

z 2

340 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

I shall to this only add another short account of the
proceedings at that time, published by Ailmer, after-
wards bishop of London. " The bishops that were
married were thrust out of the parliament-house; and
all married deans and archdeacons out of the convo-
cation. Many put out of their livings, and others re-
stored, without form of law. — Many churches were
changed, many altars set up, many masses said, many
dirges sung, before the law was repealed." From
these accounts we may easily believe, that, when the
laws were altered, there was a vigorous and a speedy
execution of them.

The Queen After all matters relating to the Queen's marriage
fimuS were settled, the Emperor sent a fleet for the Prince of
i'Jhpg Spain : and upon that occasion the Queen was pre-
vailed on to break through all forms, and to write the
first love-letter to him; of which having met with the
collect, original, I have put it in the Collection, as a singu-
larity in such matters. She tells him, " that she un-
derstanding that the Emperor's ambassador was send-
ing the bearer to him, though he had not written since
their alliance had been a treating; yet she, thinking
herself obliged by the sincere affection that he had
for her, confirmed by good effects, and by the letters
that he had written to the Emperor's ambassador,
could not restrain herself from letting him know the
duty, in which she intended to correspond always
with him : and she thanked him for all his good
offices. She acquainted him, that her parliament had,
without any opposition, agreed to the articles of their
marriage, and thought them honourable, advantage-
ous, and more than reasonable. This gave her an
entire confidence, that his coming to England should
be safe, and agreeable to him. She ends, recom-
mending herself most affectionately and humbly to
his Highness, as being his entirely assured, and most
obliged ally."
rro eed- gut the matter of the marriage being settled, and

ings against . IT-II 1 i • • il

afterwards executed, I will now look again into the
proceedings of the council. On the 16th of January,
one Wotton, called an esquire, was committed to be

PART III. BOOK V. 341

close prisoner in the Fleet, for his obstinate standing
against matters of religion. On the 14th of Fe-
bruary, letters were written to the Lord Rich, and to
Sir John Wentworth, to punish some in Colchester,
Coxall, and other places ; who dissuaded people from
frequenting such Divine service as was then ap-
pointed by law to be observed. Upon this, many
were committed, and others put under recognizances
to appear. On the 8th of March, an order was sent
to the Lieutenant of the Tower, to deliver Cranmer,
Ridley, and Latimer, to Sir John Williams, who was to
carry them to Oxford. On the 26th of March, an order
was given to send up Taylor, parson of Hadley, and
Askew of West-Hillesly. Barlow, bishop of Bath and
Wells, was carried beyond sea, by one Williams, a mari-
ner of Bristol, who returning to Pembrokeshire, some
gentlemen there seized on him, and sent him to London:
so he was sent to the Marshalsea, and a letter of thanks
were written to those who had seized on him : so careful
were they to encourage every officious show of zeal.

But now came on the second convocation in this ^atconvo'
reign, in which all that was done was, that the Prolo-
cutor Weston, with some deputed to go along with him,
were ordered to go to Oxford, to dispute with the three
bishops. Of which I can add nothing to the account I
formerly gave of it. On the 27th of April, Weston
returned and reported the conference, or examina-
tion of Cranmer and the two other bishops, attested
under the seal of the University : and soon after that
they were dismissed ; for the parliament met on the
2d of April, and was dismissed on the 5th of May.

On the 3d of May, Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, cranme^
being judged obstinate heretics, the judges were asked ST,j.
what the Queen might do, since Cranmer was attaint- Jjj^
ed. He was a man dead in law, and not capable of bu™«i.
any other censure : and this seems to be the true rea-
son that moved the Queen to pardon the treason, upon
which he was already condemned : for though he was
very earnest to obtain a pardon for that, it does not
appear that there was any regard had to him in grant-
ing it ; but, on the contrary, it seems it was resolved

342 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

that he should be burned as a heretic; and since that
could not be done, while he stood condemned of
treason, this seems to be the only motive of that mercy,
which, in this case, was certainly done out of cruelty.
On the 20th of May, a servant of the Lady Elizabeth's
was brought before the council ; but there is nothing
in particular mentioned, only he was required to at-
tend. There were suspicions of her being concerned
in Wiat\s rebellion, as appeared in the account given
of Wiat himself. It is alleged, that Gardiner studied
to suborn false witnesses to charge her with that ;
and that this went so far, that a warrant was brought
to Bridges, the lieutenant of the Tower, for her exe-
cution : but that he would not obey it, until he knew
the Queen's pleasure. Some credit seems due to this,
since it was published in her reign, and was not con-
tradicted, nor denied, as far as I can find. But it
seems to be denied, in a declaration set forth many
years after by herself when she was Queen : which
shall be mentioned in its proper place. On the 25th
of May, some in Stepney were ordered to be set on the
pillory for spreading false news ; the ears of one were
ordered to be nailed to the pillory, and then cut off.
On the 25th of May, Sir Henry Bedingfield was sent
with instructions, signed by the Queen, for the order-
ing the Lady Elizabeth.

On the 1st of June, an order was sent to the Bishop
of London, to send discreet and learned preachers into
Essex, to reduce the people there. Bonner seemed to
think of no way of reducing any, but by severity and
force ; so that the council found it necessary to put
him in mind of his pastoral care. Orders were then
given for the reception of the Prince of Spain. Some
were ordered to be set on a pillory, and their ears
were to be nailed to it, and cut off. The Duchess of
Northumberland desired that her sons might hear mass
in the Tower ; this was granted, but order was given
that none might speak with them. On the llth of
June, orders were given to receive the Duke of Savoy
at Dover. And on the 5th of July, order was given
to punish those who were concerned in the imposture

PART III. BOOK V. 343

called the Spirit in the wall. On the Oth of July,
some of the Lady Elizabeth's servants were commit-
ted for lewd words of the state of the kingdom : on
the 24th of July, two treaties for the Queen's marriage,
made by the Lord Fitzwater,whohad been ambassador
in Spain, were given to the Lord Treasurer.

Now the marriage was made, and the jollities on

. . ... J, . Thecoun-

such occasions put some stop to severities : but it was Cn orders
a short one ; for, on the 1 5th of August, letters were ^"gj™
writ to the justices of peace in Sussex, to punish those
who railed at the mysteries of Christ's religion. I
must observe here, once for all, that the letters them-
selves, writ by the council, are not entered in the
book : these would have set out particulars much more
clearly than those short entries do : but there were
forms of those letters put in a chest, and the council-
book refers us often to the letter in the chest. On
the 19th of August, letters of thanks are ordered to
Tirrell, and others, for their care, ordering them to
imprison all such as came not to Divine service ; and
to keep them in prison until they had the comfort of
their amendment : several men and women were im-
prisoned in Huntingdonshire. The 20th of August,
mention is made of some in prison for words. On
the 21st of August, an order was sent to examine into
a conspiracy in Suffolk, by certain lewd persons. On
the 16th of September, a letter was ordered to the
Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London to punish the
spreaders of false rumours.

But now came on the great affair of the reconciling The recon
the nation to the see of Rome. The two former par- with Rome
liaments could not be brought up to that ; so the designed-
court was willing to accept all that they could be
brought to ; but when they saw at what they stuck,
they were sent home : and some were so weak as to
think, that, by yielding in some things, they should
give the court such content, as to save the rest. They
were willing to return back to that state of religion in
which King Henry left it ; and did not rightly ap-
prehend that nothing could give the Queen an entire
content, but a total reconciliation with the Pope;

344 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

whereas those who could not come up to this ought
to have stood firm at first, and not. by giving ground,
have encouraged the court to compass their whole
design. The Queen was more than ordinary solicitous
to get a parliament chosen to her mind. She wrote
a letter to the Earl of Sussex, and probably she wrote
to all those in whom she confided, in the same strain.

. Il wil1 be found in the Collection. " She had now
summoned a parliament to the 12th of November, in
which she expected to be assisted by him ; and that
he would admonish her good subjects, who had aright
to elect the members, to choose men of the wise, grave,
and catholic sort; such as indeed meant the true ho-
nour of God, and the prosperity of the commonwealth;
which she and the King her husband did intend, with-
out the alteration of any particular man's possession;
which, among other false rumours, the hinderers of
her good purposes, and the favourers of heretics, did
most untruly report. She desired him to come up
against the feast of All-Saints, at the furthest, that she
might confer with him about those matters, that were
to be treated of in parliament." This is dated the
6th of October ; and so careful was that lord to merit
the continuance of the Queen's confidence, that, on the
14th of October, he wrote to the gentlemen of the
county to reserve their voices for the person whom he
should name : he also wrote to the town of Yarmouth for
aburgess. Butnowtoopenmoreparticularlythe great
matter that was to be transacted in this parliament.
Foie sent When the news of the change of government in
that end. England, and of the Queen's intentions, were brought
to Rome, it was not possible to deliberate long who
was the properest person to be sent legate. Pole had
so many meritorious characters on him, that, besides
the signification of the Queen's desire, no other person
could be thought on. A. Harmer has given the bull,
upon which he was sent from Rome. It is dated the
5th of August 1553, though the Queen came not tc
London till the 3d of August; and Comendone, who
carried her message to the Pope, was in London on
the 23d : for he saw the Duke of Northumberland's

Collect.
Numb. 15.

PART III. BOOK V. 345

execution. It seems that at Rome, upon King Ed-
ward's death, they took it for granted, both that her
right would take place, and that she would reconcile
her kingdom again to that see ; and therefore the bull
was prepared. Pole had at that time retired three hun-
dred miles from Rome, to an abbey upon the lake, now
called de Garda: in his absence he was declared le-
gate; upon which he wrote a letter to the Queen on
the 13th of August, which I have put in the Collection.

" He begins expressing his joy at her exaltation, "
more particularly at the manner of it; which he reckons £ueen.
a singular work of an immediate Providence; in
which, as indeed the subject seemed to allow, he en-
larges very copiously. And since she carried the name
of the blessed Virgin, he calls on her to say the Mag-
nificat, applying it to the late providences of God to-
wards herself. He desires her to consider what was
the beginning of all the miseries that England had
felt; it was the King her father's departing from the
apostolic see, and the catholic church. He was a wit-
ness to all the steps made in that matter: he had upon
all occasions asserted both her mother's marriage, and
her own right: and had done and suffered much on

O

that account. He was therefore now most particularly
concerned to know what her mind was with relation
to religion; and though he was then three hundred
miles from Rome, he was named legate, to be sent to
her, to the Emperor, and to the French King; there-
fore he sent one to her to know her mind. He did
not doubt of it; for no person owed more to the apos-
tolic see than she did, since it was upon her account
that so much outrage had been done to it. So, before
he would proceed in his legatine function, he desired
to know her pleasure more particularly."

Upon this she wrote an answer on the 10th of Oc-
tober, which is also in the Collection. "She thanked
him for all the kind expressions in his letter; and in anu8wer!
particular for the good advice he gave her. She was
full of reverence and obedience to the holy see; but
it was a great trouble to her, that she could not yet
declare her mind openly in that matter. As soon as

34<> BURNKT'S REFORMATION.

it was safe for her to do it, she would let him know
it. His messenger would tell him all particulars: she
was then crowned. She hoped the parliament would
repeal all the bad laws: and that she should obtain
the Pope's pardon for all her own faults. She sends
by him her most humble thanks to the Pope for his
clemency to her, and for his readiness to forget all that
is past." With this she sent back Ormanet to him.
The bull that the Pope sent to Pole is all a rhetorical
panegyric upon the Queen's coming to the crown, and
on her pious intentions. But bulls being often in a
common form, it is not in it but in the breves that we
are to seek the powers, or instructions, given to Pole.
There was a part of Cardinal Pole's register con-
veyed to me about a year after my second volume was
printed : a short account of the most remarkable things
in it was then printed, in a letter directed to me. The
characters of the truth of the papers are visible : some
of them are in Latin, and some in Italian : and because
1 look on this as a matter of great consequence, I will
give a very particular account of them.
collect. The first paper, which will be found in the Collec-
tion, is the breve, that was at first sent him, of the
Pope's own motion; and bears date the 8th of March
1554. By it, "Pole is empowered to receive all he-
retics of both sexes and of all ranks, even bishops and
archbishops, communities as well as single persons, of
what heresies soever guilty, though relapsed in them,
upon their true and unfeigned repentance; and to ab-
solve them from all pains and censures, how long so-
ever they had continued in their errors, and though
their sins were reserved immediately to the holy see.
And he was empowered to pardon all irregularities
run into by them, and all the bigamies of ecclesiasti-
cal persons; they first relinquishing their wives: not-
withstanding which, they might be continued in their
orders and functions, and might be capable of all ec-
clesiastical promotions: all infamy being pardoned,
provided they, with a contrite heart, should sacra-
mentally confess their sins to any catholic priest, at
their choice, and submit to such penance as he should

powers.

PART III. BOOK V. 347

enjoin : excusing them from all public confession, ab-
juration, or open penance. Absolving all communi-
ties from any unlawful pactions, in favour of others,
though confirmed by oaths. Empowering him to re-
ceive all regulars, and to absolve them from the cen-
sures of apostacy; allowing them to possess benefices
as seculars. Dispensing with the strict observation of
Lent, as to milk, meats, and eggs; and even flesh,
upon the allowance of either the confessor, or the phy-
sician. Giving him authority, to suifer such of the
clergy, under the degree of a bishop, who were mar-
ried, upon their true conversion, to live in that state,
so that no scandals were given by it : only they were
not to minister at the altar, nor to do any ecclesias-
tical function; but they might lawfully continue in
the married state, the issue being declared lawful. To
this is added, a power of uniting of benefices."

Next comes the clause concerning the possessors
of ecclesiastical goods. "He is impowered to agree,
transact, and discharge them, for all the profits they
had wickedly received, and for the moveable goods
that they had consumed; the immoveable goods that
have been by them unduly detained, being first re-
stored, if that should seem to be convenient to him.
And whatever should arise out of any such agreement,
was to be applied to the church to which such goods
had belonged, or for the advancement of studies, and
to schools. There is likewise a power granted to de-
legate others under him, for the care and performance
of all these particulars. But because he was to go
first to Flanders, and stay in those parts for some time,
the Pope gave him authority to execute these powers,
even while he was without the kingdom, to all per-
sons belonging to it, that should apply to him, parti-
cularly with relation to all orders unduly received ;
and to confirm bishops or archbishops, who had been
promoted by a secular nomination, during the schism,
and had assisted the former kings, though they had
fallen into heresy, upon their return to the unity of the
church. And to provide to metropolitical or cathe-
dral churches, such persons as should be recommended

348 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

to him by the Queen, according to the customs of the
kingdom, upon any vacancy. And to absolve and rea-
bilitate all clergymen, of all ranks, notwithstanding
their past errors. All these powers are confirmed, with
a full non obstante to all constitutions whatsoever."
cardinal Here was a great fulness of favour, with relation to
pedln1"1' all personal things. When Pole (whose name I write
as he himself did, and not as we usually do) came to
Flanders, he was stopped by the Emperor's order, till
his powers were seen, and sent to England. When
they were seen, they were considered as far short of
what was expected, and of what seemed necessary for
the carrying on the reconciliation quietly through the
nation. So Pole sent Ormanet to Rome for fuller
powers, and retired to Diligam-Abbey, near Brussels.
While he was there, he heard the news of Philip's
arrival in England, and of the Queen's being married
to him. Upon which he wrote a letter of congratu-
lation to the Bishop of Arras, which is in the Collec-

Numb. 18 -ill ii i* 11

tion. And on the same day he wrote this acceptable
piece of news to the Cardinal de Monte, which is also
collet. jn tne Collection. In the postscript to the Bishop of
Arras, he tells him, that Ormanet was returned with
fuller powers. He brought with him two breves.

The first is of no importance to this matter; but
because it was thought to be suppressed on design, by
the writer of the letter directed to me by him that wrote
on this subject in King James's time, it is put in the
Collection. It sets forth, " that he was sent first to
the Queen of England ; and after that he was consti-
tuted legated latere for mediating a peace between the
> Emperor and the King of France. He had also very
ample powers given him, while he remained in Flan-
ders, with relation to English persons and affairs. But
since, by reason of the schism, and other errors, many
cases might happen, that wanted a provision from the
apostolical see, which could not be comprehended
within the faculties given him; and because it is doubt-
ful whether he may yet use them in the Queen's do-
minions ; and which of them shall be made use of,
while he is either with the Emperor or the King of

ers M
Pole.

PART III. BOOK V. 349

France ; the Pope gives him full power to make use
of all faculties sent to him, by himself, or by any other
deputed by him : and to do every thing that he shall
think will conduce to the glory of God, the honour of
the holy see, and the bringing the Queen's dominions
to the communion of the church as fully as may be.
And while he remained with the Emperor, he gave him
all the powers of a legate a latere for all his dominions.
And he gave him the same powers while he should
be with the King of France."

The other breve, which is also in the Collection, Collect-

r i • I i • Nnn.1. 21

sets forth, " that, upon the hopes ot reducing the king-
dom of England, that had been torn from the body
of the catholic church, to an union with it, out of
which there is no salvation ; the Pope had sent him
his legate a latere, with all the powers that seemed
necessary or proper for effecting that work : in parti-
cular, to agree and transact with the possessors of
church-goods concerning them. And whereas, by the
beginnings and progress already made, there is good
hopes of bringing that work to a full perfection; which
will go on the easier, the more indulgent and bountiful
the Pope shews himself, with relation to the posses-
sions of those goods. The Pope, therefore, not wil-
ling that the recovering that nation, and the salvation
of so many souls, should be obstructed by any worldly
regards ; in imitation of the good father who received
the returning prodigal, he empowered Pole, in whose
prudence and dexterity he put an entire confidence, to
treat with all the possessors or detainers of ecclesiasti-
cal goods, for whom the Queen should intercede; and
to transact and compound with them, that they might,
without any scruple, enjoy and retain the said goods :
and to conclude every thing that was proper or neces-
sary with relation to them. Saving always such things,
in which, for the greatness and importance of them,
it shall seem fit to you to consult this holy see, to ob-
tain our approbation and confirmation." Upon which
he is fully empowered to proceed, with a full nan
obstante, bearing date the 28th of June. With these
breves, Cardinal de Monte wrote him a letter, in the

350 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Roman way, of a high compliment ; which is in the

Collection.

The next letter is from Cardinal Morone, which is
coiiec«. likewise in the Collection. By this it appears, that

Numb. C.I. T-JI-I-, T-I i • i •

role had gone to b ranee upon his legatme commis-
sion. And, after the usual Roman civilities, " he tells
him, he had laid his letter before the Pope, who was
beginning to despair of the affairs of England. And
though the Pope had not patience to read or hear his
letter, which was his ordinary custom, yet he told him
the sum of it, with which he was satisfied, and said,
he had given no cause, neither to the Emperor nor to
any other, to use such extravagant words to him. It
seems Pole had desired to be recalled ; but the Pope
said, that could not be done. It would be a great dis-
grace both to the Pope and to the apostolical see, to
the Emperor himself, and to Cardinal Pole, and a great
prejudice to England. But he would not write to the
Emperor upon it : nor was he resolved about the goods
of the church ; concerning which he spoke often very
variously. He resolved to write both to the Queen and
to the Prince of Spain ; which letters, he adds, will
be sent by Ormanet, who is dispatched with every
thing necessary for the business, conform to his desire."
The rest is all compliment, dated the 13th of July.
Then follows a breve, merely in point of form, ex-
tending the former powers, that were addressed only
to the Queen, to Philip her husband; dated the 10th
of July.

it!d be* Upon this, the Emperor being then at Valenciennes,
fore the the Cardinal sent Ormanet thither, who gave an ac-
' count of his audience to Priuli, the Legate's great and
collect, generous friend, which will be found in the Collection.

•VT __ f\ t ^^

The Bishop of Arras told him how much the Emperor
had the matters of religion at heart, and that he would
be always ready to promote them. But when Ormanet
pressed him for a present dispatch, he said, they had
no news from England since the marriage; and that,
before any other step was made it would be necessary
to know what ply the affairs of that kingdom were like
to take. It was fit to consider, whether the powers of

Num.

PART III. BOOK V. 351

securing the goods of the church should come from the
Legate, or from the King and Queen. Then he desired
to see the copy of the Cardinal's faculties. As to the
point of time, Ormanet said, it was not fit to lose a
moment, since so many souls were endangered by the
delay : and the first coming of the Prince of Spain
ought not to be let slip, by which the honour of the
work would be chiefly due to him. As for his faculties,
all things necessary were committed to the Cardinal
in the amplest manner ; and more particular resolu-
tions could not be taken but upon the place. Some-
what further passed between them, which Ormanet
reserves till he saw the Cardinal. The Bishop of
Arras promised to lay all before the Emperor, and to
do all good offices. The Emperor was at that time so
well, that he was often on horseback to view his army,
which had then marched to St. Amand, and the two
armies were very near one another. This is dated the
last of July.

On the 3d of August, the Bishop of Arras wrote to vethewa,
the Cardinal, " that the Emperor received his congra- ^"cTiayf
tulations on the marriage very kindly ; but did not
think it was yet proper for him to go to England, till
they had a perfect accoutn of the present state of affairs
there. To know that, he had that day sent an express
thither : upon his return he should be able to give
him a more positive answer. He knew the zeal of the
King and Queen was such, that they would lose no
time ; but yet they must proceed with such modera-
tion, that the way to a true remedy might not be cut
off by too much haste." This is in the Collection, collect.
The Cardinal had a letter from Bartholomew de Mi- *
randa, a friar, who (I suppose) was King Philip's con-
fessor, and afterwards archbishop of Toledo, from
Winchester, July 28. It is only a letter of respect
desiring his commands. The Cardinal wrote to the
Bishop of Arras on the 5th of August. He sent him
the copy of his faculties, and expressed a great ear-
nestness in his design of going speedily into England,
as soon as the courier sent by the Emperor should re-
turn. He shewed himself as impatient of the delays,

J52 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

as in good manners he could well do. This is also
t.^ in the Collection.

King Philip stayed at Winchester some days after
the marriage : for, on the 4th of August, he sent the
Count of Horn over to the Emperor from thence; and
by him he wrote a letter, partly of respect, partly of
credit, to the Cardinal. To this the Cardinal wrote
collet, an answer, which I have put in the Collection : though,

Numb. 27. l-i Vl_-l_ 1- 11 •

besides such high compliments as are usually given
to princes, there is nothing particular in it; only he
still insists earnestly for leave to come over. On the
] 1th of August, the Bishop of Arras wrote to him,
"that he had seen the copy of his faculties, and he joins
with him in his wishes, to see that kingdom restored
to its ancient obedience : he assures him, the Emperor
was pressing the dispatch of the matter, and he did
not doubt but that it would be speedily accomplished."
Pole wrote on the 2d of September to Soto, the Em-
peror's confessor, " thanking him for those pressing
letters that he had written, both to the Emperor, and
to Duke Alonso d' Aquilara ; with which the Legate
was so delighted, that he writes as one in a rapture
upon it : and he animates him to persist in that zeal
for promoting this great work."

luho,T" He was still put off with new delays; of which, the
delays, best account I can give is, that this being the decisive
stroke, there was a close canvassing over England for
the elections to this parliament. Since nothing can ef-
fectually ruin this nation but a bad choice ; therefore,
as it is the constant character of a good ministry, who
design nothing but the welfare and happiness of the
nation, to leave all men to a due freedom in their elec-
tions ; so it is the constant distinction of a bad mi-
nistry, that have wicked designs, to try all the methods
of practice and corruption possible, to carry such an
election, that the nation being ill represented by a
bad choice, it may be eisy to impose any thing on a
body of vicious, ignorant, and ill-principled men, who
may find their own mercenary account in selling and
betraying their country. It appeared in the two for-
mer parliaments who they were that could not bear

PART III. BOOK V. 353

the returning to their old servitude to the papacy. It
was, no doubt, spread over England, that they saw the
Legate was kept in Flanders, and not suffered yet to
come over : this seems the true cause why his coming
was so long put off. It might be likewise an artifice of
Gardiner's, to make the difficulties appear the greater,
and by that to enhance his own merit the more. It is
plain, that, till the election was over, and till the
pulses of the majority were first tried, it was resolved
not to suffer the Legate to come over. This seems to
be that which he insinuates in his letter to the Con-
fessor, when he says, that " the wisdom of the wise
has kept the gate so long shut against him."

On the 13th of October, Pole wrote the Pope an ac- collect.
count of what had passed between him and the Bishop N
of Arras and the Emperor himself: the Bishop of Arras,
as he writes, came to him and assured him that the
Emperor was in the best disposition possible : but it
was necessary to come to particulars, to examine all the
impediments, and the best methods to put them out
of the way. The Legate said he had full powers, and
desired to know from England what impediments
were suggested. He added, this was not a negotia-
tion like that in making a peace, where both sides did
conceal their own designs all they could, till they
discovered those of the contrary side : here all had
but one design, and he was ready to enter into parti-
culars when they pleased. He had an audience of
the Emperor, none but the Nuncio and the Bishop of
Arras being present. In it, after usual compliments,
the impediments proposed were two ; the first related
to the doctrine, in which there was no abatement to
be made, nor indulgence to be shewed. The other
was concerning the lands ; for the usurpers of them,
knowing the severity of the ecclesiastical laws, were
afraid to return to the obedience of the church : to
this the Legate answered, that the Pope was resolved
to extend his indulgence in this case ; first as to all
the mean profits already received, and the censures
incurred by that, which was a great point ; the Pope
was willing freely to discharge that entirely : nor did

VOL. III. 2 A

354 BURNfcT'S REFORMATION.

he intend to apply any part of these to himself, or to
the apostolical see, as many feared he would : though
that might seem reasonable, as a compensation for
damages sustained, but he would convert all to the
service of God, and to the benefit of the kingdom :
and he had such regard to the piety of those Princes,
that he had empowered him to grant such favours as
they should intercede for, and to such persons as they
should think worthy to be gratified, and were capable
to assist him in the matter of religion. The Em-
peror understanding all this, thanked the Pope very
heartily for his favour in that matter : he said he had
granted enough ; he excused himself, that, being
wholly taken up with the present war, he had no
sooner applied himself to consider the matter : now
he knew it well : he had already written to England,
and he expected a speedy answer from thence, by
which he would know the state of affairs there. He
knew, by his own experience in Germany, that this
of the church-lands was the point that was most stood
on: as to matters of doctrine, he did not believe that
they stood much upon that, they neither believing the
one nor the other : yet those lands (or goods) being
dedicated to God, he thought it was not fit to yield
all up to those who possessed them : he added, that
thouo-h the Legate had told him the whole extent of
his powers, yet he would do well not to open that to
others. He then desired to see his faculties. The
Legate upon that, apprehending this would give a
handle to a new delay, said he had already shewed
them to the Bishop of Arras, and he told the Em-
peror what a scandal it would give to the whole world
if the reconciliation should not be settled by this par-
liament. The Queen did not think fit to press it for-
mally, till she had received that mighty assistance
which was now come to her by her marriage; yet
if this, which ought to have been the beginning and
the foundation of all the rest, were delayed any longer,
it must give great offence both to God and man. The
Emperor said, regard was to be had to the ill dispo-
sition of the people concerned, who had formed in

PART III. BOOK V. 355

themselves and others an aversion to the name of obe-
dience, and to a red cap, and a religious habit. He
said, some friars, whom his son had brought with him
out of Spain, were advised to change their habits.
They had not indeed done it, nor was it convenient
that they should do it. He also touched on the ill
offices that would be done them by their enemies
abroad, in order to the raising of tumults, (meaning
the French.) The Legate answered, if he must stay
till all impediments were removed, that would be end-
less. The audience ended with this, that he must
have a little patience till the Secretary whom he had
sent into England should return.

O

Mason was then the Queen's ambassador at the Em- cardinal

, i • i i/~ir>/~vi • much

peror's court: he, in a letter on the oth ot October, writ esteemed
towards the end of it (the rest being a long account oCiw^bM-'
the war between the Emperor and the French King) sailor-
concerning the Cardinal (which will be found in the
Collection") ; that he was sent by the Pope on two de- collect

, ,. J , , Numb. 29.

signs ; the one to mediate a peace between those two
powers ; the other to mediate a spiritual peace, as he
called it, in the kingdom of England : but seeing no
hope of succeeding, either in the one or the other, he
began to despair : and if he did not quickly see some
appearance of success in the last, he would go back to
Rome a sorrowful man: and here Mason runs out,
either to make his court to the Queen, or to the Legate,
or that he was really possessed with a very high opi-
nion of him, which seems the more probable, as well
as the more honest motive : he says, " All the world
adores him for his wisdom, learning, virtue, and god-
liness. God seems to dwell in him; his conversation,
with his other godly qualities, was above the ordinary
sort of men. It would be a strong heart that he would
not soften in half an hour's talk."

At this time the Cardinal wrote a long letter to King IIe wiit63
Philip in Latin : he tells him he had been now for a r0
year knocking at the gates of the palace, and nobody >
opened to him : though he is the person that was
driven from his country into an exile of above twenty-
years' continuance, because he was against shutting

2 A 2

Collect.
Numb. 30.

356 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

the Queen out of that palace in which he now lived
with her : but he comes with a higher authority, in the
name of the Vicar of the Great King and Shepherd,
St. Peter's successor, or rather St. Peter himself, who
was so long driven out of England : upon this he runs
out into a long allegory, taken from St. Peter's being
delivered out of prison, from Herod's cruel purpose,
and coming to the gate of Mary, where, though his
voice was known, yet he was kept long knocking at
the door ; Mary not being sure that it was he himself.
He dresses this out with much pomp, and in many
•words, as a man that had practised eloquence much,
and had allowed himself in flights of forced rhetoric;
liker indeed to the declamation of a student in rhetoric,
than the solemn letter of so great a man on such an
occasion. It is true that this way of writing had been
early practised, and had been so long used, even by
popes themselves, that these precedents might seem
to warrant him to copy after such originals.
The Q«een At last the Queen sent the Lord Paget and Lord
bring'hta Hastings to bring him over: their letter upon their
Fn^ianj. coming to the Emperor's court is dated from Brussels,
c»iiect. the 13th of November. In it they give an account of
their waiting upon the Emperor with the King and
Queen's compliments. The Emperor had that day re-
ceived the sacrament, yet they were admitted to au-
dience in the afternoon : he expressed great joy when
he heard them give an account how matters were in
England, and roused himself up in a cheerful manner,
and said, that, among many great benefits, he was
bound to thank God for this as a main one, that he
now saw England brought back to a good state. He
had seen what the kingdom had once been, and into
what calamities it fell afterwards : and now he thanked
God for the miracles shewed to the Queen, to make
her the minister to bring it again to its ancient dig-
nity, wealth, and renown. He also rejoiced that God
had given her so soon such a certain hope of succes-
sion: these tidings of the state of her person, with the
report of the consent of the noblemen and others touch-
ing the Cardinal, and their obedience and union with

Numb. 31.

PART III. BOOK V. 357

the catholic church, were so pleasant to him, that, if
he had been half dead, they would have revived him:
he promised them all assistance, as they should come
to need it.

From the Emperor they went to the Cardinal, who
welcomed them with great joy, and with expressions
full of duty and thankfulness to the Queen. Here
they enlarge on his praises: "they call him the man
of God, full of godliness and virtue ; and so eminently
humble, that he was contented to come into England
in such sort as the Queen had commanded ; not as a
legate, but as a cardinal, and an ambassador sent to
the Queen : and they assured the Queen, that, touch-
ing the matter of possessions, all things should pass
on the Pope's behalf so, that every man there shall
have cause to be contented. Pole took leave of the
Emperor on the 12th; he was to set out in slow
journeys, his body being then too weak for great
ones; in six days he was to be at Calais, where they
had ordered every thing to be ready for his trans-
portation,

It seems by this that the Queen reckoned on it, as
sure, that she was with child: though in that, after her^ir u>
the hopes of it were published with too much preci- di.^.
pitation, she found herself so much mistaken, that it
was believed the grief and shame of it, both together,
had an ill effect on her health and life.

About this time there was a very abusive libel,
printed in the form of a letter, as writ by Bradford to
the Queen ; in which it was said, " that it was believed
the Queen intended to give the crown to the King,
hoping that then he would keep company with her
more, and live more chaste, contrary to his nature; for,
peradventure after he was crowned, he would be con-
tent with one whore; whereas he had then three or
four in a night ; and these not ladies but common pros-
titutes." One John Capstoke, the printer, was disco- Rymer'
vered ; he was condemned to be imprisoned, and to
have his ears nailed to the pillory, and cut off; yet he
was pardoned. The consideration is not mentioned ;
it may be easily imagined it was no small one, pro-

358 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

bably enough it was upon the discovery of some of
those whom they were seeking out for the slaughter.
I have nothing to add to what I wrote formerly with
relation to this parliament, and the reconciliation made
in it : no doubt Pole, according to the powers in his
the limits breve, desired the Queen would name such persons to
whom the favour of confirming them in their posses-
sions should be granted ; but it seems they durst not
venture on any discrimination, lest that should have
made the excepted persons desperate. So it is evident,
that the confirming of all without exception, was, if
not beyond his powers, yet at least a matter of such
importance, that he ought to have consulted the Pope
upon it; and to have stayed till he had new and spe-
cial orders to pass it in so full a manner as he did.
But still it is plain, by the message sent to Rome, that
he made the council at least to apprehend that it was
necessary to send thither for a confirmation of what
he had done, without any limits, upon powers that
were expressly limited, and reserved to a confirmation.
On the 12th of December, Mason wrote from Brus-
se^s > anc^' &fter ne na(i given in his letter an account
restoring of what passed in the diet, upon a letter written to it
lands. ey by the French King, he also writes, "that one of the
Emperor's council had told him, that his master was
displeased to hear that a preacher was beating the
pulpit jollily (I use his own words), for the restitution
of the abbey-lands: upon this he writes, that if it be
so meant by the Prince, and the thing be thought con-
venient, he did his duty : but if it was not so, it was
a strange thing, that, in a well-ordered commonwealth,
a subject should be so hardy as to cry thus to the
people, to raise storms next summer against what they
were then doing in winter; and if the thing were to
be talked of, it ought to be to the Prince and council,
and not to the people: he reflects on the unbridled
sermons in the former times, that they were much mis-
liked ; so he hoped, that in a good government that
should have been amended. He thought the person
that preached this might be well put to silence; for
he, being a monk, and having vowed poverty, pos-

PART III. BOOK V. 359

sessed a deanery and three or four benefices. He tells
them he had heard by the report of other ambassadors,
that England was now returned to the unity of the
Christian church. He should have been glad that he
might have been able to confirm this by some certain
knowledge of it; but it was ordinary for the ambas-
sadors of England to know the least of all others of
the matters of their own kingdom." A custom of a
long continuance, of which I have heard great com-
plaints made of a later date. On the 25th of Decem-
ber he wrote, that, according to his orders, he had let
the Emperor know the apprehensions the Queen had
of the progress of her big belly : and that all was quiet,
and every thing went on happily in England. Upon
this the Emperor fell into a free discourse with him
of the difference between governing with rigour and
severity; and the governing in such sort, that both
prince and people might sentre entendre etsentre aimer,
mutually understand and mutually love one another.
This, as it is at all times a noble measure of govern-
ment, so it was more necessary to offer such an advice,
at a time in which it was resolved to proceed with an
unmerciful rigour against those whom they called he-
retics. The Queen seemed to be so sure that she was
quick with child, that the privy-council wrote upon it
a letter to Bonner, and ordered him to cause Te Deum
to be sung upon it. With such a precipitation was
this desired piece of news published.

Some small favour was, at King Philip's desire, J«^i«,
shewed to some. The Archbishop of York was re- The Arch.
leased upon a bond of 20,000 marks for his good be- S°kpse°tf
haviour. How far he recanted or complied does not atlibertr-
appear: one thing may be reasonably concluded; that
since no more mention is made of the complaint put
in against him, for keeping another man's wife from
him, there is no reason to think there was any truth
in it. For there being so particular a zeal then on foot
to disgrace the marriage of the clergy, so flagrant an
instance as this, in a man put in so eminent a post,
would not have been passed over, if there had been any
colour of truth or proof for it. On the 27th of January,

33

3CJO BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Hopkins, sheriff of the city of Coventry, was put in the
Fleet for ill religion. On the 19th of February, some
small regard was had to Miles Coverdale, as being a
foreigner; for he was a Dane: he had a passport to
go to Denmark, with two servants, without any un-
lawful let or search.

On the 29th of January, Cardinal Pole gave de-
puted powers to the bishops, to reconcile all persons
to the church, pursuant to the first breve he had from
the Pope, by which the reconciliation was made very
easy; everyone being left at his liberty to choose his
own confessor, who was to enjoin him his penance:
upon which the clergy, both regulars and seculars,
were to be entirely restored, confirmed in their bene-
fices, and made capable of all further favours : but
those who were accused, or condemned for heresy,
were only to be restored to the peace of the church,
for the quiet of their consciences. All canonical irre-
gularities were also taken off; all public abjurations
or renunciations were, at discretion, to be either mo-
derated or entirely forgiven ; with a power to the bi-
shop, to depute such rectors and curates as he shall
think fit, to absolve and reconcile all lay-persons to
the church. That sent to the Bishop of Norwich is
still upon record, and was collated with the register,
and sent me by Dr. Tanner. With this I have like-
w*se Pu* ^n ^e Collection the method in which it was
' executed. First, the Articles of the Visitation are in
. it, in English ; then follow rules, in Latin, given by
the Cardinal, to all bishops and their officials. The
most material of these is, " that all who were empow-
ered to reconcile persons to the church were required
to enter into a register the names of all such as they
should receive: that it might appear upon record who
were and who were not reconciled ; and to proceed
against all such as were not reconciled : in particular,
they were to insert Thomas Becket's name, and also
the Pope's, in all their offices/'

Now came on the burning of heretics. Many had
been kept above a year and a half in prison, when yet
there was no law against them : and now a law was

PART III. BOOK V. 361

made against them, which it could not be pretended
that they had transgressed. But articles were ob-
jected to them to which they were, by the ecclesias-
tical law, obliged to make answer : and upon their
answers they were condemned. Sampson, in a letter
to Calvin, wrote on the 23d of February, " that Gar-
diner had ordered fourscore of the prisoners to be Therefor
brought before him, and had tried to prevail on them,
both by promises and threatenings, to return, as he
called it, to the union of the church : but not one of
them yielded, except Barlow, that had been bishop
of Bath and Wells, and Cardmaker, an archdeacon
there." So this proved ineffectual. How far these
yielded does not appear.

It was resolved to begin with Hooper ; against
whom both Gardiner and Bonner had so peculiar an
ill-will, that he was singled out of all the bishops to
be the first sacrifice. A copy of his process and sen-
tence was sent me by Dr. Tanner, which I have put
in the Collection. On the 28th of January, he was collect.
brought before Gardiner in his court in South wark,
and is called only John Hooper Clark. Gardiner set
forth, " that the day before he had been brought be-
fore him and others of the privy-council, and exhorted
to confess his errors and heresies, and to return to the
unity of the church, a pardon being offered him for all
that was past; but that his heart was so hardened,
that he would not accept of it : so he was then brought
to answer to certain articles ; but he had again the
offer made him, to be received into the bosom of the
church, if he desired it. He rejected that ; and, as
the acts of the court have it, he did impudently break
out into some blasphemies." The articles that were
objected to him, were three: — " 1. That he, being a
priest, and of a religious order, had married a wife,
and lived with her ; and did, both by preaching and
writing, justify and defend that his marriage. To
which he answered, acknowledging it was true : and
that he was still ready to defend it. 2. That persons
married might, for the cause of fornication or adultery,
accordino- to the word of God, be so divorced, that

362 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

they might lawfully marry again. To this he likewise
answered, confessing it, and saying, that he was ready
to defend it against all who would oppose it. 3. That
he had publicly taught and maintained, that, in the
sacrament of the altar, the true and natural body and
blood of Christ are not present under the accidents of
bread and wine, so that there is no material bread and
wine in it." To which his answer is set down in Eng-
lish words, " that the very natural body and blood of
Christ is not really and substantially in the sacrament
of the altar." Saying also, "that the mass was of the
devil, and was an idol." Gardiner, upon this, ordered
him to come again into court the next day ; and then
he did again try, by many persuasions, to prevail on
him. But he continued still obstinate, and said fur-
ther, " that marriage was none of the seven sacra-
ments ; and if it was a sacrament, he could prove
there were sevenscore sacraments." After all this,
Hooper, Gardiner gave sentence, and delivered him over to the
Msehnps'hat secular arm. Upon which, the Sheriffs of London
suffered, ^Q^ njm mto ^Q^ hands, as their prisoner. But it

b'lrbaious- 11- /^ i 1

lyused. was resolved to send him to Gloucester, there to re-
ceive his crown of martyrdom. And there was a par-
ticular order sent along with him to Gloucester, in
which he is designed, " John Hooper, that was called
bishop of Worcester and Gloucester, who was judged
to be a most obstinate, false, detestable heretic, and
JE' did still persist obstinate, and refused mercy, though
collect, it vvas offered to him: he was sent to be burned at
' Gloucester, to the example and terror of those whom
he had seduced. Order is also given, to call some of
reputation in that shire to assist the Mayor and the
Sheriffs of that city. And because this Hooper is, as
all heretics are, a vain-glorious person; and if he have
liberty to speak, he may persuade such as he has se-
duced, to persist in the miserable opinions that he hath
taught them; therefore strict order is given, that nei-
ther at his execution, nor in going to the place of it,
he be suffered to speak at large; but that he be led
quietly, and in silence, for avoiding further infection.'
This will be found in the Collection. But though

PART III. BOOK V. 363

his words could not be suffered to be heard, yet the
voice of his sufferings, which were extremely violent,
had probably the best effect on those who saw both
them, and his constancy in them. He had been
above a year and a half in prison, under much hard
usage. He sent his wife out of England to deliver
himself from that which might raise too great ten-
derness in him, especially if he had seen her ill-used,
which the wives of the clergy were in danger of daily.
He wrote several letters toBullinger from the prison,
but was so watched that he durst not enter into any
particulars. Most of his letters were recommenda-
tions of some who were then flying out of England.
He. in them all, expressed much constancy and pa-
tience. And he was preparing himself for that in
which he reckoned his imprisonment would soon end.
He had no other prospect but of sealing the truth with
his blood. He was very glad when he knew his wife
had got safe to Frankfort, where she lived, and wrote
several letters to Bullinger in a very clear and natural
style of Latin. They do chiefly relate to her husband's
condition.

Among several letters that Hooper wrote, during his
imprisonment, to Bullinger, I find one that is so full,
and shews so clearly the temper of that holy man in
his imprisonment, that I have put it in the Collection, collect.

1 . -I Kunib 37.

He had written several letters to him, that it seems
fell into ill hands, and so came not to Zurich, as they
were directed ; as he found by Bullinger's last letter,
that some of his were also intercepted. " That last
which he had, was directed to him, to be communi-
cated to all his fellow-prisoners: he promised, that he
would take care to send it round among them. The
wound that the papacy had received in England, was
then entirely healed : the Pope was now declared the
head of that church. The prisoners, who had been
shut up for a year and a half, were daily troubled by
the enemies of the gospel : they were kept asunder
from one another, and treated with all manner of in-
dignities ; and they were daily threatened with the
last extremities, which did not terrify them.

364 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

" They were so inwardly fortified, that they de-
spised both fire and sword. They knew in whom they
believed; and were sure they were to suffer for well-
doing. He desires the continuance of their prayers, let
God do with them what seemed good in his eyes. He
sent over to him two books that he had written, the
one of true religion, and the other of false religion,
which he had dedicated to the parliament, as an apo-
logy for the Reformation. He gives them liberty to
correct them as they thought fit ; and desired, that
they might be quickly printed; for they were well
approved by the pious and learned about him. He
desires they may not be frighted from doing it, by the
apprehensions of any harm that might happen to him-
self upon that account : he committed himself to God,
who was his defence and his guard, through Jesus
Christ: to whom he had entirely dedicated himself.
If God would prolong his life, he prayed it might be
to the glory of his name : but if he would put an end
to this short and wicked life, which of these soever it
pleased God to order, his will be done." This is
dated from his prison, the llth of December 1554.
It appears that Hooper's wife was a German ; so his
sending her in time out of England was a just expres-
sion of his care of her.

On the 18th of March, some sacrifices being to be
made in Essex, letters were written by the council
to the Earl of Oxford, and the Lord Rich, to be pre-
sent at the burning of those obstinate heretics, that
were sent to divers parts of that county. And on the
1st of April, informations being brought that there
were preachers at work in several parts of the king-
dom, a general order was sent to all sheriffs to seize
on them. When that madman, William Thomas, called
otherwise Flower, or Branch, was seized on, for wound-
ing a priest in the church, they found a cloth about
his neck, with these words, Deum time, idoium fuge ;
Fear God, and fly from idolatry. He was seized on
by Sir Nicholas Hare and Sir Thomas Cornwall : they
had letters of thanks from the council for their pains.
They were ordered first to examine him, then to send

PART III. BOOK V. 3G5

him to the Bishop of London, to proceed against him
for heresy ; and to the justices of peace, to punish him
for the shedding of blood in the church: and if he
persists in his heresy, order is given, that he be exe-
cuted in the latter end of the week ; but that his right
hand should be cut off the day before.

On the 1 Gth of May some persons were named, and Person»
i • • i 11 i 1 1 i- • j • 8pp"in**d

their appointments ordered, who should be in reach- to carry

ness to carry the news of the Queen's delivery to fo- 0hfethDeew3
reign princes. The Lord Admiral was appointed to go J2jn£.
to the Emperor ; and was allowed 4/. a day, and 200/. Hvered.
for equipage. The Lord Fitzwater was to go to the
French court, and was to have two hundred marks for
equipage. Sir Henry Sydney was to go to the King
of the Romans, and to have five hundred marks: and
Shelly was to carry the news to the King of Portugal,
and to have four hundred marks. This was repeated
on the 28th of May. The money was ordered to be
ready for the immediate dispatch of those envoys. And
on the 29th of May orders were given, that the per-
sons named should be ready to go when warned. On
the 1st of June a letter was ordered to the Bishop of
London, to proceed against some who were suspected
to be of evil religion. And on the 3d of June, letters
were written to the Lord Rich to assist at the execu-
tion of some heretics at Colchester, Harwich, and
Meaintru ; a letter was also written to the Earl of Ox-
ford, to send his servants to attend on the Lord Rich
at those executions. It is not easy to guess whether
the many letters written upon those occasions were to
prevent tumults, because they apprehended the people
might rescue those victims out of the Sheriff's hands,
if he had not been well guarded ; or whether it was
to celebrate those triumphs over heresy, with much
solemnity ; which is commonly done in those countries
where the Inquisition is received. At the same time
entries are made in the council-books of the examina-
tions of several persons for spreading false rumours.

On the 9th of June, letters were written to the Lord Order3 for

-»T 11- torture at

North and others, to put such obstinate persons as discretion.
would not confess to the torture, and there to order

3GG BURNET'S REFORMATION.

them at their discretion : and a letter was written to
the Lieutenant of the Tower to the same effect : whe-
ther this pretended obstinacy was a concealing of he-
retics, or of the reporters of false news, does not ap-
pear ; but whatever the matter was, the putting peo-
ple not yet convict, by that which the civil law called
a half proof (semiplena probatio), to the torture, be-
cause they were thought obstinate, and would not con-
fess, and the leaving the degree of the torture to the
discretion of those appointed for their examination,
was a great step towards the most rigorous part of the
proceedings of inquisitors. On the 12th of June or-
ders were given for making out writs for the burning
of three persons condemned for heresy in Sussex. On
the 13th of June letters of thanks were ordered to Sir
Henry Tirrel and Mr. Anthony Brown, for their as-
sistance at the execution of heretics. And on the 15th
of June letters of thanks were ordered to the Earl of
Oxford and the Lord Rich on the same account. On
the 1 7th of June letters of thanks were written to those
in Cambridge who had committed some priests to
prison : but they are ordered to release them, if tho-
roughly penitent. And on the 18th of June a letter
was written to the Bishop of London, informing him
that four parishes in Essex did still use the English
service : he is required to examine into this, and to
punish it, and to send some of his chaplains to preach
to them.
The Queen Qn fa^ jay a letter was written from London to

still looked IT i • i • • 1

tobede- Peter Martyr, telling him that it was given out that
achiw.0p. the Queen had said she could not be happily deliver-
ed till all the heretics then in prison were burned ; for
she continued still expecting to be delivered ; and on
the 24th of June an order was given to have a pass-
port ready for Shelly, that was to carry the news to
Portugal. On the 27th of June letters were written
to the Lord Rich, to give the Queen's thanks to some
gentlemen of Rochford, in Essex, for coming so ho-
nestly of themselves to Colchester, and other places,
to assist the Sheriff at executions. At this time a con-
dition was in all passports and licenses to go beyond

Mar. I.oci.

PART III. BOOK V. 3G7

sea, that they shall avoid all heretics, and all places
infected with heresy.

I shall here add a passage recorded by Fox, of a *%£*• A
declaration that was made to himself before witnesses, practice
in the year 15G8. A woman told him that she lived JJSJ
near Aldersgate, and was delivered of a boy on the°.f^de-
llth of Juiie 1555; and after she had born it, the
Lord North, and another lord, came to her, and de-
sired to have her child from her, with very fair offers,
as that her child should be well provided for ; so that
she should take no care for it, if she would swear that
she never knew or had such a child : and after this,
some women came to her, of whom one, they said,
was to be the rocker. But she would in no case part
with her child. This being at the time that the Queen
seemed to be every day looking for her delivery, may
give some suspicions, and puts us in mind of the words
of the preacher, " That which is, is that which has
been." On the 30th of June letters were written to the
gentlemen in Kent, to assist the Sheriff at the execu-
tion of heretics in Rochester, Dartford, and Timbridge.

On the 2d of July, upon an information of a com-
motion designed in Sussex, the opinion of the judges
was asked about it; and some judges were sent to pro-
ceed in it according to law. Great occasion was taken piotspre
from foolish discourses to alarm the nation with the tc
apprehension of plots, and the blame of all was to be
cast on the concealed preachers, that were now hid in
corners, instructing people at the peril of their lives :
twelve persons were brought up out of Sussex, as
guilty of a conspiracy: but I find no more of that mat-
ter. Bird, that had been bishop of Chester, and was
deprived for his marriage, did now think fit to repent ;
and eno-ao-ed so far, that Bonner made him his suf-

C3 ^j

fragan. He was blind of an eye, and being appointed
to preach before the Bishop, he chose those words for
his text, Thou art Peter: but whether his conscience
smote him, or his memory failed, he could go no fur-
ther : so instead of matter of triumph upon the apos-
tacy of such a man, the shame of such a dumb action
turned the triumph to the other side.

3G8 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

On the 9th of July, a letter was written to the Bi-
shop of London, directing him, that the three con-
demned heretics should be burnt at Uxbridge, Strat-
ford, and Walden : and he was ordered to proceed
^ against the rest. At this time Pole thought it became
ter lo him to write to Cranmer to try how far a piece of high-
' flown rhetoric could work on him, though some think
this letter was written a very little while before Cran-
mer's execution : the original is yet extant. It does
very little honour to his memory, being only a decla-
mation against heresy and schism, against a married
clergy, and separation from the see of Rome, and the
rejecting of transubstantiation. In it all he proves no-
thing, and argues nothing, but supposes all his own
principles to be true and sure : he inveighs against the
poor prisoner with some seeming tenderness, but with
a great acrimony of style, and in an insulting man-
ner, like one that knew he might say what he pleased ;
and that there was no room for making remarks and
answers to so poor an epistle ; which M. Le Grand
has thought fit to translate into French, but I do not
think it worth the while to put it in the Collection.

On the 14th of July, the Archbishop of York was
ordered to appear, but no more is said concerning him.
There were intimations given of commotions designed
at fairs, and orders were sent to sheriffs and gentlemen
to watch them : informations were also brought of a
conspiracy in Essex and Suffolk, and of another in
Dorsetshire. On the 6th of August, thanks were writ-
ten to the Earl of Oxford and the Lord Rich, with the
other justices of peace in Essex, for their diligence ;
desiring them to proceed in their examination of the
late intended conspiracy, and to bring the offenders
before them : if their offence was found to be treason,
they were to suffer as traitors : or if their guilt did not
rise up to that, they were to order them to be pu-

Ambassa- . . 4 » ..

dors sent to nished according to the statutes.
ctmfbTc'k On the 28th of August, notice was given to the
Trectin1""11' s^?iffs and justices of peace, that the King was going
inland toFlanders. The ambassadors sent to Rome, did re-
dim* 5 turn about the middle of September ; and in council,

PART III. BOOK V. 369

on the IGth of September, the Bishop of Ely produced
the Pope's bull, erecting Ireland into a kingdom ; and
bestowing on the crown of England the title of Kino-

O O O

of Ireland. This was given to the Bishop of Dublin,
with an order to publish it in Ireland : for that insolent
Pope would not give them audience upon their powers
from the King and Queen of England and Ireland,
pretending that none had a right to assume the title
King, but as it was derived from him. So, as a special
grace, he conferred that regal title on the Queen, and
then admitted them to audience, after he had made
them stay a month waiting for it at Rome. It seems
they knew the bigotry of the English court too well
to dispute this point. So they yielded it up very
tamely, fearing that they should be disowned, if they
had made any opposition to it. But the main errand
they came upon, was to obtain a confirmation of the
settlement of the church-lands made in parliament by
Cardinal Pole : that was not only flatly refused, but
a bull was published that in effect repealed it all.

"It begins setting forth what Pope Symmachus SeetheCo1-
decreed against the alienating of any lands belonging the'formJr
to the church, upon any pretence whatsoever, or farm- ^sb.i.
ing out the rights of the church : he laid an anathema ™" £^s
on all who should be any way concerned in such bar- storing au
gains ; and gave an authority to any ecclesiastical per-
son to recover all with the mean profits ; and this was
to take place in all churches. Pope Paul the Second
had likewise condemned all alienations of church-
goods, and all farms of leases beyond the term of three
years, and had annulled all such agreements, farms,
or leases. Both the parties, as well the granter as the
receiver of such leases, were put under excommuni-
cation ; and the goods so alienated were to revert to
the church. But these prohibitions notwithstanding,
of late years several persons, both of the laity and of
the clergy, had possessed themselves of castles and
lands, belonging both to the church of Rome, and to
other cathedrals, and even to metropolitan churches;
and to monasteries, regular houses, and hospitals,
under the pretence of alienations, to the evident

VOL, III. 2 B

370 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

damage of those churches and monasteries, without
observing the solemnities required by law in such
cases ; and they continue their possession, by which
the incumbents in those churches are great sufferers ;
and the popes themselves, who were wont to supply
the poor who came to Rome out of these lands, are no
more able to do that, and can scarce maintain them-
selves, and their families ; which turns to the offence
of God, the reproach of the clergy, and is matter of
scandal to the faithful : therefore the Pope of his own
motion, upon certain knowledge, and by virtue of the
plenitude of the apostolic power, does annul all the
alienations, or impropriations, either perpetual, or
leases to the third, or to a single life, or beyond the
term of three years ; or exchanges and farms of cities,
or lands, or goods, or rights, belonging to the Roman
church ; or to any cathedral, monastery, regular house,
or to any ecclesiastical benefice, with or without cure;
to seculars or regulars ; hospitals, and other pious foun-
dations, by whomsoever made, though by popes, or
by their authority ; or by the prelates of cathedrals,
monasteries, or hospitals; or the rectors of churches,
though cardinals, that had been made without the
solemnities required by law, in what form of words
soever they have been made, though confirmed by
oath, and established by a long prescription : all these
are by the apostolic authority, rescinded, annulled, and
made void, and the possessors of such lands are to be
compelled by all censures, and pecuniary pains, to
make satisfaction for all the mean profits received, or
to be received; and all judges are required to give judg-
ment conform to this bull." Dated the 12th of July.
inflections Thus the Pope, instead of confirming what the Le-
'' gate had done, did, in the most formal terms possible,
reverse and annul it all. Even papal alienations, or
made by the papal authority, are made void. The pre-
tended consent of the convocation is declared null ;
and all ratifications of what was at first illegally made
are annulled. By this also, not only the possessors of
church-lands, but all the tenants to any estate belong-
ing to the church, who hold for lives, or years, beyond

PART III. BOOK V. 371

the term of three years, may see in this bull how that
all that they now hold by those tenures is made void.
No doubt the ambassadors of England did all that in
them lay to have this bull softened, or to have an ex-
ception made for England : but that Pope was not to
be moved, and perhaps he thought he shewed no small
favour to England, on the Queen's account, in not
naming it in this bull : and in not fulminating on the
account of the late settlement. Thus the matter of
securing the abbey-lands by that fraudulent transac-
tion is now pretty apparent.

Pope Paul was in the right in one thing, to press
the setting up courts of inquisition every where, as the
only sure method to extirpate heresy. And it is highly
probable that the King, or his Spanish ministers, made
the court of England apprehend, that torture and in-
quisition were the only sure courses to root out heresy.
It has appeared already what orders were given about
torture, even to use it at discretion ; but another step
was made that carried this matter much further.

Instructions had been given in March, 1555, to the
justices of peace to have one or more honest man in
every parish, secretly instructed to give information
of the behaviour of the inhabitants amongst or about
them. One of these was directed to the Earl of Sussex,
who acted with a superlative measure of zeal : he wrote,
on the 18th of April this year, to the Bishop of Nor-
wich ; complaining, that at a town near him, there had
been no sepulchre, nor creeping to the cross before
Easter. The day after he wrote that letter, it appears
by another of his letters, that Ket, who led the insur-
rection in Norfolk, in King Edward's reign, and whose
body was hanged in chains, had fallen down from the
gallows ; and that prophecies were spread about the
country, of what should follow when that should hap-
pen. He ordered the body to be hanged up again,
if it was not wasted ; and he imprisoned those that
gave out these prophecies. He went on to greater
matters, and drew up an account of the obedience that
the justices had paid to all the instructions and orders
that had been sent them. I had a volume of his let-

2 B 2

372 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

ters in my hands some years ago ; but I wrote out of
it only the answers he returned to the sixth article, in
these words : " It is agreed, that the justices of the
peace, in every of their limits, shall call secretly before
them one or two honest and secret persons, or more,
by their discretions, and such as they shall think good,
and command them, by oath, or otherwise, as the same
justice shall think good, that they shall secretly learn
and search out such person and persons as shall evil
behave themselves in the church, or idly, or despise
openly by words, the King's or Queen's proceedings ;
or go about to make or move any stir, commotion, or
unlawful gatherings together of the people ; or that
tell any lewd or seditious tales, rumours, or news, to
move or stir any person or persons to rise, stir, or make
any commotion or insurrection, or to consent to any
such intent or purpose. And also, that the same per-
sons so to be appointed shall declare to the same jus-
tices of peace, the ill-behaviour of lewd, disordered
persons ; whether it shall be for using unlawful games,
idleness, and such other light behaviour of such sus-
pected persons, as shall be in the same town, or near
thereabouts : and that the same informations shall be
given secretly to the justices; and the same justices
shall call such accused persons before them, and ex-
amine them, without declaring by whom they be ac-
cused. And that the same justices shall, upon their
examination, punish the offenders, according as their
offences shall appear to them, upon the accusement
and examination, by their discretion, either by open
punishment, or by good abearing."

Here was a great step made towards an inquisition :
this being the settled method of that court, to have
sworn spies and informers every where, upon whose
secret advertisements persons are taken up : and the
first step in their examination is, to know of them, for
what reason they are brought before them : upon
which, they are tortured, till they tell as much as the
inquisitors desire to know, either against themselves
or others. But they are not suffered to know, neither
what is informed against them, nor who are the in-

PART III. BOOK V. 373

formers. Arbitrary torture, and now secret informers,
seem to be two great steps made to prepare the nation
for an inquisition.

In September, the Duchess of Suffolk, who had mar-
ried Mr. Bertie, went out of the kingdom without a
license : upon which, a commission was sent into Lin-
colnshire to take an account of her estate. On the
19th of September, there was a paper cast into a house
near Fulham, with some intimations of ill designs in
Essex. The master of the house brought it to the
council ; upon which they sent orders to that country,
to see what foundation there was for such suspicions.
Tracy (probably the son of him, concerning whose will
there was much ado made in King Henry's time) had
been brought before the Bishop of Gloucester; and he,
as was informed, behaved himself stubbornly towards
him : upon which, he was brought before the council,
and was required to declare his conformity in matters
of religion. He promised to do it; and upon that he
was sent back to his country. On the '23d of Sep-
tember, there were some hopes given of the King's
coming back; upon which, Sir Richard Southwell was
sent to attend on him. On the 9th of October, the
Governor of Jersey having examined one Gardiner for
speaking some indecent words of the King, desired
orders how to proceed against him : upon which he
was ordered to proceed according to the statutes, if
these took place in that island : but if not, according
to the custom of the place.

On the 12th of September, Brooks, bishop of Glou- Craiioitr
i . 1111 /~i i • i procee

cester, who was constituted sub-delegate to Cardinal against.

Puteo, the Pope's delegate, to try Cranmer (it being,
it seems, thought indecent, that Pole, who was to suc-
ceed him, should be his judge), came to Oxford, with
Martin and Story, who were the King and Queen's
commissioners, to demand justice against Cranmer,
exhibiting articles against him. Cranmer made a long
apology for himself. Among other things, he said,
" the loss of his promotion grieved him not: he thank-
ed God as heartily for that poor and afflicted state in
which he was then, as ever he did for the times of his

374 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

prosperity. But that which stuck closest to him, and
created him the greatest sorrow, was, to think that all
that pains and trouble, that had been taken by King
Henry and himself for so many years, to retrieve the
ancient authority of the kings of England, and to vin-
dicate the nation from a foreign yoke, and from the
baseness and infinite inconveniences of crouching to
the bishops of Rome, should now thus easily be quite
undone : and that the King and Queen should, in
their own realm, become his accusers, before a foreign
power. If he had transgressed the law, they had suf-
ficient authority to punish him ; and to that he would
at all times submit himself." They exhibited interro-
gatories to him ; and he gave his answer to them. In
conclusion, they required him to go to Rome, within
fourscore days, to make his answer in person. He
said he was most willing to go, if the King and Queen
would send him.

On the 16th of October, Ridley and Latimer suf-
fered matyrdom : but Gardiner, who was with impa-
tience waiting for the news, was, soon after he heard
it, struck with an illness, in which he languished for
some time. Pilkington, bishop of Duresme, in a ser-
mon that he preached, said, " he rotted above ground,
so that it was scarce possible to get any to come near
him." He died on the 12th of November. On the
5th of November, orders were given for to dispose of
many prisoners.

Cranmer was now to be offered up. Some have
thought, that upon his attainder the see of Canterbury
was vacant ; and, indeed, the Chapter of Canterbury
acted accordingly : but the papal authority being re-
stored, he was still, according to the papal law, arch-
bishop, till, by a commission from Rome, he was judged
an obstinate heretic, and was thereupon deprived.
When the eighty days were out, a mock process was
made at Rome; in which it was falsely said, that he
did not care to appear ; upon which he was declared
contumacious; and then a formal sentence was given
in the Pope's name, " as sitting on the throne of justice,
having before his eyes God alone, who is the righte-

PART III. BOOK V. 375

ous Lord, and judgeth the world in righteousness."
With such specious words was that grossly unrighte-
ous judgment introduced. And upon that, a letter
came from Rome on the 14th of December, mention-
ing his being condemned and deprived, and deliver-
ing him over to the secular arm. The deprivation
must have passed some days before : for, on the 1 1 th
of December, Pole's bulls were granted, in which
mention is made of the see's being vacant, by the de-
privation of Cranmer. The writ for burning him
mentions his being judged an obstinate heretic by the
Pope, and deprived by him ; and that he had been
degraded by the Bishops of London and Ely, by com-
mission from the Pope : so, on the 24th of February,
the writ was sealed. I have nothing to add to the

o

sad narration I gave, both of his fall, and of his re-
pentance, and his firm constancy to the last, in that
amazing instance of holding his hand in the fire, till it
was almost burnt away ; of which Thuanus gives a
very particular account, so that the truth of the fact
cannot be disputed.

On the 13th of March, the privy-council were con-
cerned, when they heard his paper of recantation was
printed. Rydall and Copeland, two printers, were
required to deliver to Cawood, the Queen's printer,
*he books of his recantation to be burned by him. One
part of his character may be added out of Pole's letter
Jo him. In one place he says, he hears "it was pre-
tended that he forced no man in points of religion, but
behaved himself mildly towards all persons." And in
another place he writes, " that it was said his life was
unblameable." But though Pole throws that off, as
of no importance, yet, upon his mentioning these good
characters, it may be depended on that they were true.
Ridley, in that noble letter that he wrote to Grindall,
when they were every day looking for their crown, says
of him, " that he then shewed how well he deserved
the great character of the chief pastor and archbishop
of this church:" to which he adds, of Latimer, "that
he was the ancient and true apostle of Christ to the
English nation." In a word, if it had not been for

376 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Cranmer's too feeble compliance in King Henry's time,
and this last inexcusable slip, he might well be pro-
posed as one of the greatest patterns in history. And
if the excesses to which some opinions had formerly
carried men, did in some particulars incline him to
the opposite extremes, this must be reckoned a very
pardonable instance of managing the counterpoise
without due caution. He was a pattern of humility,
meekness, and charity. He had a true and generous
contempt of wealth ; and of those shows of greatness,
that belong to a high station. His labours, in search-
ing into all ecclesiastical authors, both ancient and
modern, are amazing to those, who have seen the vast
collections that he wrote out, on all matters of divinity,
with his own hand. But now, after a long course of
vexation and contradiction, and, in conclusion, after a
long and severe imprisonment, he was put to a cruel
death, by persons whom he had served faithfully and
effectually. For he had both served the Queen, and
reconciled her to her father; and he had shewed a most
particular favour to Thirleby, and others, who concur-
red to finish this tragedy. I have put all this matter
together ; and now I must look back to public affairs,
proceed- There was a convocation sat with the parliament in
October, and to the middle of November 1555. Chris-
topherson was chosen prolocutor : and after Bonner
had confirmed him, he desired, that the lower house
would name eight or ten persons, to hear some secret
propositions, that were to be made to them by the
King and Queen, and by the Cardinal, concerning the
public good of the kingdom, and of the church. They,
upon that, did choose the Prolocutor, and ten more :
and to these the Bishop of Ely proposed to offer the
Queen a subsidy, in return for the great favour she
had shewed the clergy, in forgiving the first-fruits and
tenths, and in restoring to the church all the impro-
priations of benefices, that were then, by the suppres-
sion of the monasteries, vested in the crown : for all
which the Bishop of Ely proposed a subsidy of eight
shillings in the pound, to be paid in four years. The
last session of the convocation was on the 15th of

ings in con
vocation.

PART III. BOOK V. 377

November : and a memorandum was inserted in these
-vords ; " after this convocation was begun, there was
a national synod; the clergy of York being joined with
them." For which, the Cardinal thought it safe and
fit to take out a license under the great seal. The first
session was on the 4th of November ; and in this the
Cardinal set himself so zealously to remove many
abuses, that Mason wrote, that many of the clergy
wished he were in Rome again.

The Earl of Devonshire went out of England this
summer. As he passed through Flanders, he waited
on the Emperor ; and, as Mason wrote, he owned that
he owed his liberty to him. The Queen sent, and
offered her mediation between the Emperor and the
French King : the Emperor accepted it ; but with
very sharp reflections on the French King.

There was in April a treaty of peace between the
Emperor and the King of France set on foot: in which
the Queen was mediator, and sent over both Pole and
Gardiner to Calais in order to it. The Constable, and
the Cardinal of Lorrain, were ordered to come from
the court ; but the Pope's death made it be thought
more necessary to send that Cardinal to Rome : what
further progress was made in this does not appear to
me, for I take it from a letter of Mason's to Vannes,
then the Queen's ambassador at Venice. It will be
found in the Collection, the original being; in Dr. Tan- Collect

,,-. , ,.& ¥-»!•! • NUalb-

ner s hands, who sent me this copy. By this letter it
appears, that Bolls of Cambridgeshire, and S. Peter
Mewtas were then in prison on suspicion, but nothing
appeared against them. That letter tells us, that the
princes of Germany were alarmed upon the Cardinal
Morone's coming to Augsburg, apprehending pro-
bably that he came to disturb the settlement then
made in the matters of religion in the empire : but
the Emperor had sent such powers to his brother Fer-
dinand, that his coming was like to have no effect.
He also tells in that letter, that the Dean and Pre-
bendaries of Westminster were using all endeavours
to hinder the converting that foundation into an ab-
bey ; and that Dr. Cole was active in it, affirming that

- 38

078 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

monks had not their institution from Christ as priests
had : but he saw the court was resolved to have no
regard to the opposition they made. He adds, that the
Duke of Alva was still in England, though he had

o o

sent his baggage and servants to Calais.
1556. Mason writes news from the diet, that matters of
Aefatot religion had not been quite settled, but all were to
. continue in the state in which they were then till the
next meeting : and it was provided, that all parties
should live according to the religion then accepted of
them : the Emperor seemed resolved not to consent
to this. He writes, that the allowance of the marriage
of the clergy, and in particular of bishops, had been
earnestly demanded, but was utterly refused. On the
28th of October he writes, that two monks of the Char-
ter-house had desired the King's letter that they might
return to their house, and at least receive their pen-
sion. The King answered, that, as touching their
house, since the parliament was then sitting, it was
not a proper time to move it : but when he should
come to England, he would help them the best he
could : and as to their pensions, he ordered Mason to
write concerning that to Secretary Petre. On the 7th
of January 1555-6, a letter was written to the Mayor
and Aldermen of Coventry, to choose some catholic
grave man for their mayor for that year : a list of
three persons was sent to them, and they were required
to give their voices for one of them. These were John

o

Fitz-Herbert, Richard Wheeler, and one Coleman.

On the 14th of January, a letter, of a very singular
nature, was written to the Lord Mayor and the She-
r'n°s °^ London, " requiring them to give such sub-
stantial order, that when anv obstinate man, condemn-

•j *

ed by the order of the laws, shall be delivered to be
punished for heresy; that there be a great number of
officers and other men appointed to be at the execu-
tion, who may be charged to see such as shall misuse
themselves, either by comforting, aiding, or praising
the offenders ; or otherwise use themselves to the ill
example of others, to be apprehended and committed
to ward : and besides to give commandment, that no

PART III. BOOK V. 379

householder suffer any of his apprentices, or other ser-
vants, to be abroad, other than such as their master
will answer for. And that this order be always ob-
served in like cases hereafter." Philpot's martyrdom
had been about a month before this, and he being: a

^5

man highly esteemed, who went through all his suf-
ferings with heroic courage and Christian constancy,
it is probable there was more than ordinary concern
expressed by the people at his sufferings; which drew
this inhuman letter from the council : for they had
no sacrifices at that time ready to be offered.

While these things passed in England, the scene
abroad was considerably altered, by the resignation
of Charles the Fifth, who delivered over his heredi-
tary dominions to his son Philip. He began that with
the dominions derived from the house of Burgundy;
after that, he resigned up to him the crown of Spain,
and all that belonged to it : upon that, letters were
written to the several states and cities of Spain, on the
17th of January. These were all in one form: so that
which was addressed to the city of Toledo, was sent
over to the Queen, translated out of Spanish into Eng-
lish, which for the curiosity of the thing I have put
into the Collection. coii«?t.

In it he tells them " that which he always denied cd«uk
to the Germans, that for religion's sake he had enter- Flftll> the

. — _ ^5 I ' Mtiiinr H- [i

prised the war of Germany, upon the desire he had of sPain-
to reduce those countries to the unity of the church ;
that so he might procure an universal peace to all
Christendom, and to assemble and assist at a general
council, for the reformation of many things, that so
with the less difficulty he might bring home those who
had separated themselves, and departed from the faith.
This he had brought to a very good point, when the
French King allured the Germans to a league with
him, against their oaths and fidelity to the Emperor,
and so they made war on him both by sea and land ;
and then the French King procured the coming of the
Turk's army into Hungary, to the great damage of
Christendom ; upon which he was forced to bring-
down an arrny to the great prejudice of his own per-

380 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

son, by his being obliged to keep the field so long,
that it had brought on him painful infirmities : he was
upon that become so destitute of health, that he was
not able in his own person to endure the travel, and
to use that diligence that was requisite : which proved
a great hinderance to many things, of which he had
a deep sense : he wished he had taken the resolution
he was now taking sooner ; yet he could not well do
it, by reason of his son's absence : for it was necessary
to communicate many things to him. So he took or-
der for his marriage, and to bring him over to him,
and soon after that he resigned to him all his states,
kingdoms, and the seigneuries of the crown of Castile
and Leon, with all their appurtenances, which are
more amply contained in instruments which he had
signed of the same date with this letter : trusting that
he, with his great wisdom and experience, of which
he had great proof in all that he had hitherto handled
in his father's name, would now order and defend the
same with peace and justice. He therefore having had
large experience of their loyalty, fidelity, and obedi-
ence, did not doubt but that they would continue to
serve and obey him in the same manner and sort, as
if God had taken him into his mercy." Dated at
Brussels, the 17th of January, 1556.
<° Soon after that, he retired to the place he had de-
died^pro. signed to spend the rest of his days in ; and, accord-
ing to the account given by my worthy friend Dr.
Geddes, there is great reason to believe, that he ap-
plied himself to serious reflections on religion. No
prince knew better than he did both the corruptions and
the practices of the court of Rome ; and the artifices
and methods by which two sessions of the council of
Trent had been conducted. He must likewise have
understood the grounds upon which both the Luthe-
rans, and the reformed in Germany, built their per-
suasions : he had heard them often set out: but the
hurry of business, the prepossession of education, and
the views of interest, had prejudiced him so far against
them, that he continued in a most violent enmity to
them : but now that he was at full leisure to bring all

think he
died a |
testant.

PART III. BOOK V. 381

his observations together, and that passion and in-
terest had no more power over him, there are great
presumptions to believe, that he died persuaded of
the doctrines of the reformed religion. Augustin
Casal, a canon of the church of Salamanca, was his
preacher, and was esteemed the mosteloquentpreacher
that Spain ever produced : he was taken up in the year
155S, and with thirteen more was publicly burned at
Valladolid, in the year 1559 : the unfortunate Prince
Charles, and his aunt, Donna Juana, then governess,
looking on that barbarous execution. Constantine
Pontius, a canon of Seville, who was his confessor,
esteemed a man of great piety and learning, was
likewise taken up by the Inquisition for being a pro-
testant; he died in prison, probably enough by the
torture the inquisitors put him to ; but his bones, with
his effigies, were burnt at Seville : so were the bones

^5 ?

of the learned Egidius, whom the Emperor had named
to the bishoprick of Tortosa, one of the richest in
Spain : and at the same time eighteen were burnt
alive for being protestants ; of which the history of
the Inquisition gives this account — that had not the
holy tribunal put a stop to those reformers, the pro-
testant religion had run through Spain like wild-fire.
People of all degrees, and of both sexes, being won-
derfully disposed at that time to have embraced it:
and the writer of the pontifical history, who was pre-
sent at some of those executions, says, that had those
learned men been let alone but three months longer,
all Spain would have been put into a flame by them.
The most eminent of them all was Bartholomew
de Caranza, a Dominican, who had been confessor to
King Philip and to Queen Mary, and had been by
her recommended to the archbishoprick of Toledo.
He had assisted Charles in the last minutes of his life.
He was within a few months after his death, upon
suspicion of his being a protestant, first confined by
the Inquisition to his own palace at Tordelaguna : and
after he had been for seven years kept within that con-
finement, he was carried to Rome, and kept ten years
a prisoner in the castle of St. Angelo: and was at last

382 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

condemned as one suspected of heresy. That great
man had been sent by Charles as one of his divines
to the council of Trent, where he preached, and wrote
a treatise of the Personal Residence of Bishops. These
things put together make it highly probable, that
Charles himself was possessed with that doctrine that
was so much spread among those who were then most
about him. Mezeray, tells us, " that at Philip's arri-
val in Spain, he caused a great many to be burned for
heretics in his own presence, both at Seville and at
Valladolid, both seculars and ecclesiastics, men and
women, and in particular the effigies of his father's
confessor : and if reports may be believed, he intended
to have made his father's process, and to have had his
bones burnt for heresy; being only hindered from
doing it by this consideration, that if his father was a
heretic, he had forfeited all his dominions, and by con-
sequence he had no right to resign them to his son."
This digression will be forgiven me, I hope, both be-
cause it belongs to the main design upon which I
write, and since our Queen was Queen of Spain, when
this persecution was first begun.

The me- There are in my hands two papers concerning the
method in which the Queen ordered her council to
proceed ; there is no date put to them : but they were
written, either soon after the King went beyond sea,
or perhaps about this time: for now King Philip having
the Spanish monarchy put in his hands, and being en-
gaged in a war with France, the Queen had reason
to expect that her dominions might feel the war very
sensibly, as afterward they did : and so it might seem
necessary to put the administration of her affairs in a
good method. One of these papers is writ in Cardi-
nal Pole's own hand, and is a memorial prepared for
the Queen, of the things that she was to recommend
to her council, for she had ordered them to attend on
ner- It is in the Collection. " First, she was to put
them in mind of the charge that the King gave them
at his departure, which was to be rehearsed to them ;
and that is, perhaps, the following paper: they were
still to attend at court, the matters they were to treat

PART III. BOOK V. 383

about being of great weight; and they were to lay
such matters as were proposed in council before the
King, that they might have his pleasure, before they
were to be executed. They were in particular to know
the resolution of the council, touching those things
that were to be proposed in this parliament, and these
were to be sent to the King that very day : and since
the King delayed his coming over, they were to con-
sider whether it were not better to delay the parlia-
ment till Candlemas, if there should be no prejudice
to her affairs, that money was so long wanted ; for
there was great need of it at present, for the setting
out of ships, both for the Emperor's passage to Spain,
and for the King's return, for the payments due at
Calais, for the debt owing to the merchants, the day
of payment approaching, and for the debt of Ireland :
and she was to ask of her council an account concern-
ing all these things : she was likewise to charge them
to call in her own debts, as the best way to clear what
she owed to others : and she was to offer them all au-
thority for doing it effectually; and to require them,
that at the end of every week she might know what
came in that week, and what order was taken for the
rest. And that all those who have any commission to
execute any matter, shall at the end of every week in-
form the council what progress they have made that
week : and that the council should never begin to treat
of any matter in the second week, until they were in-
formed of what was done in the former week." Thus
she was to be taught what she was to say to them ;
upon which they who did not know how weak a wo-
man she was, might imagine that she understood her
own affairs well, and thought much of them : whereas
the poor bigotted woman was only as a machine, made
to speak and to act as she was prompted, by those who
had the management of her: for, of herself, she seemed
capable to think of nothing, but how to destroy the
heretics, and to extirpate heresy.

The other paper is in Latin, and seems to be that
which the King had left behind him. It is also in the
Collection. "He named in it a select committee, to

384 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

whom tlie special care of matters of state, of the re-
venue, and the weighty affairs of the kingdom were
to be referred. These (in a modern term) were the
cabinet-council; and the persons were, the Cardinal
(in all great matters, when he could conveniently
come), then the Lord Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer,
the Earl of Arundel, the Earl of Pembroke, the Bishop
of Ely, the Lord Paget, Rochester the comptroller,
and Petre the secretary. Every one of these was con-
stantly to attend, to determine in all matters of state
and revenue, and to make honourable payment of all
debts, and to do every thing in which the honour
and dignity of the crown was concerned. They were
also earnestly prayed to lay all differences, or quar-
rels among themselves, aside; that so they might
amicably, and in the fear of God, deliver such things
in council, as might tend to the glory of God, and the
honour and good of the crown and kingdom. Arid
when there is occasion for it, they were either to come
to the Queen, or to send some of their body, to inform
her of every thing that came before them : and at least
thrice a week they were to give her an account of all
their consultations and actings. In particular, they
were to consider when the parliament was to meet, and
what things were to be proposed and done in it, and
to digest all that in writing. On Sundays they were
to communicate such things to the whole council, as
should be thought convenient to be laid before them.
They were to take special care for the payment of
debts, for the retrenching of expense, and for the good
management of the Queen's estate, revenues, and cus-
toms, and for the administration of justice." Such were
the orders laid down : how they were executed does
not appear.

proceed. The Queen herself never came to council, and the
Cardinal very seldom. Sometimes they were very few
that attended at that board : often not above three or
four. And now I return to give an account of what
I find in the council-book. On the 19th of January,
a letter of thanks was ordered to the Lord Willoughby
and others in Lincolnshire. At first, upon the con-

PART III. BOOK V. 385

demnation of heretics, notice was given to the coun-
cil, before the execution, to see if a pardon should be
offered them : but they found so few, if any, inclined
to accept of it, that they did not think fit to expose the
Queen's pardon to any further contempt : so those
persons are required to proceed thereafter, against all
such as should be condemned before them, accordino-
to the laws, and not to stay for any order. On the
20th of January, letters were written to the Sheriffs
of Warwickshire, Bedfordshire, and Cambridgeshire,
ordering them, that though the prisoners should be ac-
quitted by order of law, yet to detain them in safe
custody, till they should hear from the Earl of Sussex.
On the 14th of February, the council was alarmed
with this, that a stage-play was to be acted in Shrove-
tide, and that many were to run to it: so the Lord
Rich was ordered to hinder the acting of it, and to
examine and report what he could learn concerning
it. On the 16th of February, there was an order sent
to Sir Henry Bedingfield, lieutenant of the Tower, to
put two to the torture, and to pain them at his discre-
tion. On the 19th of February, a letter of thanks was
ordered to the Lord Rich for stopping the stage-play.
He had put the actors in prison, but he gave a good
character of them : so he was ordered to set them at
liberty; but to have an eye on all such meetings. Se-
veral inquiries were made at this time after seditious
books: many examinations and commitments were
made on that account.

On the 20th of April, one Harris, a carpenter and
gunner at Deptford, was brought before the council
for having said on Maundy-Thursday, " the Queen
hath this day given a great alms ; and has given that
away, that should have paid us our wages. She hath
undone the realm too ; for she loveth another realm
better than this." He confessed the words, but asked
pardon, and was dismissed. It seems, about that time,
they expected the King's coming over: for, on the 1st
of June, the Lord Admiral was ordered to attend on
him. On the 21st of June, an order was sent to the
Lieutenant of the Tower, and to a Master of Requests,

VOL. III. 2 C

aftei
truce was

386 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

to put one to the torture if he thought it convenient.
Information was given to the Queen, by Wotton, her
ambassador in France, that several heretics had fled
over to France, and were well received there : in par-
ticular, that Henry Dudley (perhaps a son of the
Duke of Northumberland's) and Christopher Ashton
were plotting there against the Queen. Upon that,
paper. a letter was written to Wotton, to demand that they
' might be seized on, and sent at her charge to the
frontier, to be delivered to her officers. When the
draught of this was brought to her to be signed by
her, she, with her own hand, interlined these words:
" considering that when the King my husband and
he were enemies, I neither did nor would have done
the like."
The Pope Wotton wrote over, that the heretics took great ad-

sets on a . lir» 11

new war vantage from the new war, that the rope engaged the
French King to make on the King, after a truce for five
years had been agreed to, and sworn by both Kings.
But the Pope sent a legate to France, to persuade that
French6 King to begin the war. And though the consciences
,Kathg%s °f princes are not apt to be very scrupulous in the
observing or breaking their treaties ; yet a treaty,
made and confirmed by an oath so very lately, it
seems, made such an impression on that King, that so
great an authority was to be interposed to give a co-
lour for the breaking it. Those called heretics took
great advantages from this to infuse a horror in peo-
ple at the papacy, since one, who pretended to be the
vicar of the Prince of Peace, became thus an open and
a perfidious incendiary.

This of the Pope's dispensing with a Prince's oath,
gave so great a distaste every where, that I do not re-
member an instance in which it was openly put in
practice since that time. But the protestant princes of
Germany do believe, as one of the greatest of them
told me, that the confessors of the princes of that com-
munion have secret faculties to dispense with their
breach of faith : which is so much the more dangerous,
the more secretly it may be managed. On that ground
it was, that the Prince, who told me this, said,

with the

PART III. BOOK V. 387

in all their dealings with princes of that communion,
they took their word, but would never put any thing
to tneir oaths : for they knew that the popish princes
reckoned they were bound by their word, as they were
men and members of human society ; but for their
oaths, they reckoned, these being acts of religion, their
confessors had it in their breast to tell them how far
they were bound to keep them ; and when they were
absolved from any obligation by them. But we have
seen in our days, to the no small reproach of the Re-
formation, that princes professing it have in an avowed
manner shaken off their leagues and alliances, with this
short declaration, That they reckoned themselves freed
from them : as if they had been things of so little
force, that they might be departed from at pleasure.

Pole was now in his synod, labouring to bring the 1557.
clergy to their duty. On the 13th of December, The™?*
Institution of a Christian Man was divided in parcels, s->'n •"••
to be examined by them : and some were appointed
to prepare a book of Homilies. On the 16th of De-
cember, a translation of the New Testament was or-
dered, and parcelled out : the Seven Sacraments were
also treated of. On the 20th of December, the Car-
dinal sent an order to the Prolocutor, to intimate to
all the clergy, more particularly to all deans, that they
should confirm no leases that had been made of their
benefices: this seems to be done in obedience to the
Pope's bull, formerly mentioned, that condemned all
leases for a longer term than three years. There was
offered to them a schedule of some terms that were to
be carefully considered in the translation of the New
Testament. On the 8th of January, that was again
considered : propositions were also made for having
schools in all cathedral churches. Thus Pole found
it necessary to give some instruction in the matters
of religion to the nation : for an earnest desire of
knowledge in these points being once raised and en-
couraged, it was neither safe nor easy quite to ex-
tinguish that, which is so natural to man : and there-
fore, instead of discouraging all knowledge, and
bringing men to the state of implicit faith, without

2 c 2

388 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

any sort of inquiry, he chose to give them such a mea-
sure of knowledge as might be governed and kept
within its own bounds. There was in this synod a
question moved : What should be done with such of
the clergy as should refuse to say or come to mass?
but I do not see what was determined upon it. Nor do
I see what reason was given them for another petition
to the Queen, Lords, and Commons, for maintaining
their liberties and immunities, nor what effect it had.
Pole prorogued the synod to the 10th of November,
and from thence to the 10th of May. The reason
given is, because the bishops were in their visitations,
which could not be soon ended : since a large space

t iore bo- f> . , p i • -I •

norum oi time seemed necessary lor their taking an exact
««M!" account of the quantity and quality of all ecclesiastical
mm goods. I suppose this was the procuring: terriers of

ytianti- fi i i rj T • . /- ,1 i i& i

the lands, and inventories ol the goods belonging to
tne churches : for many orders were given out, for re-
s^-ol'mS sucn plate and furniture, as could be found,
that had belonged to any church.

From the 10th of May, Pole prorogued the synod
to tne 10th of November: the reason given is, for the
tur. great want and penury of victuals. For, I find, the
A great dearth at this time was very great. Wheat was at

scarcity 1 JO

of an 4 marks the quarter; malt, at 21. 4s. ; pease, at 21. 5s. ;
but the next harvest proving plentiful, it fell as low
as it had been high. Wheat was at 5<y. malt at a
noble, and rye at 3s. 4.d. a quarter.

On the 28th of July, the council hearing that some
naughty books were sent over, and concealed in the
Duchess of Suffolk's house, ordered the Bishop of Lin-
coln to search for them, and to send them up. On the
19th of July, the council was alarmed with reports of
conspiracies in Suffolk and Essex: so they sent orders
to inquire about them; and about a zealous man, that
went about carry ing letters and books over the country,
from whence he was called Trudge-over ; so he was
ordered to be sought for. On the 15th of August, a
letter was written to the Mayor, Jurats, and Commons,
at Rye, to choose one of the Queen's servants to be
mayor for the ensuing year.

PART III. BOOK V. 389

On the 21st of August, a letter of thanks was or- e
dered for the Earl of Sussex, for his diligence in ap- reiic*.
prehending those who spread about lewd and sedi-
tious reports ; with whom he is desired to proceed ac-
cording to the laws : and for those lewd priests that
had been married, and were found still to repair to
their women, they tell him, they had written to the
Bishop of Norwich, to cause them to be apprehended
and punished. And a letter was at the same time or-
dered for the Bishop of Norwich, to that purpose.
On the 23d of August, a letter of thanks was ordered
to the Lord Darcy, for his apprehending,- some ill-dis-
posed persons, who used conventicles, and readings,
about Harwich. He was to get them to be fined ac-
cording to their quality, and as he thought fit ; and
to bind them to appear before the Bishop of London:
and a letter was ordered to the Bishop, either to re-
duce them to the church, or to order them according
to the laws.

On the 4th of September, the Earl of Sussex had
moved, that offenders should be proceeded against by
martial law : his zeal is commended ; and it was writ-
ten back to him, " that these deserved to be so used;
but that is not thought best : they are to be punished
as the laws order. But when they have had their
punishment, he shall cause them to be kept in prison,
and in irons, till they know themselves and their duty."
On the 15th of September, a letter of thanks was writ-
ten to the Earl of Sussex, and the Justices of Norfolk,
for their diligence in punishing one Thomas Long.

At this time they were called on to consider of the Calais in
danger Calais might be in : so a state of the fortifica- Jjjj
tions, and of what was necessary to maintain the place, the hands

1 11 i -1 1_ 1 • • 1 . ofihe

was laid before the council : but the giving orders in French.
that matter was delayed till the King should come over,
of which they were in daily expectation : for on the
17th of September they understood that the Emperor,
with his two sisters, had embarked on the Tuesday
before ; and that the King was to come to Calais, and
from thence to England. Privy-seals were at this time
sent about every where, for a loan of money ; but it

390 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

came in very slowly. Some took the privy-seal, but
did not pay in the money. There was about one thou-
sand privy-seals given out, at 100/. a-piece. On the
Cth of October, a letter was sent to Calais, to search
for some who had fled from England thither : it is
directed to the Earl of Sussex ; which makes it pro-
bable they were heretics ; for in that matter his heart
was entirely as the Queen's heart was. On the 7th
of October, the Lady Throgmorton was before the
council, asking leave to send some supply to her hus-
band, Sir Nicholas, who was then in France: the Car-
dinal had told her, in the presence of the Lord Chan-
cellor, and others, that for this one time the Queen
allowed of it, so it did not exceed forty crowns. It
seems the way of exchange was much beset, when so
small a supply from so near a relation could not be
conveyed without such an application. On the 17th
of November, a letter was ordered for the Bishop of
London, to receive a companion of him who was
called Trudge-over, to be ordered by him according
to law ; and they complain to him, that a man and
a woman of Colchester, that had been sent to him,
charged with heresy, were turned back discharged by
him, but were now worse than they were before. In
another book that seems to be the minutes of the coun-
cil, it is entered, that twenty-four persons were dis-
charged by him, who were still rank heretics.

I find at this time the council was much employed
in the matter of the privy-seals. Our fleet was then
so inconsiderable, that 14,000/. being ordered to be
applied to the fleet, by the Lord Treasurer, and the
Lord Admiral, both for repairing, furnishing, and vic-
tualling it, they reckoned that when that was done,
10,000/. a year afterwards would answer what was ne-
cessary. On the 19th of February, one Christopher
Howe was ordered to be proceeded against for some
detestable words, not fit to be heard : so it was order-
ed that only such parts of them shall be opened, as
might serve for evidence to the jury. On the 21st,
complaints were broghtof a jailor who suffered heretics
to go freely about. On the 24th, the Queen expected

PART III. BOOK V. 391

hourly to hear of the King's arrival ; so the Lord Ad-
miral and others were ordered to attend on him. An
ambassador came at this time from Russia: he landed
in the north of Scotland, and was well received, and
nobly treated by the Lord Wharton; for which, thanks
were written to him. Here several orders are entered
concerning- the Lord Stourton and his servants : three
of them were ordered to be hanged in chains at Mere.
I had in my former work given a due commendation
to that which seemed to me a just firmness in the **
Queen not to pardon the Lord Stourton for so heinous stourton^
a crime as the murdering father and son in so barba- e:
rous a manner. But since I have lived long in Wilt-
shire, I find there is a different account of this matter
in that neighbourhood. The story, as it has been
handed down by very old people, is this : The day
before the execution was appointed, there was a re-
port set about, that a pardon, or a reprieve, was com-
ing down : upon which the Sheriff came to the Earl
of Pembroke, who was then at Wilton, for advice.
That lord heard the report, and was much troubled
at it : so, apprehending some message might come to
him from the court, he ordered his gates to be shut
somewhat early, and not to be opened till next morn-
ing. My Lord Stourton's son came down with the
order : but since the gates were not to be opened, he
rode over to his father, who received the news with
great joy. In the night the Sheriff left Wilton, and
came so secretly to Salisbury that Stourton knew no-
thing of it, and believed he was still at Wilton, where
he knew he was the night before. But when he was
so far gone that the Sheriff knew he could not come
back in time to hinder the execution, he brought his
men together whom he had ordered to attend on him
that day : and so the lord was executed before his son
could come back with the order to stop it. I set down
this story upon a popular report, of which I have had
the pedigree vouched to me, by those whose authors,
upon the authority of their grandfathers, did give an
entire credit to it. So meritorious a man as the Lord
Stourton was, who had protested against every thing

3J)2 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

done in King Ed ward's parliament, had no doubt many
intercessors to plead for him in this his extremity. I
leave this with my reader as I found it.

On the 20th of March, the King came to England.
Orders being sent into Kent, that the gentlemen should
attend upon him in their best apparel, thanks were
afterwards written to them for their readiness in fur-
nishing him with post-horses. On the 17th of April,
proceedings are ordered to be made upon a book that
is called lewd and seditious: and the Countess of
Sussex coming over at this time, and bringing letters
which gave some suspicion, she was sent to the Fleet.
She had been for some years separated from her hus-
band. She was ordered to be examined strictly : but
upon this and many other occasions, particulars are
not set forth ; and only a general mention is made of
the minutes put in the chest.

There is, besides the great council-book, another
council-book, which, I suppose, might be the minute-
book, which was perused by my learned friend Doctor
Kennet, and who communicated to me all the extracts
that he had made out of it, and some other manu-
scripts, which I never saw. It seems, it was appre-
hended that the French designed a descent in Dor-
setshire : so orders were sent to make musters in that
county, and to have them in readiness, in case of an
invasion, or rebellion : and three hundred men were
sent over to Calais, with orders concerning the fortifi-
cations.

The alarm* Qn the 14th of June, complaint was made of some
«t -plots, naughty plays and lewd books. The council was often
alarmed with these plays; but it does not appear whe-
ther there was any thing in the plays with relation to
religion, or the government ; or whether it was, that
they apprehended some mischief from the concourse
of the people that those representations brought to-
gether. One Sir Thomas Cawwarden was committed
to the Fleet, for his misbehaviour to the state : he was
ordered to be kept a close prisoner, with only one ser-
vant, since he had made no manner of submission, and
had not acknowledged his offence: but what this of-

PART III. BOOK V. 393

fence was does not appear to me. On the 29th of
June, orders were given for sending two thousand men
to Calais, with directions to distribute them to the
places about, that wanted a reinforcement the most.
Eight hundred and sixty of them were ordered for
Guisnes, and a letter was written to the Mayor and
Jurats of Calais, to continue their Mayor for another
year. On the 3d of July, the Cardinal made an offer
of one hundred men to serve the Queen : he was or-
dered to levy them immediately, and to send them to
Dover. Two hundred foot, and six hundred horse
more, were ordered in all haste for Calais : and assu-
rance was given, that more should quickly follow.
There were then great apprehensions of disorders on
the borders of Scotland, which were wholly in the
hands of the French.

Bonner at this time gave the city of London a most A s*ver<i
dismal spectacle, a little removed from the city, per- li™™
haps for fear of a tumult, at Stratford, where thirteen
persons, eleven men and two women, were burnt in
one fire. He had condemned sixteen to be thus sa-
crificed : but Cardinal Pole heard there was some hope cardinal
of working on three of them ; so there came an order iwVp^
to put them in his hands: and he by the 26th of July fons>
prevailed so far on two of them, that a pardon was
granted to those two who had been condemned by the
Bishop of London, but were prevailed on by the Car-
dinal to abjure (a very extraordinary thing, as is men-
tioned in the pardon), and he had received them into
the communion of the church, " and had upon that
interceded with the King and Queen for their pardon,
which they, as true sons of the church, did willingly
imitate, and embraced this occasion of shewing their
zeal." I cannot tell what became of the third person,
whom he had taken out of Bormer's hands.

But here I must lessen the character of the Cardi-
nal's mildness towards heretics : for on the 28th of
March this year, he sent orders to proceed against the
heretics in his diocese; and on the 7th of July, he
sent a sigmftcavit of some heretics to be delivered to
the secular arm.

licet ra-
rissimo.

394 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

I find likewise, by other evidences, suggested to me
by the laborious Mr. Strype, that Pole was not so
mild as I had represented him. Parker, in his British
Antiquities, which Strype believes assuredly he can
prove that it was written by him; he calls him eccle-
sice AnglicaticE carnifex etjtagdlum; the whip and the
executioner of the church of England: and Calfhil,
a canon of Christ-Church in Oxford, in a letter he
wrote to Grindal bishop of London, mentions the pro-
ceedings of the visitors sent to Oxford by Pole ; who
were Brooks bishop of Gloucester, Cole dean of St.
Paul's, and Ormanet: he sent them thither, not to re-
store the Pope's authority, but diligently to inquire if
there were any who neglected the Pope's ceremonies;
and if there were any found, that were under the least
suspicion (levissima suspicio), they were without any
delay to eject them. He writes, there was nothing
eminent in Ormanet, but intolerable insolence : nothing
could be imagined more arrogant than he was. They
raged, as he adds, against a great many in the Uni-
versity ; and burned, in the open market-place, an in-
finite number of Bibles, and other books. The like
severity was practised at Cambridge; of which Mr.
Strype promises an account in the life of Whitgift,
now ready for the press.

The nation began to grow every where weary of
the cruel executions of so many heretics. The great
promoter of these barbarous proceedings was the Earl
of Sussex : he died in March this year. For his son
Thomas, who succeeded to him in his honour, was
then deputy of Ireland; and on the 1st of April, order
was given for a new patent to him, by the title of the
Earl of Sussex.

The nation ^t one time complaints were brought of the She-
*hiTr riffs of Kent, Essex, Suffolk, and Staffordshire, and of
cruMly' the Mayor of Rochester, and the Bailiff of Colchester,
that when some persons, being condemned for heresy,
were delivered to them by their ordinaries, they, in-
stead of proceeding to a present execution, had de-
layed it: so letters were ordered to them, requiring
them to signify what it was that had moved them to

PART III. BOOK V. 395

stop the usual proceedings. Information was also
given of some lewd and seditious words, spoken by
some of the Queen's household ; upon which they were
sent to prison: and orders were given to prosecute
them. On the 3d of August, thanks were ordered to
be given to Serjeant Brown for his proceedings with
Trudge-over ; and orders were given for the disposing
of his head and quarters. On the 7th of August, Sir
John Butler, sheriff of Essex, was fined 10/. because
his deputy had respited the execution of a woman,
condemned for heresy, that should have been exe-
cuted at Colchester; and he was to answer for his
deputy's fault. This perhaps is the same with that
which was mentioned on the 28th of July. Many
were ordered to be proceeded against for writing and
spreading lewd and seditious books. It seems the
Lord Rich continued to give the council notice, be-
fore they proceeded to any executions in Essex, and
so laid the odium of the severity on the council, for
shewing no pity : so, on the 6th of August, they wrote
to him to proceed according to law, and not to give
them anymore trouble on those occasions. Complaint
was made on the 10th of August, of a bad choice that
the town of Calais had made of a Mayor for the en-
suing year ; especially in so critical a time. They were
told, that, by such an election, they might have their
charter to be brought in question. On the 12th of
August, orders were sent to Canterbury, to proceed
without delay against those who acted there a lewd
play that was sent up.

On the 15th of August, the news came of the great
defeat given the French at St. Quintin's : so an order
was sent to the Bishop of London, to publish that at °'tap"ss
St. Paul's Cross. On the 24th of August, letters were to1-
ordered to be written to the Mayor and Aldermen of
Bristol, requiring them to conform themselves, in fre-
quenting sermons, processions, and other ceremonies,
at the cathedral : and not to absent themselves, as they
had done of late, nor to expect that the Dean and
Chapter should come with their cross, and in proces-
sion, to fetch them out of the city; which was a thing

396 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

unseemly, and out of order. On the 2d of September,
news came of the taking of St. Quintin's; upon which
an order was sent to the Lord Mayor of London, to
have bonfires at night, and to come the next day to
high-mass. On the 6th of September, an order was
sent to the Lord Mayor of London, to apprehend
those who had acted a play, called, A Sack-fall of
News; but there was an order sent soon after to set
them at liberty. On the 6th of October, news came
that peace was made between the Pope and the King ;
upon which the council ordered high-mass to be at
St. Paul's; and the Lord Mayor was required to be
there, and to have bon-fires over the city. The coun-
cil was, for some time, wholly taken up with the
matter of the loan, and the privy-seals : and though
the government had certain notice of the design of the

O O

French upon Calais, yet no parliament was called, by
which money, and every thing else that was neces-
sary to the preserving it, could have been furnished.
But the spirit of the nation was now much turned ;
and compassion began to rise towards these poor
people, that were thus sacrificed to the cruelty of the
priests, and the bigotry of a weak peevish woman, so
that they would not venture on calling one ; but tried
other ineffectual methods of raising money; which in-
creased the jealousy of the nation more than it added
to the Queen's treasure.

Bonner was again quickened, by another letter, to
proceed against heretics : upon which he sent down
council to j)r Chedsey to Colchester; who, in a letter that he

be more «*

severe, wrote to Bonner, on the 2 1 st of April 1 558, tells him,
that while he was sitting at Colchester, examining

CJ * ^3

heretics, he received a summons to appear before tne
council : but he desires, that Bonner would make his
excuse, since he was on the great work of finding out
heretics, anabaptists, and other unruly persons, such
as the like was never heard.

There is also in the minute-book an entry of the
letter of the 1st of August 1558, written on Bern-
bridge's account ; who, when he was ready to be burnt,
offered to recant; upon which the Sheriff of Hamp-

PART III. BOOK V. 397

shire stayed the execution; for that he was chid; but
a letter was written to the Bishop of Winchester, to
examine whether his conversion was entire and sincere.

And now I have no more light from the council-
book : for that authentic volume goes only to the end
of the year 1 557 ; the last passage I find in it relating
to religion being on the 15th of December: then they
wrote a letter to the Bishop of London, and sent with
it the examination of John Rough, a Scottish minister,
whom they had sent to Newgate, and required him
to proceed against him according to the laws. It may
be perhaps thought that I have taken out of it nothing
but what related to proceedings against heretics : but
that is, because there is scarce any thing else in it ;
for I have taken out of it every thing that related to
the government, or that was in any sort historical.
But the council knew what it was that the Queen's
heart was set on, and what would please her most ;
and so they applied their care and diligence chiefly
to that.

There was a strange spirit of cruelty that run through
the body of the clergy: it was animated by the go-
vernment, and shewed itself in so many dismal in-
stances, in all the parts of the nation, that it struck
people with horror. This joined with the intolerable
haughtiness of the Kino-, and the shameful loss of

O O '

Calais, brought the government under a universal
hatred and contempt. In a book corrected, if not
written, by the Lord Burghley, in Queen Elizabeth's
time, entitled, The Executions for Treason, the sum
of those who suffered in this wretched reign, is thus
reckoned. " Four hundred persons suffered publicly
in Queen Mary's days, besides those who were secretly
murdered in prison : of these, twenty were bishops
and dignified clergymen; sixty were women; chil-
dren, more than forty : some women big with child ;
one bore a child in the fire, and the child was burned."
It does not appear that the bishops or clergy shewed
any great inclination to entertain Pole's project for the
reformation of abuses ; or that they were at much
pains, in the way of instruction, to reduce the people.

office.

398 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

All that I find in this way is, that Bonner set out an
instruction for his diocese in the year 1555. The peo-
ple had heard so much of the second commandment,
that he did not think fit to leave it quite out, as is
done in most catechisms of the church of Rome: but
yet he durst not venture on giving it honestly ; there-
fore, instead of the words, Nor worship them ; he
gave it thus, Nor adore them with God's honour.
Watson, bishop of Lincoln, did in June 1558 put an-
other out for his diocese. It seems he was in a high
degree of favour with the Cardinal ; since, notwith-
standing the zeal he expressed against plurality of
benefices in one person, he was allowed to hold the
deanery of Duresme in commendam, when he was pro-
moted to Lincoln. The license is in January 1557 ;
in which it is said, that the Cardinal consented to it.
The first public occasion, that the ill-natured Pope
found to express his displeasure at Pole, was, upon
the death of Day, bishop of Chichester. The Pope
would not suffer Christopherson, the new bishop, to
be preconized in Pole's name, but did it himself, as
Karne wrote over on the 10th of April. Karne, after
that, on the 15th of June, wrote to the Queen, that the
Pope had ordered Cardinal Morone to be imprisoned
on the account of religion. Four cardinals were sent
to examine him. Karne adds, that he was in high
reputation at Rome for his sanctity : and he believed
him a good catholic, and a holy man.

The style in which all the Bishop's bulls, during
provisions this reign, did run, was, that the Pope, by his aposto-
reign." Heal authority, did provide the person to the see, and
set him over it. Upon which the bishop so named
did renounce every clause in his bull that was in any
sort prejudicial to the crown : and the renunciation
being so made, the custody of the temporalties was
given to the bishop elect. In the bulls, no mention
is made either of the Queen's recommending, nor of
the Chapter's electing. Rymer has gathered the
bulls for Exeter, Bangor, St. Asaph, Carlisle, Chester,
Peterborough, and Lincoln, besides those for Canter-
bury and York ; and they all run in the style of papal

PART III. BOOK V. 399

provisions. Nor does he mention conge d'elire, ex-
cept for Chester, Winchester, Carlisle, Lincoln, Chi-
chester, and Peterborough. There is something par-
ticular in the restitution of the temporalties of Carlisle
to Oglethorpe; it is added, that he was to pay 400
marks. I do not comprehend what could be the
reason of this singularity.

There was another convocation in January 1557-8. Proceed

i /~\ I ci o 1 £* i°6s *n ^

Harpsfield was chosen prolocutor. On the 2oth or vocation
January, Bonner, as the Cardinal's commissary, pro-
posed some heads of reformation; and the Lower
House desired leave to offer their propositions. On the
4th of February, a subsidy was agreed to of eight
shillings in the pound, to be paid in four years ; and
on the 9th, he told the bishops that the Lower House
had agreed to it. Complaint was made of a want of
priests to serve the cures : in order to remedy this, and
to provide a supply for the smaller benefices, it was
proposed, that no priest should be taken up to serve
in the wars. 2. That the bishops might have autho-
rity to unite small benefices^ which the priest should
serve by turns. 3. That the parishioners of chapels
of ease might be obliged to come to the parish-church,
till curates could be provided. 4. That bishops might
be authorized by the Pope to ordain extra tempora.
There was also some consideration had about the fur-
nishing of arms ; and a decree passed for the provi-
sion of them after the same rate that the laity had
agreed to. But then the convocation was prorogued,
first to the 1 1th of November, and then to the 17th;
on which day the Queen died.

But now to open the state of the nation : Calais, A gene
and the places about, were lost ; and the nation was S
so exhausted, that the supporting the government was opcoei1
no easy thing. The persons most in favour with the
two Kings of France and Spain, were two clergymen,
the Cardinal of Lorrain, and the Bishop of Arras,
soon after promoted to be a cardinal. They saw,
that the continuance of the war made it reasonable on
both sides, not to put a stop to the progress of heresy ;
though it had not that effect in England; they there-

400 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

fore, at an interview, projected a peace ; that so both
Kings might be at full leisure to extirpate heresy out
of their dominions.

In order to this, France was willing to make great
restitutions : only, from the first opening of the treaty,
they declared very positively, that they resolved never
to part with Calais. A treaty was opened ; and the
Earl of Arundel, the Bishop of Ely, and Dean Wot-
ton, were sent to treat in the Queen's name. I shall
here only give the abstract of two papers, which I
found relating to this matter.

paper. The first is, the council's letter to the ambassadors,
Lau hope written on the 8th of November ; which is in the Col-
cawi'S lection. The ambassadors saw no hope of the restor-
couect *n» °^ Calais; so they had moved the council, to lay
Numb. 42. the matter before the parliament. " It was not thought
convenient, to break it to the whole house : it was
thought best to begin with the nobility, and some of
the best and gravest sort. But before they made that
step, they thought it necessary to ask the Queen's
mind : she thought it was best to lay it first before the
King. Upon which, they sent the ambassadors with
a letter to the King ; and resolved to stay till his an-
swer came. They write, that the Queen was still sick
and weak: they hoped for her amendment; but they
were driven to fear, and mistrust the worst. In a
postscript, they tell them, they had received the am-
bassadors' letters of the 4th, by which they saw the
French were resolved not to restore Calais : and that
the King told them, that his commissioners had almost
agreed with the French in all other matters ; but he
would agree to nothing, unless the Queen was satis-
fied. The council ordered the ambassadors to lay be-
fore the King the importance of leaving Calais in the
hands of the French ; and how much it would touch
the honour of the King and Queen, that so many re-
stitutions being to be made on both sides, this alone
should not be restored. The subjects of this realm
would certainly be very uneasy at this. The war was
begun at the King's request, and for his sake. If, to
other of the King's allies, places are to be restored that

PART III. BOOK V. 401

were taken from them some years ago, what then can
be judged, if a peace is concluded without this resti-
tution ? Yet, on the other hand, if there is an agree-
ment in all other matters (which is like a giving up of
the point), much were to be endured for the wealth
Christendom. In these matters, the ambassadors were
ordered to deal plainly with the King, and to study
to know his mind ; since the French, keeping these
places, might be as great prejudice to his Low-Coun-
tries as to England. They desire a plain and speedy
answer, that they might know what to offer to the
nobility and parliament, with relation to this matter."
The answer to this belongs to this reign ; though
it was written on the day after the Queen died, signed
by the three ambassadors. It is in the Collection. Collect-
" They had written formerly, that the French King had
said, he would hazard his crown rather than restore
Calais : yet for all those high words they did not quite
despair. The commissioners of both Kings had broke
up their conferences, and returned to their masters, to
give an account of what they had done, and to receive
their final orders. The ambassadors believed, that if
the King insisted positively on the restitution of Ca-
lais, that this might induce the French to agree to it :
whereas, if the King and his ministers spoke but faintly
of that matter, they were sure the French would still
refuse to do it. Therefore they did not think fit to use
any words to the King, to make him imagine that the
Queen or the kingdom would consent to a peace with-
out the restoring of Calais : because their instructions

O

were express in that point. The King continued to
say, that he would make no peace unless the Queen
should be satisfied : so that if she and her council con-
tinued to insist on that point, they did believe the
French would restore it, rather than lose the view they
had of peace. And whereas the council wrote to them,
that if all other things were near agreed, much were to
be endured for the peace of Christendom ; yet that all
others should have restitution, and that poor England
should only bear the loss, was hard ; especially so
great a loss : and they were so far from thinking that
VOL, in. 2 D

102 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

the leaving Calais to the French would purchase a
sure peace, that they thought on the contrary, that
nothing shewed more evidently, that the French did
not intend to continue the peace with England espe-
cially, than their keeping of Calais. The French could
easily annoy England on the side of Scotland : the
Dauphin being then married to the Queen of Scots :
and what the French pretend to by that marriage was
not unknown to them. (This probably was to claim the
crown of England upon the Queen's death.) Now if
the French kept Calais, the English could neither
hurt their enemies, nor assist their friends, or be as-
sisted by them so easily, as when that place was in
their hands. England would be shut out from the
rest of Europe : the very knowledge of the transac-
tions abroad would come late to them, and that place
would be a scourge for England, as it was before
Edward the Third took it; which made him come
with his son, and but with a small army from Nor-
mandy into France, and to march through Picardy to
besiege it, the enemy pursuing him with a greater
army ; but he fought through them, until at last he
fought them at Cressy, where, though the French
were three to one, yet he totally defeated them, and
continued the siege till he took it. So the French
having Scotland on the one hand, and Calais on the
other, it was easy to apprehend what might follow on
this. The French would sign any terms with them to
keep that place. These would be only parchment and
wax. They knew how many parchments King Francis
sealed to King Henry, and the present King to King-
Edward. They saw the effects they had ; and if a war
should follow between England and France, they were
not sure that Spain would join with England : whereas
now the King could not honourably make any peace
without us ; and he himself said he would not : so
they did not think Christendom should have a good
peace if Calais were left to the French : and it was
certainly more the interest of England to continue the
war in conjunction with the King, than to make a
peace letting it go, and then be forced to begin a new

PART III. BOOK V. 403

war, and to have all the burden of it lie upon Eng-
land. All this they thought themselves bound to lay
before the council. The Bishop of Ely adds, that he
was with the commissioners by the King's order ; they
had not yet agreed concerning the matters of Corsica
and Siena : the French have likewise demanded the
restitution of Navarre : so that some thought the treaty
would be broken off without concluding in a peace.
The Earl of Arundel adds, that, after they had gone
so far in their letter, he received a letter from the Bi-
shop of Arras, dated the 17th, in which he writes
thus ; The Bishop of Ely has told you on what terms
we were in this purgatory, at his leaving us. The
French told us yesterday, that they would condescend
to every thing rather than yield in the matter of Ca-
lais, or let that place go out of their hands. And we
on our part told them, that, without full satisfaction
to the kingdom of England, we would not treat with
them in any sort. And we parted so, that there is more
appearance of a rupture than of a conclusion of the
treaty. But after all, our ambassadors doubted much
whether it would break off only on the account of Ca-
lais. If they were in doubt about it, while the Queen
was yet alive, it may be easily supposed that her death
put them out of all doubt concerning it.

And now I am come to the conclusion of this in- A
glorious reign. Campana gives a different account of o

the immediate occasion of the Queen's death, from Q°et°nf,3th"
what is to be found in other authors. He tells us, that deaU*-
King Philip, seeing no hope of issue by her, and that
she was in an ill state of health, designed a marriage
between the Duke of Savoy and the Lady Elizabeth :
the Queen had a very bad opinion of her sister, sus-
pecting she had ill principles in religion. King Philip
thought the Duke of Savoy would be a firm friend to
him, and a constant enemy to France. But he could
never bring the Queen to hearken to this : yet now
that she was declining very fast, he sent over the Duke
of Feria to propose the match to the privy-council,
without any regard to the Queen ; or to the opposi-
tion she might make to it : and he ordered him to use

2 D 2

404 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

all possible means to bring it to a conclusion. The
Queen resented this highly ; and when she saw it was
designed to force her to it, she fell into an extreme
melancholy. The privy-council did not entertain the
motion ; and the Queen dying in a few days, an end
was put to it : for though I find the Duke of Feria was
in England upon Queen Elizabeth's coming to the
crown, it does not appear that he made any propo-
sition of that matter to her. What truth soever may
be in this, the nation was now delivered from a severe
and unhappy, though short reign : in which super-
stition and cruelty had the ascendant to such a degree,
that it does not appear that there was any one great
or good design ever set on foot, either for the wealth
or glory of the nation. The poor Queen delivered her-
self up to her peevish and fretful humours, and to her
Confessor: and seemed to have no other thoughts,

<^ 7

but about the extirpation of heresy, and the endow-
ing of monasteries. Even the war, that commonly
slackens vigorous proceedings, had not that effecthere.
Her inexorable hatred of all she accounted heretics
was such, that I find but one single instance of a par-
don of any condemned of heresy, and that was upon
the Cardinal's intercession. God shortened the time
of her reign for his elect's sake : and he seemed to have
suffered popery to shew itself in its true and natural
colours, all over both false and bloody ; even in a fe-
male reign, from whence all mildness and gentleness
might have been expected ; to give this nation such
an evident and demonstrative proof of the barbarous
cruelty of that religion, as might raise a lasting ab-
horrence and detestation of it.

of cfueen1 ^ was visible that the providence of God made a
Mary ami very remarkable difference, in all respects, between

Queen Eli - . ^ , ., .',. 111 i

zabe.h-s this poor, short, and despised reign, and the glory, the
length, and the prosperity, of the succeeding reign.
So that as far as we can reason from the outward cha-
racter of things, the one was all over mean and black,
while the other shined with a superior brightness, to
the admiration of all the world : it wanted no foil to
set it off, being all over lustre and glory. But if that

PART III. BOOK V. 405

was wanting, the base and contemptible reign that
went before it could not but add to its brightness.

One amazing character of Providence in her death,
and in the great successor that came after her, was,
that at the time that the two ministers, being both ec-
clesiastics, of the Kings of France and Spain, were
designing a peace, with the view of destroying heresy
upon the conclusion of it, their project was entirely
blasted in so critical a minute : first, by the death of
Queen Mary, and the succession of Queen Elizabeth ;
and next, by the unlooked-for death of the King of
France in July after : so that not only the design to-
tally miscarried, but France fell under the confusions
of a minority : under which, that they called heresy
gathered great strength : and the cruelty of the Spa-
nish government occasioned the revolt of the Nether-
lands ; while the glorious Queen of England protected
and assisted both so effectually, that King Henry the
Fourth owned his being supported by her in his low-
est state, was the chief means that brought him to the
possession of the crown of France : and the United
Provinces had their main dependence on the protec-
tion and assistance that they had from her. So mer-
cifully did God deal with this nation, by removing
that Queen that he had set over it in his wrath, and
so graciously did he watch over the Reformation, that
in the very time in which the enemies of that work rec-
koned it was to be rooted out, he raised up a glorious
instrument, that not only revived it among us, but by a
kind and tender influence watched over it, and pro-
tected it every where. So I now turn to view the
auspicious beginnings of that blessed reign.

406 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

PART III.— BOOK VI.

OF THE BEGINNING OF QUEEN ELIZABETH'S REIGN.

lass. TVT O prince ever came to the th rone in a more clouded
-*- - state of affairs than this Queen did : the nation
was engaged in a war both with France and Scotland.
The Queen had no ally but King Philip ; and though
she was sensible of her particular obligations to him,
yet being resolved to make alterations in religion, she
knew she could depend no longer on him, when once
these should be begun. The Duke of Feria, then his
ambassador in England, took all occasions to let her
understand, that his master was the Catholic King,
and that therefore he must protect that religion. The
papists whom she found in the ministry, possessed
her with fears of rebellions at home, and of wars from
abroad, if she set herself to alter religion. Those
she brought into her councils, in conjunction with the
papists, chiefly Bacon and Cecil, had been so ac-
customed to comply with what they condemned in
matters of religion, that they brought themselves to
bear what they did not approve: and they appre-
hended great danger if they should proceed too quick
in those matters.

^he Queen's inclinations to the Reformation were
universally relied on : her education and knowledge,
her bad usage during the former reign, and her title
to the crown, that was grounded on a marriage made
in defiance to the Pope, led all people to conclude,
that what slow steps soever she might make in it, she
would certainly declare for it, as soon as she saw she
could be safe in doing it. Upon this some, whether
out of a forwardness of zeal, or on design to encourage
her, began early to pull down images and to make
changes : but, on the other hand, the priests appre-
hending what was like to follow, begun at the same
time to alarm the people: some broke out into sedi-
tious words to animate the people against all changes ;
and the pulpits being all in their hands, they had free

PART III. BOOK VI. 407

scope there to give the alarm : some went further, and
called her title to the crown in question ; and set up
the pretensions of the Queen of Scotland. Of these,
the industrious Mr. Strype has gathered many in-
stances, that shewed on the one hand their seditious
tempers; and on the other hand, the great mildness
of the government, different from the cruelty of the
former reign. To put a stop to these, she did by one
proclamation prohibit all preaching ; and by another,
all alterations by private hands.

As her ministers advised this caution in matters of
religion, so they persuaded her to digest the loss of
Calais, and to come into a peace with France and
Scotland.

They likewise thought of new alliances. In order Mount
to this, Mount was brought into England again ; and Germany
had secret instructions given him by Cecil to go to all
the princes of Germany, to know how far the Queen A match

• i i i • • i 51 witl1

might depend on their assistance ; and to receive the cha
advices that the princes offered, with relation to the advi
affairs of England, and in particular concerning a
proper marriage for the Queen. He found them
ready to receive the Queen into the Smalcaldic
League ; chiefly, if the Reformation that was intend-
ed might be made upon their model. The match they
all proposed was with Charles of Austria, the Em-
peror Ferdinand's second son, brother to Maximi-
lian, the king of Bohemia and Hungary, who was
known to be a protestant : for though he complied
in the outward acts of the popish worship, yet he had
a minister in his court whom he heard frequently
preach. Both the Elector Palatine and the Duke of
Wirtemberg assured Mount, that Charles designed,
as soon as he durst, for fear of his father's displeasure,
to declare himself of their religion. He said to one
of these Princes, " I love the religion that my brother
holds, and approve of it, and will by the grace of
God, profess it openly. He told him, that his fa-
ther suspected this ; and had pressed him to take an
oath that he would never change his religion. He
refused that; but said to his father, that he believed,

I n l

408 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

as he did, all that was in the New Testament, and in
the orthodox fathers. Upon which, the Emperor said,
I see this son is likewise corrupted." They thought
this match would be a great strengthening of the
Queen : it would engage the whole house of Austria
in the protestant religion, and unite the whole empire
in an alliance with the Queen. This was writ to the
Q I* Queen in the year 1559 ; but in the copy I saw the par-
's', 11. ticular date is not added.
The re. The news of the Queen's coming to the crown no

formers , \ '/ • i i

return t-> sooner reached Zurich, than all those who had retired
thither resolved to return to England. They had been
entertained there both by the magistrates and the mi-
nisters, Bullinger, Gualter, Weidner, Simler, Lavater,
Gesner, and all the rest of that body, with a tender-
ness and affection that engaged them to the end of
their lives to make the greatest acknowledgments
possible for it. The first of these was, in all respects,
the chief person of that society, with whom they held
the closest correspondence. Peter Martyr was like-
wise there, and was treated by them all with a sin-
gular respect, even to a submission. Jewel was first
formed by him at Oxford, and so continued to his
death in a constant commerce of letters with him,
writing always to him by the title of Father. I saw
a great volume of those letters, as I passed through
Zurich in the year 1685 ; so I was desirous to have
the volume sent me; but I found, that by their rules
that could not be done. I also understood, that there
were several letters relating to our affairs scattered
through several other volumes; so Professor Otto did
kindly, and with much zeal, undertake to get them
to be copied for me. The person who managed and
procured this for me, was that pious and learned pro-
fessor at Geneva, Alphonsus Turretin, born to be a
blessing to the state he lives in. He has given the
world already, on many occasions, great instances of
his exquisite learning, and of a most penetrating judg-
ment, having made a vast progress in a few years : in
which a feeble and tender body, though it is a great
clog that gives his friends many sad apprehensions, yet

G.Term.e.

fculp.

PART III. BOOK VI. 409

cannot keep down an exalted mind from many per-
formances that seem to be both above his years and
his strength. But how valuable soever these quali-
ties are, yet his zeal for the great things of religion,
and his moderation in lesser matters, together with a
sublime and exalted piety, is that which I observed in
him, even when he was scarce out of childhood; and
have, with a continual joy and delight, seen the ad-
vances of it ever since. This grateful account of him
I owe not so much to his friendship (though I owe a
great deal to that), but to his rare and singular worth.
By his means I procured copies of the letters that our
reformers continued to write, chiefly to Peter Martyr,
Bullinger, and Gualter : and with them I have a so-
lemn attestation, under the seal of that noble Canton,
of their being true copies, carefully collated with the
originals, which I haveput at the end of the Collection.
If there had not been many interruptions in the series
of those letters, they are so particular, that from them
we should have had a clear thread of the history of
that time : but many of them are lost, and they are
wanting on some of the most critical occasions. I
shall make the best use of them I can, as far as they
lead me.

Horn and Sands went first to England: so Jewel,

who was following them, writes from Strasburg, on weiT,^.
the 26th of January 1559, to Peter Martyr; and adds, Q^°
"that they were well received by the Queen; that Col|c«-
many bishopricks were void ; Christopherson was cer-
tainly dead ; that White, whom Martyr knew well,
had preached the funeral-sermon when Queen Mary
was buried : the text was, ' I praised the dead more
than the living:' in which he charged the audience,
by all means, not to suffer any change to be made in
religion. Inveighing against the fugitives, that might
perhaps return to England, he said, whosoever should
kill them, would do a deed acceptable to God. Upon
this he writes, that both the Marquis of Winchester,
and Heath archbishop of York, seemed highly dis-
pleased at it. He adds, that Bonner was obliged to
restore to Ridley's executors, all his goods that he had

410 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

violently seized on, and was confined to his house."
I have seen a copy of White's sermon. In it he com-
mends Queen Mary for this, that she would never be
called " head of the church :" though the falsehood of
that is on record, in the writs that were sealed for
above a year after she came to the crown. He runs
out with great fury against heresy: Geneva is, in par-
ticular, named the seat of it. He says, Queen Mary's
death was like the death of an angel, if they were mor-
tal. He insinuates his fears of " flying in the winter,
on the sabbath," or " being with child;" all which he
represents as allegorical. Yet he has some decent
words of the Queen ; and says, they were to comfort
themselves for the death of one sister, in the other
that survived.

Those of Gaulter wrote to one Masters, who was the Queen's
viseTtim- physician, and was well known to him, on the 16th
of January. "He congratulates the happy change of
their affairs. He wishes (I translate his words strictly)
that they would not hearken to the counsels of those
men? who, when they saw that popery could not be
honestly defended, nor entirely retained, would use
all artifices to have the outward face of religion to re-
main mixed, uncertain, and doubtful: so that while
an evangelical reformation is pretended, those things
should be obtruded on the church, which will make
the returning back to popery, to superstition, and to
idolatry, very easy. I write not these things to you,
he adds, as knowing that there are any such among
you ; but I write from a fear that there may be some
such. For we have had the experience of this for
some years in Germany, and know what influence such
persons may have. Their counsels seem, to a carnal
judgment, to be full of modesty, and well fitted for
carrying on an universal agreement : and we may well
believe, that the common enemy of our salvation will
find out proper instruments, by whose means, the seeds
of popery may still remain among you. A little after
he writes, that he apprehends, that in the first begin-
nings, while men may study to avoid the giving some
small offence, many things may be suffered, under this

PART III. BOOK VI. 411

colour, that they will be continued but a little while;
and yet afterwards, it will scarce be possible, by all
the endeavours that can be used, to get them to be
removed, at least not without great smugglings." Dr.
Masters, in answer to this, tells him, he had laid his
letter before the Queen, and that she had read it all.
He promises to use his best endeavours for carrying
on a sound reformation. This plainly insinuated their
fears of somewhat like what was designed by the In-
terim in Germany.

Francis, earl of Bedford, had gone out of England T,he Fa/'

' '. 3 .. . ' „ of Bedford

in Queen Mary s time, and stayed some time at Zu- •
rich : he had expressed a true zeal for the Reforma-
tion, and a particular regard for the divines there; of ^
which a letter in the Collection gives a clear account: collect.
and upon that they wrote often to him, and pressed Numb 46-
him vehemently to take care in the first beginnings
to have all things settled upon sure and sound foun-
dations.

On the 24th of January the convocation was opened ; Proceed-
but the bishops, in obedience to the Queen's procla- £
mation against preaching, did not think fit to open it
with a sermon. Those who I find are marked as pre-
sent, are, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Lin-
coln, Worcester, Coventry and Litchfield, and the Ab-
bot of Westminster : these appeared personally. And
the Bishops of Ely, Peterborough, and St. Asaph, sent
their proxies. But no mention is made of the Bishops
of Bath and Wells, St. David's, Landaff, and Exeter.
All the other sees were then vacant; Canterbury, Sa-
lisbury, Norwich, Chichester, Hereford, Gloucester,
Oxford, Bangor, Bristol, and Rochester; ten in all.
Harpsfield was chosen prolocutor. He asked, what
they had to do, and what was to be done, to preserve
religion? The bishops answered, they must pray the
Queen, that no new burden might be laid on the
clergy in this parliament. This was to prevent the
demand of a new subsidy, the former not being yet
paid. In the seventh session, the Prolocutor offered
to the bishops the five articles mentioned in my His-
tory. These they had drawn up for the discharge of

ings in con-
vocation.

t[0enf°i'n"the

412 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

their consciences, and they desired the bishops to be
their leaders in this matter. The bishops received
their paper, and promised to offer it next day to the
House of Lords. In the next session, the Prolocutor
and clergy came up, and asked the bishops, if they
had delivered their paper to the House of Lords?
Bonner answered, that they had delivered it to the
Lord Keeper, the mouth of that House; who to all ap-
pearance, received it kindly, or thankfully (gratunter),
but gave them no answer. The clergy desired the
bishops to get an answer from him, or at least to know
his pleasure before their next meeting. In the ninth
session, the bishops told the clergy, that they had not
yet found a fit opportunity to obtain an answer from
the House of Lords. On the tenth session, Bonner
told the clergy, that all their articles, except the last,
which was, " that the authority of treating and de-
fining, in matters of the faith, of the sacraments, and
of ecclesiastical discipline, belonged to the pastors of
the church, and not to the laity, were approved by the
two universities. After this came only perpetual pro-
rogations from day to day, without any business done,
till the 9th of May, in which the convocation was
dissolved : so this was the last and feeble struggle that
the popish clergy made in convocation.
H- The bishops stood firm in the House of Lords,
the where there were none of the other side to answer
them, few of the temporal lords being very learned.
°f They seemed to triumph there; and hung so upon the
wheels that there was a slow progress made. On the
20th °f March, Jewel writes to Peter Martyr, " that
after a journey of fifty-one days, from the time he left
Zurich, he got to London; where he was amazed to
find the Pope's authority was not yet thrown off:
masses were still said, and the bishops continued still
insolent. Things were beginning to mend a little. A
public disputation was then resolved on : and he adds,
that the Queen spoke with great esteem of Peter Mar-
tyr. The inferior sort of the populace was both igno-
rant and perverse. He tells him, Brooks, bishop of
Gloucester, whom he calls an impure beast, was newly

PART III. BOOK VI. 413

dead; and cried out, as he was dying, that he was
damned."

Jewel, in a letter to Bullinger from London, on the
22d of May 1559, which is in the Collection, after <*>"«*.
great acknowledgment of his obligations to him and
to all Zurich, " thanks him for quickening them to act
with zeal and courage. There was need of it; for be-
sides those who had been always their enemies, the
deserters, who had left them in the former reign, were
now their most bitter enemies. Besides this, the
Spaniards had corrupted the morals of the nation to a
great degree: they were doing what they could, and
all things were coming into a better state. The Queen
did very solemnly refuse to be called Head of the
Church : she thought that title was only due to Christ.
The universities were strangely corrupted by Soto,
and another Spanish monk. It was scarce credible
how much mischief they had done in so little time.
He tells him, that the Lord Bedford had asked him,
What would be the most acceptable present that he
could send to him and his brethren? He answered,
Nothing could be so acceptable to them, as his ex-
pressing a zeal for promoting the gospel, and against
popery. That Lord assured him, he would do that
faithfully: which, as he writes, he was doing very
sincerely. He writes also, how that several princes
were making addresses to the Queen for her marriage :
but many suspected her inclinations lay to one Pick-
ering, a worthy and pious man ; and one of a most
noble figure, as to his person. He refers him for other
things to his letters to Peter Martyr." On the 6th of
April, Jewel wrote a particular account of the dispu-
tation, which, though it is upon the matter the same
that is in my History, yet since it is both a confirma-
tion of it, and has some circumstances that are new,
I have put it in my Collection: " He tells him, that c°1Iect-

Numb 4<1

Cole treated the reformers with many reproaches, and
much scorn; and called them seditious incendiaries.
He delivered his speech with great emotion, stamping
with his feet, and putting himself as in convulsions :
he said, the apostles divided their work into two pro-

414 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

vinces, the western and the eastern. The first, St.
Peter and St. Paul had given to them, where the wor-
ship was to be all in Latin: the eastern division fell
to the other apostles, where all was to be performed
in Greek. This he introduced with pomp, as a thing-
certain. He affirmed, that it was not fit the people
should understand the public worship; for ignorance
was the mother of devotion. The paper prepared by
the reformers was read gravely and modestly by Horn .
so that all who were present, he names the Earl of
Shrewsbury in particular, acknowledged the victory
was clearly on their side : by this, and by what hap-
pened the second day, the popish cause sunk much
in the opinion of the people."

On the 28th of April, in another letter, which is in
collect, the Collection, he tells Peter Martyr how earnestly
)- the bishops contended in the House of Lords. " Feck-
nam defended monastic orders from the sons of the
prophets, and the Nazarites among the Jews ; and
said Christ and his apostles were monks. None
struggled more vehemently than Thirleby. He saw a
design at court of seizing on the bishops' manors, and
assigning parsonages to them instead of them ; but he
laments most of all, that no care was taken of schools,
or of promoting learning. The Universities were in
a most miserable condition. The Earl of Bedford
pressed the Queen to send for Peter Martyr : she
said she would do it; but, as much as Jewel desired
to see him, he writes, that he would not advise his
coming over, if he was not sent for with such an
earnest and honourable invitation as he deserved to
have. He saw many of the Queen's ministers were
in hope to enter into the Smalcaldic League. And
one who had been a bishop, possessed them with an
opinion, that if Martyr were brought over, that would
obstruct the other design : he expresses an ill opinion
of that person, but does not name him :" it must have
been either Barlow, Scory, orCoverdale; for these
were all the bishops of the Reformation that were then
alive : Coverdale, as being a Dane, is the likeliest to
have been engaged in the Lutheran opinion. He con-

PART III. BOOK VI. 415

eludes his letter, that those who had returned from
their exile were yet in great misery, no care being
taken of them.

His next is on the 10th of April : " He laments the ne com-
want of zeal and industry in promoting the Refor- p^°t\°{
mation ; far short of what the papists shewed in zeal> and

S~\ 1» If •> • fTM 1 • • a" excess

Queen Marys time. Inen every thing was carried of camion,
on violently, without staying either for law or pre-
cedent : but now every thing is managed in so slow,
so cautious, and prudent a manner, as if the word of
God was not to be received upon his own authority :
so that as Christ was thrown out by his enemies, he is
now kept out by his friends. This caution made that
the spirits of those that favoured them were sunk,
while their enemies were much exalted upon it. Yet
he acknowledges, that though no law was made ab-
rogating the mass, it was in many places laid down.
The nobility seemed zealous in their hatred of popery,
The Queen had indeed softened her mass much ; but
there were many things amiss that were left in it. If
she could be prevailed on to put the crucifix out of
her chapel, it would give a general encouragement :
she was truly pious, but thought it necessary to pro-
ceed by law, and that it was dangerous to give way
to a furious multitude."

Cox, on the 20th of May, wrote to Weidner, another
divine of Zurich, whom he calls a venerable old man.
" He tells him, that they found the short reign of
Queen Mary had such effects in hardening the minds
of the people in their superstition, that it would not
be easy to change the nation. Great opposition was
made to every good motion, by the scribes and phari-
sees in the House of Lords ; for there was none there
that could maintain arguments against the bishops :
but the divines who were returned from their exile
were called to preach at court before the Queen ;
where they plainly affirmed that the Pope was Anti-
christ, and that their traditions were blasphemies.
Some of the nobility came every day over to them, and
many of the people, but not one of the clergy : they
stuck all together as a body that was not to be moved.

410 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

He tells him the event that the public disputation
had ; and that now King Edward's laws were to be
revived. Thus, says he, God has regarded the low
estate we were in, and with his fatherly compassion
has pitied us, and taken off the cross we lay under.
God grant these his great and inestimable benefits
may never be forgotten by us ! But he laments, that,
while there was so great a harvest, there were so few
labourers."

All business was brought to a good conclusion in
parliament. The King of France's unlooked for death,
had given such a change to the face of affairs abroad,
that the Queen and her ministers seemed to be ani-
mated with more courage than had appeared hitherto.

collect. Of this there is a letter of Jewel's in the Collection.
" In the beginning of August it appears from another

collect, letter in the Collection, that preachers were sent to

Numb. 52. „ r ,

many different parts: many northern counties were
assigned to Sands. Jewel had a large province : he
was to make a circuit of about seven hundred miles,
through Berkshire, Gloucestershire, Somersetshire,
Devonshire, Cornwall, Dorsetshire, and Wiltshire.
The popish bishops made a very poor address to the
Queen, persuading her not to change the state of re-
ligion, to which she answered very resolutely : and
they, rather than abjure the Pope once more, which
they had often done before, were resolved now to re-
linquish their bishopricks. It was plain they had no
religion among them ; yet now they pretended con-
science. They were full of rage, and one of the ar-
tifices they used at that time to keep the people from
receiving the Reformation was, the giving out of pro-
phecies, that this change would be short-lived. How-
soever, the Queen had courage: so he thanks God
for the state to which their affairs were then brought.
Matters went well in Scotland; Knox was preaching
in many places of the country well guarded ; the mo-
nasteries were every where pulled down, and all the
superstitious stuff that was in them was destroyed.
The young King of France took among his titles both
England and Scotland. He understood it was de-

PART III. BOOK VI. 417

signed to make himself bishop of Salisbury, but he
was positively resolved to decline it." In the letters
sent me from Zurich, I find none of Grindal's on this
Occasion : but Mr. Strype in his life has informed the
world, that Grindal, when he knew he was designed
to be a bishop, wrote to Peter Martyr for his opinion in
several matters. I shall give the substance of his letter:
" He did not approve of the Queen's taking away the
estates of the bishopricks, and giving them parsonages
instead of them : he thought this was the patrimony
of the inferior clergy ; so he did not see how they
could be supplied, if these were given tothebishops."
He had also a doubt concerning the popish vestments :
at another time he asked his advice, whether the po-
pish priests upon their changing again should be re-
ceived and continued in their functions? Or whether
such of them as had been concerned in the late cruelty,
ought not to be prosecuted for that ?

To all this Peter Martyr answered, " That for the

i- 11-1 i i • • i tyr's ad

taking away the bishops estates, and giving them par- vic*sto
sonages for them, they could neither hinder nor help G
it; but they ought out of them to support the clergy
that laboured in those parishes : for the habits, he
confessed he did not love them ; for while he was a
canon in Oxford, he never would use the surplice. He
thought they ought to do what they could to get them
to be laid aside; but that if that could not be done,
he thought he might do more good, even in that par-
ticular, by submitting to it, and accepting a bishop-
rick, which might give him an interest to procure a
change afterwards. As for the popish priests, he ad-
vised the forgiving all that was past; and the receiv-
ing them according to the practice of the primitive
church, in the return of the Arians to the orthodox
body. But they were to watch over them, and to in-
struct and examine them with more care." This an-
swer came too late : for Grindal was consecrated before
he got it; but it was, no doubt, a great satisfaction to
him, to find that a person whom he esteemed so highly,
approved of the resolution that he had taken : in which
it was probable Jewel's opinion, of whom they had
VOL. in. 2 E

418 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

all a high esteem, might contribute to settle him; for
though he disliked the use of those vestments, and
treats the insisting so much on it with great contempt,
yet, on the other hand, he blames those who laid too
much weight upon that matter, and so looked on it as
a thing of more importance than truly it was.

They all rejoiced in the happy turn of affairs then

in Scotland, the much greater part of that nation

declaring themselves openly and zealously against

popery.

begin Here I shall insert an account concernin Scotland

land

of what happened in the reign of King Henry ; but
that came not to my knowledge till the impression of
of scot- this volume was advanced to the reign of Queen
Mary. The Scottish nation was so well disposed
towards the Reformation, that immediately upon
King James the Fifth's death, which was in Decem-
ber 1541, there appeared a wonderful inclination
among them to be better informed in matters of reli-
gion. Cardinal Beaton to prevent this had got a
will to be forged in the name of the deceased King,
constituting him Regent: but as that was discovered

O O

to be a forgery, so the nobility had no regard to it, but
owned the Earl of Arran to be the second person in
the kingdom; and that he was next to the young
Queen, and the heirs of her body, the heir of the
crown. So they took the oath of allegiance to the
Q ueen as their sovereign ; and to the Earl of Arran
as their governor, till the Queen was of perfect age:
and upon that the Cardinal was secured.

A parliament was summoned to meet in May 1542,
in which the regency of the Earl of Arran was of new
confirmed on the 13th of May ; and all the subjects
were required to obey him in all things perteiining to
that office, conform to the acts formerly made, which
were again ratified by that parliament. They also rati-
fied the oaths that had been taken to him by some
lords spiritual and temporal ; and all who were pre-
sent were required to confirm these oaths, by solemn
oaths in full parliament; which they all did by the
holding up of their right hands, swearing that they

PART III. BOOK VI. 411)

would be true and obedient to the Lord Governor, and
serve him with their persons, kindred, friends, and
goods, and no other, during the Queen's nonage.

On the 15th of May, they ordered an authentic
publication to be made of all they had done under the
great seal ; and they all affixed their seals to the in-
strument made to confirm this settlement. On the
same day a council was named; six of these was the
number that was at the least necessary to concur with
the Governor. The Cardinal was not one of them ;
the Archbishop of Glasgow, who was lord chancellor;
with the Bishops of Aberdeen, Murray, Orkney, Ross,
and Brichen ; and the Abbots of Dumferlin and Cou-
par ; were for the ecclesiastical state. The Earls of
Angus, Huntley, Murray, Argyle, Both well, Marshall,
Cassilis, and Glencairn; and the Lords Erskine, Ru-
thuen, Maxwell, Seton, and Methuen, for the nobility ;
with some other commoners of the boroughs : after
whom, the Treasurer, the Secretary, the Clerk of Re-
gister, the Justice Clerk, and the Queen's Advocate,
are named. It seems, they intended that no peers
should be created but with the concurrence of the
parliament : for the Governor, with the advice and
consent of the estates of parliament, made the Lord
Stewart of Ochiltry a peer, to have vote and place in
parliament. In the same record mention is made of
the draught of an act offered by the Lord Maxwell,
to the Lords of the Articles, in these words :

" It is statute and ordained, that it shall be lawful
to all our Sovereign Lady's lieges, to have the holy
writ of the New Testament and the Old, in the vulgar
tongue, in Inglis or Scotts, of a good andtru transla-
tion ; and that they shall incurre no crime, for the
having or reding of the same. Provided always, that
no man dispute, or hold opinions, under the pains
contained in the acts of parliament."

The Lords of Articles found this reasonable ; and
thought, that the Bible might be used among all the
lieges of the realm, in our vulgar tongue, of a good,
true, and just translation ; because there was no law
shewed to the contrary. And therefore they agreed,

2 E 2

420 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

that none should incur any crime for having or read-
ing it, nor be accused for it : but added the proviso
that was added to the draught offered to them.
USe of gut the Archbishop of Glasgow did, in his own
name, and in the name of all the prelates of the realm
that were present in parliament, when the act came to

nmch op. be rea(j jn fuji parliament, " dissent (simpliciter} to it,
as being one of the three estates of the parliament ;
and they opponed them thereto, unto the time that a
provincial council might be had of all the clergy of
this realm, to advise and conclude thereupon; if the
same be necessary to be had in the vulgar tongue, to
be used among the Queen's lieges or not ; and there-
after to shew the utter determination that shall be
done in that behalf." Upon this he demanded an in-
strument to be made according to the forms in that
kingdom. But notwithstanding this opposition, the
act passed. For in the same record there is an order
entered, as signified by the Governor, requiring the
Clerk of Register to cause the acts passed in parlia-

But grant- ment to De proclaimed ; " and in special, the act made
for having the New Testament in vulgar tongue, with
certain additions." In the copy sent me, this bears
date the 19th of March, but I believe it should be
May ; since the matter was not before the parliament
till May, I have set down all this matter almost in the
words of the record of parliament that was sent me.
In the same record, the instructions are set down
that were given to the ambassadors that were sent to
treat concerning the Queen's marriage with Edward,
prince of Wales; in which it appears, that they thought
it necessary, if their Sovereign went out of the king-
dom, even after she was of perfect age, yet that the Go-
vernor of the realm should continue to exercise his au-
thority all the days of his life : and that after his death,
the nearest lawful person of the blood should succeed
to the said office, by a large and ample commission; of
which they order a form to be devised.

The free use of the Scriptures was a great step to
let the nation look into the nature of the Christian reli-
gion : and the clergy foresaw well the consequences

PART III. BOOK VI. 421

that would naturally follow upon it; so it was no won-
der that this was opposed so zealously by them. It was
a great piece of foresight, to secure the nation, by
having a Governor with full powers still residing
amongst them. In the subsequent treaty with France,
there was not that care nor precaution used : but, at
the conclusion of the marriage, the French proceeded
in so perfidious a manner, as to give a warning to all
who in future times should treat with that court. For
on the 4th of April 1558 (a fortnight before the ar-
ticles of the marriage were settled, which was on the
19th of April), the young Queen being then but little
more than fifteen, a secret act was passed ; in which,
after she had set forth the ancient alliance between
the two crowns, and the honourable entertainment that
she had received from the present King of France.

"She, to confirm and establish the affection between A perfi
the two kingdoms, and in order to unite the kingdom
of Scotland to the crown of France, in case she should
die without heirs of her body, had made some dispo-
sitions in favour of the crown of France, which she
intended should have their full effect: yet she, by a
communication with the deputies sent from Scotland,
saw into the secret designs of some, who were prac-
tising to the effect, that, in default of heirs of her body,
the crown should descend to some lords of the coun-
try ; depriving her by that means, to her great regret,
of the power of disposing of it. Yet since she could
not at that time openly oppose them, for certain just
causes of fear; and considering that she was out of
her kingdom, and had no strong places in it at her
own disposal ; and that great troubles might arise, if
what she was then doing should be publicly known;
especially considering the present war with the king-
dom of England: she therefore did protest, that what
consent or agreement soever she should make to the
articles and instructions sent over by the states of her
kingdom, with, relation to the succession, in case she
should die without heirs of her body; she intended
still, that the disposition then made in favour of the
crown of France should have its full and entire effect,

422 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

notwithstanding' any agreement she had made, or
should yet make, conform to these instructions, as a
thing contrary to her will and intention." Upon which
she demanded an act from the keeper of the Great
Seal, Bertrandi, who was made a cardinal that year.
This instrument was signed by her, and by the
J*. to"!!." Dauphin; and is printed in that great Collection of
p-508> the treaties of France that was published twenty years
ago. It opens a scene of treachery, that, how much
soever the design was suspected (as will appear by the
paper, of which an account will be given in the fol-
lowing relation), yet it was never certainly known till
they themselves have made their own shame thus
known to the world. But at that time this was so care-
fully concealed, that Francis the Second sent a formal
obligation under his great seal; by which he bound
himself to the Duke of Chatelherault, to maintain his
right of succeeding to the crown of Scotland, in case
the Queen should die without heirs of her own body.
The original obligation is still preserved in Hawdton.
The Queen's secret act was as ill grounded in law, as
it was perfidious in itself: for certainly, what power
soever our princes, with the concurrence of their par-
liaments, have to limit the succession to the crown,
our princes themselves cannot, by any private act of
their own alter the succession, or dispose of it at plea-
sure. But to return to that which has led me into this
digression.

The knowledge of religion that the free use of the
Scriptures brought the nation to had such an effect,
that the Reformation was every where desired; and
the vices and ignorance of the popish clergy gave all
people an aversion to them. This was long connived
.at, even by the Queen Mother, during her govern-
ment: but now that she thought all was sure, she
threw off the mask, and declared herself an open enemy
to those whom she had courted hitherto, and seemed
to favour. Upon this, there was a great and a sudden
turn. Popery was the object of all men's hatred: the
churches were purged from idolatry and superstition:
the monasteries were broke into; and many acts of

PART III. BOOK VI. 423

hot and irregular zeal were complained of in all the
corners of the kingdom.

One thing is not a little to the honour of Knox and
his followers, in that tumultuary reformation, that the
multitude was so governed, even amidst all that po-
pular heat, that no blood was shed, and no man was
killed in it: which being positively delivered by Les-
ley,* bishop of Ross, that must be looked on as a
testimony beyond exception.

But since the affairs of Scotland have not hitherto
been so clearly represented, as I find them stated in
some original papers that I fell on in the Cotton Li-
brary, I will give a full account of them, as far as
those papers do guide me.

There is a long representation drawn up, of the
breach of faith, and of the violation of their laws,
during the government of the Queen Regent of Scot-
land: at the end of which there is a petition to the
Queen, signed by the great lords of that kingdom, in
which both papists and protestants concurred. And
in order to obtain that concurrence, the matters of re-
ligion are not insisted on ; but the continued course
of a perfidious and illegal administration is charged
on the Queen Dowager. So that from this it appears,
that the war was not begun nor carried on upon the
account of religion, but upon the pretence of public
and national rights. I have put it in the Collection Colle"

mi • • Numb. S3.

' 1 hey begin it to shew, that the arms that they
were forced to fly to was no rebellion. They run the
matter back to the first proposition for carrying theii
Queen into France : which, they say, was obtained,
partly by corruption with money, partly by authority,
and partly by fair promises : yet before that was agreed
to a treaty was made by the parliament, and sworn
to, as well as ratified by the great seals of the King
and Dauphin of France, that Scotland should be go
verned by their own laws, and by the nobility and
people of Scotland: that all offices should be given to

* Nobilium qui hitreseas obstringebawlur crimine, hnmanitas non est reticenda,
ipiotl eo temporc paucos catholicos de religionis re mulctarijit eiilio, pauciores ca~cere,
tnoi-te nit lies. — Lesbtus de Rebus Scot. 1. 10.

424 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

them; and, that no garrisons of the French should be
admitted to settle in the kingdom. Great practice was
made after that to bring the parliament to consent that
their Queen should marry the Dauphin : and, to ob-
tain that, the succession to the crown was declared to
belong to the Duke of Chatelherault and his heirs,
after the heirs of the Queen's body. New oaths were
then taken, and charters given under the great seal of
France, and under the Queen and the Dauphin's seal,
that Scotland should be governed by a council of na-
tives : the castles were also to be put in sure hands.
Duplicates of these were lodged in the castle of Edin-
burgh, and with the Duke of Chatelherault. Upon
this an embassy was sent to France, of two bishops,
two earls, and four lords ; and the marriage was con-
cluded. They were upon that dealt with, to endea-
vour that the crown of Scotland might be given to
the Dauphin. They refused to undertake that; and
believed that it could not be brought about. The word
upon that was changed : and it was desired only, that
the matrimonial crown might be sent him;" (which
was afterwards explained in the act of parliament that
granted it, that he should be King of Scotland dur-
ing life.) "The lords were suffered to return: but
when they came to Dieppe, one bishop, two earls, and
two lords, died in one night. The three that were
left came home much amazed, believing that the others
had been poisoned."

Here I must add another particular relating to that
deputation. In the council-book, that goes from April
1554, to January 1558, that was cast by and neg-
lected, many leaves being cut out of it, and was first
discovered by a nephew of mine, whom I desired to
search their register for me; it appears, that on the
13th of December 1557, there was a tax laid on the
kingdom, to be paid in before Easter, for the expense
of that embassy, of 15,000/. Scots money, that is
1,250/. sterling; which was to be levied by the same
proportion that all the taxes were then levied ; of
which there are several instances in that book : the
one half was levied on the spiritualty, and two-thirds

PART III. BOOK VI. 425

of the other half was on estates in land, and the other
third was levied on the boroughs. This shews, that
the estates of the spiritualty were then reckoned, by
a settled proportion, the full half of the kingdom. The
persons deputed were, the Archbishop of Glasgow,
the Bishop of Orkney, and the Prior of St. Andrews
(afterwards earl of Murray), the Earls of Cassilis and
Rothes, and the Lord Fleming; with the Provost of
Edinburgh, and of Montrose. When I wondered how
so small a sum could answer the expense of so great
an embassy, on such an occasion, he shewed me, that
either the value of money, or, which is the same thing,
the value of things to be purchased by money, is al-
most incredibly changed now, in the course of one
hundred and sixty years; of which he gave me this
instance ; the tun of wine was then by act of parlia-
ment to be sold at twenty livres ; or, in sterling money,
at II. \3s. 4cL; and in the retailing of it, their pint,
which is four English pints, was to be sold at four far-
things, their penny having six farthings; so that, re-
ducing this to English measures, three quarts of wine
were to be sold for a penny. This I thought a small
digression, which the reader would not be ill pleased to
find laid in his way. To return to the Scotch memorial.

" The Queen Dowager took two methods to gain
her point: the one was, to shew favour to all those
who had received no favour of the Duke during his
government, because they were in the interest of Eng-
land ; whereas he was at that time in the interest of
France : the other was, she offered them a permission
to live according to their conscience in religion; in
conclusion, the Queen Dowager brought the parlia-
ment to give the matrimonial crown to the Dauphin :
but with this condition, that the Duke's right should
not be impaired by it.

" When all this was obtained, the Queen forgot all
her promises : she began with the greatest of the Scot-
tish lords tlien in office; the Earl of Huntly, who was
then lord chancellor, and the Duke's particular friend ;
she took the great seal from him, and gave it to one
Rubay, a French advocate ; she also put the Earl of

•ISO BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Huntiy in prison, and set a great fine on him, and left
him only the name of chancellor. She made another
Frenchman comptroller, who had the charge of the
revenue of the crown : and she put all Scotchmen out
of the secrets of the council, committing these only to
Frenchmen. She kept in several places garrisons of
Frenchmen, who lived on discretion. She gave them
no pay. She sent the revenue of the crown to France ;
and brought over some base money that was decried
in France, and made it current in Scotland. She also
set up a mint for coining base money, with which she
paid the soldiers. She tried to get the castle of Edin-
burgh into her hands, but that failed her. She gave
such abbeys as fell void to Frenchmen, as to her bro-
ther the Cardinal of Guise, and others : and for the
space of three years she kept all that fell void in her
own hands, except such as were of any value; and
these she bestowed on Frenchmen. Nor did she ever
follow the advice of those lords, who upon her first en-
tering upon the government were named to be of the
council. Many intercessions were made to her upon
these proceedings by the nobility: sometimes com-
panies of them joined together; and sometimes they
applied to her more privately, for they foresaw that
they could not be borne long.

" The Queen Dowager set herself next to a prac-
tice which of all others was both the most dangerous
and the most dishonourable, to set aside the Duke and
his house : pains were taken to engage the Lord James,
and other lords in it, who had no friendship for the
Duke ; to whom the Queen Dowager promised that
she would bear with their devotion in religion, if they
would join with her against the Duke, in favour of the
French. This encouraged them to do those things by
which they incurred the censures of the church ; and
were, by reason of a law not much known, brought in
danger of the guilt of treason : so process was ordered
against them : and upon that, the Queen Dowager
tempted them to engage in the French interest : but
that not prevailing, they were declared traitors. The
rest of the nobility being alarmed at this, the Queen

PART III. BOOK VI. 427

Dowager brought out her French garrisons, and dis-
posed of their estates, and entered into St. John's Town
in a warlike manner : she changed the magistrates,
and left a garrison in the town. The whole nation
was alarmed at this, and were coming together in great
numbers. But she, not having force enough to con-
quer the nation, sent for the Duke, and the Earl of
Huntly,and employed them to quiet the country ; pro-
mising that every thing should be redressed in a par-
liament that should be held next spring, with many
other more particular promises : upon this assurance,
these Lords quieted the country: while this was a
doing, the Duke's eldest son, being then in France,
was sent for to court, but he had secret advertisements
sent him, that it was resolved to proceed against him
to the utmost extremity for heresy: upon which he
kept out of the way, till an order was sent to bring him
in dead or alive : upon that he made his escape: but
they seized on a younger brother of his, of the age of
fifteen, and put him in prison.

" In Scotland the nobility had separated themselves,
trusting to the faith that the Duke had given them,
that all things should be kept quiet till the parliament.
But some companies coming out of France to Leith,
the Queen Dowager ordered that town to be fortified,
and put twenty-two ensigns of foot with one troop of
horse in it. The nobility upon that charged the Duke
with breach of faith, who could do no more but press
the Queen to forbear to give such cause of jealousy;
but all was to no purpose. The town was fortified ;
all the ammunition she had was carried into it, and
the French continued still to be sending over more
forces. The Duke, with the nobility, represented to
the Queen Dowager, that it was now plain she de-
signed a conquest : but she despised all their requests,
for by this time the French thought they were so strong,
that they reckoned it would be a short work to subdue
Scotland. There were but two or three mean lords,
Bothwell and Seaton, that kept company with the
Queen Dowager ; yet even these signified to their
friends, that their hearts were with their countrymen :

428 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

upon all this, the Duke, with the rest of the nobility,
and with the barons and burgesses of the realm, see-
ing an imminent danger to the whole nation, and no
hope of remedy at her hands, began deeply to con-
sider the state of the kingdom : their Sovereign Lady
was married to a strange prince out of the realm, and
wholly in the hands of Frenchmen; without any coun-
cil of her own natural people ; and they considered
the mortality of her husband, or of herself without
issue. The Queen Dowager, sister to the house that
ruled all in France, persisted in ruining the liberties
of her daughter the Queen's subjects, on design to
knit that kingdom for ever to France ; and so to exe-
cute the old malice of the French on the crown of
England, of which they had already assumed the title.

" They, upon all these grounds, were constrained
to constitute a council for the government of the king-
dom, and for the use of their Sovereign, to whom they
had signified the suspension of the Queen Dowager's
authority ; maintaining, that being sore oppressed
with French power, they had, as natural subjects,
sufficient strength for that ; though they are not able
to stand against the power of France ; but partly for
the rights of their Sovereign, and partly for the an-
cient rights of the crown, they have been forced to
spend their whole substance ; yet they cannot longer
preserve themselves from being conquered by the
power sent over from France ; a greater force being
promised to be sent next spring. They therefore lay
the whole matter before the Queen of England's mi-
nisters then upon their borders ; and commit their cause
to her protection ; desiring nothing but that their
country may be preserved from France, together with
the rights of their Sovereign, and the whole nation."

To this they add a petition, " that the number of
French soldiers, then within the kingdom, might be
removed speedily ; that so they might live quietly,
and be suffered to offer to the King and Queen such
articles as were necessary for the peace and good go-
vernment of the kingdom, without alteration of their
ancientliberties." Thiswassignedby the Earl ofArran,

PART III. BOOK VI. 421)

as he was then called, but that was his father's title; for
he had no higher title in Scotland : the son therefore
signed James Hamilton. It was also signed by the Earls
of Argyle and Glencairn; by Lord James, afterwards
created Earl of Murray; and by the Lords Boyd,
Uchiltry, Maxwell, and Ruthven : and by a son of the
Earl of Huntly's, and a son of the Earl of Athol's ;
both these families being at that time papists. And
thus, by the tenor of this whole paper, it appears that
religion was not pretended to be the cause of the war.
Upon the suspending the authority of the Queen
Regent, I will here add a particular reflection, which
will shew what Archbishop Spots wood's sense was,
when he first wrote his History of that transaction.
He gives an account of the opinion that Willock and
Knox delivered, when they were called and required
to give it, which they did in favour of that suspen-
sion : for which he censures the opinion itself in these
words : " Howbeit the power of the magistrate be
limited, and their office prescribed by God, and that
they may likewise fall into great offences ; yet it is
no where permitted to subjects to call their princes in
question ; or to make insurrection against them. God
having reserved the punishment of princes to him-
self." Yet in a fair manuscript of that History, writ-
ten with great care, as for the press, this whole period
was first penned quite in another strain : " allowing
the states of the kingdom a right to restrain their
prince, when he breaks through rules; only censuring
clergy men's meddling in those matters." This is scored
through, but so that it is still legible, and Spots wood
interlined with his own hand the alteration ; accord-
ing to which, his book was printed. This manuscript
belonged to me, and forty-two years ago I presented
it to the Duke of Lauderdale, and shewed him that
passage, on which he made great reflection. I cannot
find out in whose hands that manuscript is fallen: but
whosoever has it will, I hope, justify me in this par-
ticular ; for though I am not sure as to the words,
yet I am very sure they are to this purpose.*

* See the Addition at the end of this Volume, by the Author.

430 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

When this representation and petition was brought

to the Queen, Cecil drew up a state of the matter,

collect, which will be found in the Collection ; putting this as

Namb.14. , . -ITTI i i T=? i

the question, Whether it was meet that England
should help Scotland to expel the French or not? For
the negative he says, " It was against God's law to aid
any subjects against their natural prince or their mi-
nisters : it was also dangerous to do it : for an aid se-
cretly given would be to no purpose : and an aid pub-
licly given would draw on a war : and in that case the
French would come to any composition with the Scots
to join with them against England; since they will
consent to any thing, rather than suffer Scotland to
be united to the crown of England. He adds, It may
also be apprehended that the Emperor, the King of
Spain, the Pope, and the Duke of Savoy, with the
Potentates of Italy, will join with the French King,
rather than suffer these two kingdoms to be joined in
one manner of religion; and many within both king-
doms will not approve of this. But in opposition to
all this, he concludes for assisting the Scots.

" He lays it down for a principle, that it is agree-
able to the laws of God and of nature, that every
prince and state should defend itself; not only from
perils that are seen, but from those that may pro-
bably come after: to which he adds, that nature and
reason teach every person, politic or other, to use
the same manner of defence that the adversary useth
of offence. Upon these grounds he concludes, that
England might and ought to assist the Scots to keep
out the French ; and so earnest was that great states-
man in this matter, that he prosecutes it very co-
piously.

" His first reason is that which the Scots would
never admit, but he might think it proper to offer it to
an English council ; that the crown of England had a
superiority over Scotland, such as the Emperor had
over Bohemia or Milan. He next shews that England
must be in great danger from the French, if they be-
came the absolute masters of Scotland. Upon this he
runs out to shew, that the French had been long ene-

PART III. BOOK VI. 431

mies to England ; that they had been false and double
in all their treaties with them these seven hundred
years ; and that the last peace was forced from them
by their poverty. That France could not be poor
above two years ; nor could it be long without war ;
beside the hatred that the house of Guise, who then
o-overned the French councils, bore to England. They
call in question the Queen's title, and set up their own
against it; and at the treaty of Cambray they set that
pretension on foot; but it was then stopped by the wis-
dom of the Constable; yet they used means at. Rome
to get the Queen to be declared illegitimate; upon
which the bull was brought into France: and at the
solemnities, in which the King was killed, the arms
of England and Ireland were joined with the Queen
of Scots' arms. The present embroilment in Scot-
land is the stop that now restrains them from carry-
ing these pretensions further : but as soon as they
can, they will certainly set them on foot: and they
assaulting England by the way of Scotland is so easy,
that it is not possible to avoid it, but by stopping
the progress of that conquest. A war bv the way of
Scotland puts France in no danger, though it should
miscarrv ; but Eno-land is in the utmost danger, if it

V

should succeed. He concludes, that as the matter
was of the last importance, so no time was to be lost,
since the prejudice, if too long delayed, would be
irrecoverable.''

\\ hat further steps were made in the secret debat-
ing of this pcint does not appear to me but by the
conclusion of the matter. For the Queen sent forces,
under the command of the Duke of Norfolk, to the
borders of Scotland : what followed upon that is set
out fully in the common historians, and from them in
my former work.

But a copy of the bond of association, into which
the lords and others in Scotland entered (the original
of which remains still in the possession of the Duchess
of Hamilton), will set out more particularly the grounds
that they went on. It is in the Collection : and it sets
forth, "'that they promised faithfully, and in the pre- Nu'"h'

432 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

sence of God, that they would, to the utmost of their
power, set forward the reformation of religion, accord-
ing to God's word ; that the true preaching of it might
have a free passage through the whole kingdom; to-
gether with the administration of the sacraments. And
that they, considering the misbehaviour of the French
among them, and the intolerable oppression of the poor
by their soldiers, maintained by the Queen Dowager,
under colour of authority, together with the tyranny of
their captains, and the manifest danger of becoming
their conquest, to which they were then reduced by
fortifications on the sea-coast, and other attempts : do
promise to join with the Queen of England's army,
then come in to their assistance, for driving out those
their oppressors, and for recovering their ancient li-
berty; that so they may be ruled by the laws and
customs of their country, and by the natives of the
kingdom, under the obedience of the King and Queen
their sovereign. And they promise, that they shall
hold no private intelligence with their enemies, but by
the advice of the rest, or at the least of five of their
number: and that they shall prosecute this cause as
if it were the cause of every one of them in particular,
and hold all who withstand it as their enemies ; and
that they will prosecute them as such, according to
the orders of the council; to whom they refer the di-
rection of the whole matter, promising in all things to
submit to their arbitration."

This was first subscribed at Edinburgh on the 27th
of April, in the year 1560 ; and is signed by the Duke
of Chatelherault, the Earls of Arran, Huntly, Argyle,
Mortoune, and some others, whose hands are not legi-
ble ; and by the Lords Salton, Ruthven, Boyd, Ogilby,
Uchiltre, the Abbot of Kinloss, and the Commendator
of Kilwinning : about one hundred and forty more
subscribed it. This was the bond that was signed
by those who were at that time at Edinburgh : and it
is probable, that many other bonds of the same nature
were signed about the same time in other parts of the
kingdom ; but they have not been so carefully pre-
served as this has bee-n. The Earl of Huntly, though

PART III. BOOK VI. 433

lie continued still a papist, signing it, shews that
either the ill-usage he had met with from the Queen
Dowager had shaken him in his religion, or that pro
vocation and interests were then stronger in him than
his principles. But I leave my conjectures to go on
with the History.

On the 2d of November, Jewel being returned from The

1 • • i • 1 1 -IT i /• progress of

the circuit which he was ordered to make, wrote (in superstition
a letter to Peter Martyr, to be found in the Collection), J,^"
" that the people were much better disposed to the reisQ
gospel than it was apprehended they could be : but
he adds, that superstition had made a most extraor-
dinary progress in Queen Mary's short reign. The
people were made believe, they had in many places
pieces of the true cross, and of the nails with which
Christ was crucified : so that the cathedral churches
were dens of robbers; and none were more violent
and obstinate, than those who had been before of their
body ; as if by that they would justify their falling
off from them. They had turned them all out. Hard-
ing went away, and would not change again. Smith,
who had been a violent opposer of Peter Martyr in
Oxford, fled towards Scotland : but was taken on the
borders, and brought back; and had abjured a fifth
time, and was then become a violent enemy to the
papists." In another letter he tells him, " Smith was
married; and that, being hated and despised by all
sides, he was forced to keep a public-house." Jewel
wrote, " that if they had more hands, matters would
go well; but it was hard to make a cart go without
horses. He was glad to hear Peter Martyr was sent
for. But he owns he had his fears still, that though
things were begun well, they would not end so well."
He adds, " We are islanders in all respects. Oxford
wanted him extremely. The Queen was then courted,
both by the King of Sweden, and by Charles of Aus-
tria." It was then given out, that Sweden was full
of mines of gold, and only wanted skill and industry
to work them : but he writes, " Perhaps the Queen
meant to marry one nearer at hand :" (he gives no
other hint in that letter, to let it be understood of
VOL. in. 2 F

434 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

whom he meant : (probably it was Pickering ; as ap-
pears in another letter.) lie concludes, " that though
religion did make a quick progress in Scotland, yet
that the French did not despair of bringing that king-
dom back to their obedience, and of restoring their
religion in it."

The reve- Qn the same day he wrote to Simler, who had con-
shops i«s. gratulated him upon the news they had of his being
oS'ma" to ^6 promoted to a bishoprick. He wrote, " that
iT"ntr-ndi' ^iere was y6* nothing but a nomination of him. He
their duty, adds, We hope our bishops shall be pastors, labourers,
and watchmen. And that they may be better fitted
for this, the great riches of bishopricks are to be di-
minished, and to be reduced to a certain mediocrity:
that so, being delivered from that king-like pomp, and
the noisiness of a courtly family, they may live in greater
tranquillity, and may have more leisure to take care of
Christ's flock with due attention."

collect. On the 5th of November, he wrote, " that he found

debates raised concerning the vestments ; which he calls

the habit of the stage, and wishes they could be freed

jell's oPi- from it. He says, they were not wanting to so good

nion of tbe , \ ^ , -, l i • i

disputes a cause : but others seemed to love those things, and
'8 to follow the ignorance of some priests, who were
stupid as logs of wood, having neither spirit, learning,
nor good life, to commend them ; but studied to re-
commend themselves by that comical habit ; while no
care was taken of learning, or of breeding up of youth.
They hoped to strike the eyes of the people with those
ridiculous trifles. These are the relicks of the Amo-
rites : that cannot be denied. He wishes, that, at some
time or other, all these may be taken away and extir-
pated, to the very deepest roots. He complains of a
feebleness in the councils : they still talked of bring-
ing Martyr over ; but he feared, that we looked too
much towards Saxony to expect that. Some among
them, he says, were so much set on the matter of the
habits, as if the Christian religion consisted in gar-
ments : but we (says he) are not called to the consul-
tations concerning that scenical apparel : he could
set no value on these fopperies. Some were crying

a ciu-
iii her

PART III. BOOK VI. 435

up a golden mediocrity ; he was afraid it would prove
a leaden one.'

On the 1 6th of November he wrote, in a letter to c°"«f-
be found in the Collection, "that the doctrine was
every where purely preached. There was in many
places too much folly concerning ceremonies and cha'*'
masks. The crucifix continued still in the Queen's
chapel. They all spake freely against it, but till then
without effect. There was a secret piece of worldly
policy in this, which he did not like. He complains
of the uncertain and island-like state of their affairs :
all was loose at present. He did not see in what they
would settle ; and did not know but he should be
obliged to return back to Zurich again."

In December and January, the consecration of the
bishops came on. But here a stop lies in my way.
For some months, the thread of the letters to Zurich,
by which I have been hitherto guided, is discontinued.
At this time an ambassador came over from Ferdinand Tlie
the Emperor, with letters dated the 1 1th of February
1560, proposing a match between his son, Archduke ^uee
Charles, and the Queen. He had writ of it to her ^
before, but thought fit to follow these letters with a
formal embassy. The originals are yet extant. The Cott<n

~. * • r i • • i Library.

Queen wrote an answer in torm, and signed it : but
it seems that was on some considerations not thought
fit to be sent : for the original is in the Paper-office.
It will be found in the Collection. *•„»»,. 59.

" The Queen wrote, that, examining her own senti- si,e excuses
ments in that matter very carefully, she did not per- b
ceive any inclination to change her solitary life ; but
found herself more fixed to continue still in it. She
hoped the emperor would favourably receive and
rightly understand what she wrote to him. It might
indeed seem strange, considering her age and her cir-
cumstances: but this was no new resolution, nor taken
up on the sudden, but was the adhering to an old set-
tled purpose. There had been a time in which her
accepting some honourable propositions might have
delivered her out of very great dangers and troubles;
on which she would make no other reflections, but that

2 F 2

43G BURNET'S REFORMATION.

neither the fear of danger, nor the desire of liberty,
could then move her to bring her mind to hearken to
them. She will not, by a plain refusal, seem to of-
fend him ; yet she cannot give occasion, by any of her
words, to make him think that she accepts of that to
which she cannot bring her mind and will." Dated
the 5th of January 1 559. Signed, your Majesty's good
sister and cousin, Elizabeth : countersigned, Roo-.

A 1 00

Ascham.

i56o. The first letter of Jewel's, after his consecration, is
e'con*" on the 4th of February 1560. It is in the Collection.
He tells Peter Martyr, " they were then engaged in
crucifix, the question about the lawfulness of having images in
churches, (which he calls Lis Crucularia.) It could
scarce be believed to what a degree of folly some men,
who were thought to have a right judgment of things,
were carried in that matter. There was not one of all
those whom he knew, that was drawn to be of that
mind, besides Cox. There was to be a conference con-
cerning it the day following. Parker and Cox on the
one hand, and Grindal and he on the other hand, were
to debate it in the hearing of some of the council : he
could not but laugh within himself, when he thought
what grave and solid reasonings would be brought out
on this occasion. He was told, that it was resolved
on to have crucifixes, of silver or tin, set up in all
churches; and that such as would not obey this would
be turned out of their bishopricks : if that was true,
he would be no longer a bishop. White, bishop of
Winchester, Oglethorpe of Carlisle, Bain of Coventry
and Litchfield, and Tonstal of Duresme, were lately
dead. In another he writes, that Bonner was sent to
the Tower, and that he went to see some criminals that
were kept there, and called them his friends and neigh-
bours : but one of them answered, Go, you beast, into
hell, and find your friends there ; for we are none of
them. I killed but one man upon a provocation, and
do truly repent of it ; but you have killed many holy
persons, of all sorts, without any provocation from
them, and are hardened in your impenitence."
On^the 5th of March, he writes, " that a change ap-

PART III. BOOK VI. 437

peared now more visibly amonoj the people. Nothing- The >«
i • 1-^-1 i "• -;-~

promoted it more than the inviting the people to sing

psalms ; that was begun in one church in London,
and did quickly spread itself not only through the city,
but in the neighbouring places : sometimes at Paul's
Cross there will be six thousand people singing to-
gether. This was very grievous to the papists : the
children began to laugh at the priests, as they passed
in the streets ; and the bishops were called hangmen
to their faces. It was said, White died of rage. He
commends Cecil much."

Sands, bishop of Worcester, wrote in a letter on the Sands- bi
1st of April 1560, which will be found in the Collec- wwd^w,
tion, " that after he returned from executing the in- ^tut
junctions arid preaching in the north, he was pressed lhe iinaee
to accept of the bishoprick of Worcester : he saw, if Queen's
he absolutely refused it, the Queen would have been
highly offended. He found it more truly a burden
than an honour. The doctrine of the sacrament was
pure, to which he and his brethren were resolved to
adhere firmly, as long as they lived. There was yet a
question concerning images : the Queen thought that
was not contrary to the word of God, and it seemed
convenient to have a crucifix, with the blessed Virgin
and Saint John, still in her chapel. Some of them
could not bear this : We had, says he, according to
our injunctions, taken away all the images that we
found in churches, and burned them. We see super-
stitious people plainly worship this idol : upon this,
he had spoken freely to the Queen; with that she was
so displeased as to threaten to deprive him ; she was
since that time more softened, and the images were re-
moved : but the popish vestments were still used ; yet
he hoped that should not last long. He laments much
that Peter Martyr was not sent for. It was easy to guess
what it was that hindered it ; it was the pretence of
unity, that gave occasion to the greatest divisions."

Parkhurst came into England in the end of the year
1559. He went to his church of Cleve in Gloucester-
shire, and kept out of the way of the court. He writes,
that many bishops would be glad to change conditions

438 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

with him. Reheard he had been named to a bishop-
rick, but he had dealt earnestly with some great men
to spare him in that : when he came through London,
both Parker and a privy counsellor had pressed him
to accept of one, but he could not resolve on being
miserable.

Sampson's Sampson had been with the other divines at Zurich,
"ChT'bT and was reckoned by them both a learned and a pious
b!»h™de" man : while he was coming to England with the rest,
he was informed that a bishoprick was designed for
him ; so he wrote, while he was on his journey, to
Peter Martyr, for his advice, as will be found in the
Collection, in this, " whether it was lawful to swear
to the Queen, as Supreme Head of the Church under
Christ. He thought Christ was the sole Head of the
Church, and no such expression of any inferior head
was found in the Scripture. He thought, likewise, that
the want of discipline made that a bishop could not
do his duty. Many temporal pressures lay upon bi-
shops, such as first-fruits and tenths, besides the ex-
pense of their equipage and attendance at court : so
that little was left for the breeding up of youth, for
the relief of the poor, and other more necessary occa-
sions, to make their ministry acceptable. The whole
method of electing bishops was totally different from
the primitive institution. The consent either of the
clergy or people was not so much as asked. Their
superstitious dress seemed likewise unbecoming. He
wrote all this only to him, not that he expected that a
bishoprick should be offered him, he prayed God that
it might never happen. He was resolved to apply
himself to preach, but to avoid having any share in
the government, till he saw a full reformation made
in all ecclesiastical functions, both as to doctrine and
discipline, and with relation to the goods of the church.
He desires his answer as soon as was possible."

Peter Martyr answered his letter on the 1st of No-
vember ; but what it was can only be gathered from
Sampson's reply to it : he received it on the 3d of Ja-
nuary, and answered it on the 6th, 1560. It is in the
.i. Collection. " They were then under sad apprehen-

PART III. BOOK VI. 439

sions, for which he desires their prayers in a very so-
lemn manner. They were afraid lest the truth of re-
ligion should either be overturned, or very much dark-
ened in England. The Bishops of Canterbury, Lon-
don, Ely, and Worcester, were consecrated : Pilkington
was designed for Winchester, Bentham for Coventry
and Litchfield, and Peter Martyr's Jewel for Salisbury.
"Things still stuck with him: he could neither have
ingress nor egress : God knew how glad he would be
to find an egress ; let others be bishops, he desired
only to be a preacher, but no bishop. There was yet
a general prohibition of all preaching ; and there was
a crucifix on the altar still at court, with lights burn-
ing before it : and though, by the Queen's order,
images were removed out of churches all the kingdom
over, yet the people rejoiced to see this was still kept
in the Queen's chapel. Three bishops officiated at this
altar ; one as priest, another as deacon, and a third
as sub-deacon, all before this idol, in rich copes : and
there was a sacrament without any sermon. He adds,
that injunctions were sent to preachers not to use free-
dom in the reproving of vice ; so he asks what both
Martyr, Bullinger, and Bernardin, thought of this :
whether they looked on it as a thing indifferent, and
what they would advise him to do, if injunctions
should be sent out, requiring the like to be done in
all churches ; whether they ought to be obeyed, or if
the clergy ought not to suffer deprivation rather than
obey ? Some among themselves thought that all this
was indifferent, and so might be obeyed : he under-
stood that the Queen had a great regard to Bernardin
Ochino, so he desires that he would write to her to
carry on the work of God diligently. He solemnly
assures them, that she was truly a child of God. But
princes had not so many friends to their souls, as they
had to their other concerns. He wishes they would all
write to her; for she understood both Italian, Latin,
and Greek, well. So they might write in any language
to her : but if they wrote, they must write as of their
own motion, and not as if any complaints had been
writ over to them/

4 JO BURNET'S REFORMATION.

"On the 13th of May he wrote again, that a bi-
shoprick had been offered to him, but that he had re-
fused it : and he desires Peter Martyr, to whom he
wrote, not to censure this till he knew the whole state
of the matter: but he rejoices that Parkhurstwas made
bishop of Norwich." And, by his letter, it seems Nor-
wich was the bishoprick that was offered to him.
Parkhurst wrote soon after his promotion to Martyr,
and assured him there was no danger of setting up
Lutheranism in England : only he writes, " We are
fighting about ceremonies, vestments, and matters of
no moment."

Jewel wrote to Peter Martyr, on the 22d of May,
"that the church of Salisbury was so struck with thun-
der, that there was a cleft all down for sixty feet : he
was not got thither; so he could not tell whether
foolishpeople madejudgmentsupon this, with relation
to him, or not. He writes that Bonner, Feckenham,
Pole, Scory, and Watson, were all put in prison for
railing at the changes that were made. The Queen
expressed great firmness and courage in maintaining
the establishment she had made in matters of religion.
He tells him, that not only Cecil and Knolles desired
to be kindly remembered to him, but Petre likewise,
which perhaps he did not look for."
A peace On the 17th of July he writes to him, " that there
was a peace made in Scotland, and that the French
were sent away. Scotland was to be governed by a
council of twelve persons ; only all greater matters
were to be referred to a parliament. He writes, that
the Duke of Holstein was come over to see the Queen,
and was nobly treated by her, and made a knight of
the garter : the King of Sweden's coming over was
still talked of." After Jewel had been some time in his
diocese, he wrote to Gualter on the 2d of November
1560, " that he now felt what a load government was
to him, who had led his life in the shade, and at study,
and had never turned his thoughts to government ;
but he would make up in his diligence what might
be otherwise wanting : the opposition he met with
from the rage of the papists was incredible."

PART III. BOOK VI. 441

On the 6th of November, he wrote that May, dean
of St. Paul's, who was designed to be archbishop of
York, was dead : it does not appear on what views
that see was so long kept void after the rest were filled.
Parker was much troubled at this, and wrote very ear-
nestly about it to Cecil. The letter will be found in
the Collection. " There were great complaints in the Collect-

11 11 i? 1 i Numb. 64,

north: the people there were offended to see no more Parker's
care had of them : and for want of instruction they cai\in '"«

11- ,., i -li • a »°nhern

were become rude: this was like to have an ill mtiu- sees,
ence on the quiet and order of the country. It was
perhaps so long delayed for the ad vantage the Queen's
exchequer made by the vacancy : but if, for want of
good instruction, the people should grow savage, like
the Irish, it might run to a far greater charge to re-
duce them. Why should any person hinder the Queen's
zeal, to have her people taught to know and to fear
God ? If those hiiherto named for the north were not
liked, or not willing to go thither, he proposed that
some of those already placed might be removed thi-
ther. And he named Young, bishop of St. David's,
for York ; and the Bishop of Rochester, Guest, for
Duresme : and if any suspicions were had of any of
their practising to the prejudice of their successors,
there were precedents used in former times to take
bishops bound to leave their churches in no worse case
than they found them. He had pressed them formerly
with relation to vacant sees : he saw the matter was
still delayed : he would never give over his impor-
tunity till the thing was done ; which he hoped he
would instantly promote, out of the zeal he bore to
souls so dear to Christ."

This he wrote on the 16th of October ; so it does The popish
not appear if the design for May was then so well fixed mad°Pgreat
as Jewel apprehended. The hint in this letter of the alienations-
practices of bishops, was occasioned by the ruinous
leases that the popish bishops had made ; for, seeing
the change that was designed, they had by the law at
that time so absolute a power over their estates, hav-
ing no restraints laid on them but those of their own
canons, that their leases, how mischievous soever to

442 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

their successors, were good in law. The new bishops
in many places had scarce necessary subsistence, or
houses left them, and were to be supported by dig-
nities given them in commendam: and it was perhaps
suggested, that they, to procure a little better subsist-
ence to themselves, might be prevailed on to prolong
or confirm such leases.
see more The Archbishop's importunity had its effect : for

of this in .-.-,, •, V -,/ •? i tr i

the Annais in r ebruary thereafter, Young was removed to York ;

formation". an^ Pilkington, a learned and zealous man, was made

chap. 12. bishop of Duresme. And thus the sees of England
were filled. Jewel in a letter soon after to Peter Mar-

coiiect. tyr, in February 1560, which will be found in the Col-
umt.63. iection) « wishes that all the remnants of former er-
rors, with all the rubbish, and even the dust that might

* * O

yet remain, might be taken away : he wishes they
could have obtained it. It seems by this, that their
wishes had not prevailed. The council of Trent was
then to be opened again, but the Queen was resolved
to take no notice of it. He gives an account of his
apology that was then set out." This has been so often
printed, and is so well known, that it is not necessary
to enlarge more upon it : as it was one of the first
jewel's books published in this reign, so it was written with
that strength and clearness, that it, together with the
defence of it, is still to this day reckoned one of our
best books. In that letter he writes of the Countess of
Lenox, the mother to the Lord Darnley, " that she
was a more violent papist than even Queen Mary her-
self. Her son was gone to Scotland, and it was be-
lieved he might marry the Queen of Scotland : the
Earl of Hartford had a son by the Lady Katherine
Gray : some called him a bastard, but others affirmed
that they were married. If that was true, then accord-
ing to King Henry's will, he must be the heir of the
crown. But he adds, ' Ah ! unhappy we, that cannot
know under what prince we are to live.' He complains
that schools are forsaken, and that they were under a
great want of preachers. The few they had were every
where well received : he writes in another letter, that,
in Queen Mary's time, for want of good instruction,

PART III. BOOK VI. 443

the anabaptists and Arians did much increase ; but
now they disappeared every where."

The popish clergy, when they saw no appearance
of any new change, did generally comply with the
laws then made ; but in so untoward a manner, that
they made it very visible that what they did was
ao-ainst both their heart and their conscience. This

^5

put the bishops on receiving many into orders that
vvere not thoroughly well qualified, which exposed
them to much censure. They thought that, in that
necessity, men of good hearts that loved the gospel,
though not so learned as might be wished for, were
to be brought into the service of the church : but

O

pains were taken, and methods were laid down, to
breed up a more knowing race of men as soon as was
possible.

I turn now to shew how the affairs of religion went
on, particularly with relation to Scotland, of which
mention was made in some of Jewel's letters.

But before I open this, I will give an account of two
instruments sent me from Scotland, that came not to
my hands but since the pages 42 1 and 422 were print-
ed off ; yet they are so important, that as I have put
them in the Collection, so I will give a short account
of them here. On the 19th of April, fifteen days after
the Queen of Scotland had passed that secret, fraudu-
lent protestation formerly mentioned, when the arti-
cles of the marriage were mutually signed, it was not
only provided that the crown of Scotland, in case she
should die without children, should descend to the
Duke of Chatelherault and his heirs ; the instrument
itself being published in the French Collection ; but
the Dauphin did, on the same day, set his seal to a
charter still preserved at Hamilton, setting forth the
faith and engagements that the King his father had
formerly made, to secure to the Earl of Arran the suc-
cession to the crown of Scotland, in case the Queen
should die without children ; to which he promises
he will pay all obedience. He confirms and ratifies
that promise for himself and his successors ; promis-
ing in good faith (bonajide), that in that case he will

444 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

not only suffer that lord to enjoy that crown, but that
he will assist and maintain him in it.

The promise made by his father, King Henry, to
which this refers, bears date the 17th day of June,
anno 1549 ; and was sent over to Scotland, in order
to the getting of Queen Mary to be sent to France.
By it the King promised, in the word of a king, that,
in case the Queen should die without children, he
would assist the Earl of Arran, in the succession to
the crown, against all that should oppose him. These
instruments I have put in the Collection, as lasting
memorials of the fidelity and sincerity of that court ;
to give a just precaution to posterity in future ages :
by which it will appear, how little contracts, promises,
and public stipulations, are to be depended on: where
a secret protestation, lodged in a clandestine manner,
is set up to make all this void ; which, I hope, will
not be soon forgotten or neglected.

But to return from this digression, which, though
a little out of its place, seemed too important to be
omitted.
Th» French The distraction that France was in, made it not easy

grew weary , , p ci i i i *•

of carrying to them to carry on the war 01 Scotland, by reason of
the charge that the sending forces to so great a dis-
tance put them to : whereas it was but a short march
to the English, to go to the assistance of the lords of
Scotland ; so they were willing to make up matters
the best they could by a treaty. Commissioners were
appointed to treat on both sides. In the mean while,
the Queen Regent of Scotland died : so Cecil and
Wotton, who were employed by the Queen in that
treaty, apprehending the French might, upon this
emergent, study to gain more time, wrote to the
Queen for positive orders.

A letter was written to them on the 15th of June,
signed by five privy counsellors; which is in the Col-
lection, taken from the original. By it, it appears, that

Numb.67 , . 1-11

this treaty was then a secret, which they saw must soon
break out : so the persons employed in Scotland ad-
vised the acquainting King Philip with it, because
they looked on it as brought very near a total agree-

PART III. BOOK VI. 445

ment To this the Queen's council agreed. Those in
Scotland apprehended, that perhaps the French would,
upon the Regent's death, go away and leave the king-
dom without coming to any agreement. If they should
do so, they did order them to advise with the Duke
of Norfolk, and the lords of Scotland in league with
them, how the French may be forthwith expelled the
kingdom, without any loss of time. For by all the
advertisements they had, they understood that the
French intended to gain time as much as was possi-
ble. If the French desired to have some of their col-
leagues in the town, to assist them in managing the
treaty, that was by no means to be granted : but if they
desired the assistance of such Scottish men as were of
their faction, and if their friends in Scotland consent-
ed to it, that seemed reasonable. The rest of the letter
relates to one Parrys, an Irishman.

The treaty, by reason of the weakness of the French £
force, was soon brought to a conclusion. The French a good
were to be sent away in three weeks. An assembly
of the states was to meet, and to settle the affairs of
the kingdom : it was to be governed by a council of
twelve persons ; of whom the King and Queen were
to name seven, and the states to choose five ; and by
these, all affairs were to be governed, they being made
accountable to the parliament. The last article was,
" that the King and Queen should not use the title or
arms of England and Ireland any more."

When matters were brought to a settlement in Scot- A mes ag«
land, the Scots sent up the Earls of Morton and Glen- £„£„ of
cairn to the Queen. Their message will best appear Ene|iiid-
from the instructions which will be found in the Col-
lection, copied from the original, that is still preserved, coiwt.
and in the possession of the Duchess of Hamilton : N
by which, "the estates of parliament, considering how
the two kingdoms lay joined together; and reflecting
on the inconveniences that they and their ancestors
had suffered by continual wars, and on the advantages
of a perpetual friendship between them ; therefore
they did order a proposition of marriage to be made
to the Queen of England, with the Earl of Arran ;

44« BURNET'S REFORMATION.

who, after his father, in default of succession of the
Queen's body, was the next heir of the crown of Scot-
land. And they resolved, that an embassy should be
appointed, to make the proposition in the honour-
ablest manner that could be devised. They also order
thanks to be given to the Queen, for the good will she
has on all occasions expressed for their kingdom :
which she had particularly declared of late, by the
support she had given them for their relief; by the
means of which they enjoyed their present quiet. And
they were also ordered to move the Queen, to send
strict commands to her wardens, and other officers on
the borders, to suppress all broken men, and to re-
strain all thefts. These instructions were appointed
to be sealed and subscribed by six of every estate ; and
that was to be held as valid, as if all the estates had
sealed and subscribed them.

This order of parliament is signed by the Archbi-
shop of St. Andrew's, the Bishops of Dunkeld, Gal-
loway, Dumblane, Argyle, and the elect Bishop of the
Isles : and by as many abbots and priors : the Prior
of St. Andrews, afterwards earl of Murray ; the Abbot
of Arbroth, afterwards marquis of Hamilton ; the
Abbots of Newbottle and Culros : the Commendator
of Kilwinning, and the Prior of Lochlevin. So many
of the ecclesiastical state of both ranks concurring,
shews, that they rejoiced in the deliverance that they
had from the servitude under which the French had
almost brought them.

These instructions are also signed by the Duke of
Chatelherault, who subscribed only James ; and by
the Earls of Argyle, Athol, Morton, Crawford, and
Sutherland ; and by the Lords Erskine, Gordon, Sal-
ton, Hay, Uchiltry, Innermeth, Boyd, Lindsay, Gray,
and some others, whose names cannot be read : and
by eight provosts of boroughs. But no seals are in
this noble instrument; so probably it was an authen-
tic duplicate, that was deposited in that family, to
remain as an undoubted proof of the right of succeed-
ing to the crown of Scotland, if the Queen had left
no issue of her own body.

PART III. BOOK VI. 447

To this an answer was given, which I have put in Ctilleot
the Collection, from the draught of it in Cecil's hand. T
" The Queen received the hearty thanks that the three °afDd."Kan.
estates sent very kindly ; and was glad the assist- swer '° it
ance she had given them was so well accepted by
them. She was so well satisfied with the effects it
had, that if the like cause should happen, in which
they might need aid from her, she assures them it shall
not be wanting. The Queen did perceive the diffe-
rence between the benrftts bestowed by her father
on many of the nobility of that nation, which were
supposed to be to the prejudice of the kingdom,
and so had not the success expected ; and those they
had received from her, which were directed to the
safety of the realm : so the diversity in the bestowing
them, had made this diversity in the acceptance of
them.

" She received that proposition of marriage as a
mark of the good intention of the estates for knitting
the kingdoms in amity ; in offering to her the best and
choicest person that they had, though not without
danger of the displeasure of the French King. But
the Queen was not disposed presently to marry ;
though the necessity of the kingdom might, perhaps,
constrain her afterwards to it. Yet she desired, that
the Earl of Arran might not forbear to marry on her
account : but that the amity between the two king-
doms might remain firm ; since it was so necessary
to their preservation, though no marriage were made
upon it. The Queen had heard a very good report
of the Earl of Arran, and thought him a noble gen-
tleman of great worth, and did not doubt but he would
prove to be such. In the last place, the Queen de-
sired the states would reflect on former practices among
them, and would continue in a good agreement among
themselves, and not fall into factions. And she con-
cluded with a promise, that on her part no reasonable
thing should be neglected, that might tend to the com-
mon defence of both the realms against any common
enemy."

Things went on pursuant to this treaty ; to which

448 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

rhe dead, it was not thought the French would have any regard
Lao-aid, when their affairs should be in a better condition.
The apprehensions of that were soon at an end. In
December 1560, the union which that kingdom had
with France was totally broke, by the death of Francis
the Second; so that Mary, queen of Scotland, had
nothing left, but her own strength to depend upon.
The treaty of Leith being in all other points executed,
the Queen ordered both Throckmorton, her ordinary
ambassador in France, and the Earl of Bedford, whom
she had sent over extraordinary, to demand Queen
Mary's ratification of that treaty; which I shall open
more particularly, because upon this occasion, that
jealousy was raised between the two Queens, that
ended so fatally to the one. The Queen of Scots used
many shifts to excuse her not doing it.
collect. In a letter of Throckmorton's, of the 16th of April,
fjumb-70' which is in the Collection, he tells the Queen, "that
having pressed the Queen of Scots to it, she said, she
had not her council about her, particularly the Car-
dinal of Lorrain, her uncle, by whom she was ad-
vised in all her affairs : nor had she heard from her
council in Scotland. She promised, that when she
heard from them, and had advised with her council
about her, she would give an answer that should
satisfy the Queen. But her natural brother, the Lord
James, being come over to her, the Queen had com-
manded Throckmorton to demand again the confirma-
tion of the treaty. Upon which the ambassador had
sent a gentleman to know her pleasure, when he should
wait on her, to receive it from her hand. This, as he
wrote to her, was desired by the Queen, as a mean to
make them live hereafter in all love, peace, and amity,
together. And nothing could so demonstrate that
Queen's intention to entertain this, as the establishing
that knot of friendship between them, for both their
quiet and comfort, which was at that time the only
refuge of them both." Of this he sent the Queen, his
mistress, a copy.

On the 1st of May, Mr. Somer, whom the ambas-
sador had sent to Nancv, where the Queen of Scot-

PART III. BOOK VI. 449

land was at that time, came back with her answer :
which is in the Collection, it being the only original collect.

t5 »j \* + 1

paper that ever I saw in her hand. Dated from Nancy,
the 23d of April, 1561.

" She writes, she was then leaving that place ; so TheQueeo
she could give no answer until she came to Rheims, SL^tra*1
where she intended to be at the King's coronation : tifythe

11 1 T i T peace.

and she says that Lord James was only come to do
his duty about her, as his sovereign lady, without any
charge or commission whatsoever." This Throck-
morton sent to the Queen, together with a letter from
the Cardinal of Lorrain to the same purpose, which
he also sent her in a letter, which will be found in
the Collection ; in which he writes, " that though coiiect;
Somer had used the best means he could, to put the N
Scottish Queen in mind of the promise she had made
to the Earl of Bedford, and to Throckmorton himself,
yet he could get no other answer from her. The
Ambassador was ordered by the Queen not to be pre-
sent at the coronation : so he did not know when or
where he should see her : for it was said she did not
intend for some time to come into the neighbourhood
of Paris : he therefore proposed to the Queen to send
a letter of credit by Mr. Somer to that Queen ; and
with it to order him to go and demand her answer.
By that Queen's discourse with Lord James, it seemed
she did not intend to give a plain answer, but still to
shift it off: but he thought the Queen insisting on it
by a person sent express to stay for an answer, she
would be able to judge from thence what measures
she ought to take. The Queen of Scotland had said
to the Ambassador, that she intended to give Lord
James a commission, with a charge to look to the
affairs of Scotland during her absence; and he, when
he took leave of her, left one to bring that after him :
but that person was come with letters from that Queen,
but with no commission ; and he understood by him
that she had changed her mind, and would give no
such commission, until she should come to Scotland
herself: nor would she dispose of any thing till then.
This was easily seen to be on design to let all people

VOL. III. 2 G

450 BJRNET'S REFORMATION.

understand on what terms they might expect benefices,
grants, or other favours from her."
she is The true reason why she would not employ Lord

!• liiHI> *^ I J

of Lord James, was, because she found she could not draw
him from his devotion to the Queen ; nor from his
resolution to observe the late treaty and league be-
tween England and Scotland : and it is added, " that
the Cardinal of Lorrain saw he could not draw him
from his religion, though he used great persuasions
to prevail on him." Upon these accounts, the Am-
bassador wrote over, " that he saw he might be much
depended on : so he advises the Queen to consider
him as one that may serve her to good purpose, and
to use him liberally and honourably. He had made
great acknowledgments of the good reception he met
with as he came through London : so he on many
accounts deserved to be both well used, and much
trusted. The Queen of Scotland had preat expec-
tations from the popish party : and from the Earl of
Huntley in particular. He gives in that letter an ac-
count of a great tumult that had then happened at
Paris, upon occasion of an assembly of protestants for
worship in a private house, in the suburbs. The rab-
ble met about the house, threatening violence : upon
which those within, seeing persuasions had no effect,
fired and killed seven or eight, of them. The court
of parliament sent an order to suppress the tumult,
and disperse the multitude. This was plainly con-
trary to the edict lately made : but the Ambassador
apprehended that greater disorders would follow."
And that I may end all this matter at once.
The Duke \ fin(j jn a letter of Jewel's, that is in the Collection,
studied that the Duke of Guise sent to the Princes of Ger-
t^oT'n many to divert them from assisting the Prince of
listTnas Conde ; assuring them, that he himself was very mo
the prince derate in the points of religion, and had very favour-
collect. ' able thoughts of the Augsburg Confession : he stu-
Num.73. ^je(j ajso to persuade the Queen, that the war which
was then breaking out in France was not for religion,
but was a conspiracy against the government ; which
he hoped she as a Queen would not assist. At the

PART III. BOOK VI. 451

same time the Queen of Scotland sent the Queen a
present of a diamond of value, with some very fine
verses made by Buchanan then in her court. She
also in her letters vowed a perpetual friendship with
her, and wrote that she would pass through England.
Yet the Queen saw through all this, and was not di-
verted by it from assisting the Prince of Conde.
Upon this the Duke of Guise did openly charge all
the disorders in France on her, as the principal au-
thor of them: by this the mask was thrown away,
and these jealousies broke out into an open war.
Jewel wishes the Queen had begun it sooner, and
that the Princes of Germany would follow her ex-
ample ; now that she was engaged, and had sent one
to enofao-e them likewise.

c? O

By that time, the Queen of Scotland had got by
sea into her kingdom : she alone had her mass, which
was put down all the kingdom over.

There was this year an extraordinary bad season
through every quarter of the year, and perpetual
rains. There was also much talk of many monstrous
births, both by women and beasts, hogs, mares, cows,
and hens : some births were without heads, or heads
of a strange form ; and some without arms, or legs :
very probably things of that sort were magnified by
those who reported them ; and, no doubt, they were
made the presages of some dismal events to be looked
for ; it being ordinary in all great changes to enlarge,
and even to forge stories of that sort, on design to
alarm people with the apprehensions of some signal
judgments to follow after such unusual warnings.
This last letter being written some time after the
great convocation that settled our Reformation, is
mentioned here out of its place, to finish a matter to
which I have nothing here to add.

But now to return to give an account of that famous Proceed-
meeting of the clergy. I must first lament that here "
there is another total stop in the correspondence with
Zurich, that has hitherto furnished me with so many
particulars. I cannot think but that there were copious
accounts of the progress of matters in it given to

2 G 2

ings in i Hi
vocation.

45*2 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

them, if not during the convocation, in which the
bishops were no doubt much employed, yet at least
soon after the prorogation, which was in the begin-
ning of April : but in all the volume of Letters that
is sent me, I find not one, either during their sitting,
or after it was ended, till that I mentioned last, which
is of the 14th of August. Being then destitute of
those authentic vouchers, I must gather up what re-
mains I could find to give a clear account of the
great transactions then on foot.

The imperfect abstract which I have often vouched,
gives us but a very defective account of their pro-
ceedings. Their first session was on the 13th of Ja-
nuary. Day, provost, of Eaton, preached. Parker
told them, they had now in their hands an opportu-
nity of reforming all things in the church. The
Queen did earnestly desire it, and so did many of the
nobility. He sent them to choose a prolocutor, and
recommended Nowel, dean of St. Paul's, to them.
They chose him upon that; and on the 16th of Ja-
nuary, Parker exhorted them to consider against the
next session what things wanted a reformation. On
the 19th, he sent for the Prolocutor, who came up,
with six of the clergy. He said, they had before them
some sheets of matters to be offered for a reformation,
which were then referred to be considered by a com-
mittee. He also said, that the Articles set forth in
a synod at London, in King Edward's time, were like-
wise before a committee to be considered ; and, if
need was, to be corrected by them. On the 20th,
the Archbishop and Bishops were for the space of
three hours consulting secretly about those Articles.
On the 22d, they were again for three hours consider-
ing the same matter. On the 26th, they were two
hours. And on the 27th, they were for three hours
more upon the same matter. And on the 29th of
January, all in the Upper House agreed unanimously
in settling the Articles of Religion, and they sub-
scribed them.

The differences between these Articles, and those
set forth by King Ed ward, are very particularly marked

PART III. BOOK VI. 453

in the Collections, added to my second volume. The 156~-
most material is the leaving out that express declara- feTa'tUt
tion that was made against the corporal presence of Ihfl,1",.
Christ in the sacrament, which I then thought was clesof
done in compliance with the opinion prevalent amono- NumKs'
the people of the popish persuasion, who were
strangely possessed with the belief of such a presence;
but I am convinced, by the letters sent me from Zu-
rich, that in this great regard was likewise had to the
Lutheran churches, with whom a conjunction was
much endeavoured by some : so that perhaps this was
one consideration that made it be thought convenient
to suppress the definition then made in this matter by
the convocation : but it does no way appear to me,
whether these words were suppressed by the consent
of the convocation ; or whether the Queen ordered it
to be done, either by a direct command, or by deny-
ing to give her assent to that part of the Article. \
I must also add, that the Homily against wilful re-
bellion, for that is its true title, was not drawn up till
some years after this convocation had settled those
Articles ; in which the title of the Homilies is set
forth, though it is added in the manuscript to the
rest with the title against rebellion. It is plain, both by
the body of the Homily, and by the prayer at the end
of it, that it was penned after the rebellion that was
raised by the Earls of Northumberland and Westmore-
land many years after this ; and while there were wars
abroad on the account of religion. This I do not
write as disagreeing in any part from the doctrine de-
livered in that Homily, but oily as an historian, in
order to the setting matters ot fact in a true li^ht.

d? ^5

But now I go on as the minutes, or rather the ab-
stracts, lead me. When the great matter of the Ar-
ticles was settled, the Bishops of London, Winches-
ter, Lincoln, and Hereford, were appointed to draw
articles of discipline. On the 3d of February, the
Archbishop and Bishops were in a secret conference
for the space of three hours. On the 5th of February,
a committee was appointed to examine the Catechism.
Then the Prolocutor, with six of the clergy, brought

454 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

up the Articles of Religion, that had been sent by the
Archbishop to the Lower House : many had already
subscribed them : but he proposed, that such as had
not yet done it, might be required either to subscribe
them in the Lower House, or to do it in the presence
of the Bishops. Upon this the Upper House ordered
that the names of those who had not subscribed them
miofht be laid before them next session. On the 10th,

o

the Prolocutor, with eight of the clergy, came up and
told the Bishops, that many had subscribed since
their last meeting : upon that the Bishops renewed
their former order.

On the 13th, there was some treaty concerning the
subsidy; but on that day, and it seems on some days
following, there were very warm debates in the Lower
House, of which I shall give a particular account,
from a copy taken from the minutes of the proceed-
ings of the Lower House, which will be found in the
collect. Collection. On the 13th day, six articles were of-
fered to the House, which follow; First, " That all
Great de- holy-days, except Sundays, and the feasts that related
cernSiDCg0"' to Christ, should be abrogated. Second, That in the
mionstr Common Prayer, the minister should always turn his
the Book ot face towards the people, so as to be heard by the
" people, that they might be edified. Third, That the
ceremony of the cross in baptism may be omitted, as
tending to superstition. Fourth, That forasmuch as
divers communicants were notable to kneel during the
time of communion, for age, sickness, and other in-
firmities ; and some also do superstitiously both kneel
and knock; that the order of kneeling may be left
to the discretion of the ordinary within his jurisdic-
tion. Fifth, That it be sufficient for the minister, in
on the.r tmie of sayino- Divine service and ministring the sa-

brt-asts, JO .<=>

craments, to use a surplice ; and that no minister say
the service, or minister the sacraments, but in a comely
garment, Or habit. The sixth and last is, That the
use of organs be removed." The words are strictly
as I took them from the copy of the Journal : but the
sense of the fifth is not clear, except we suppose the
word once to have come after the minister ; so that it

PART III. BOOK VI. 455

was proposed that it should be sufficient once to use
the surplice.

There arose great disputes concerning these propo-
sitions; some approving and others rejecting them:
and it was proposed by some, to refer the matter to
the Archbishop and Bishops. Many protested, that
they could in no manner consent to any one of them:
since they were contrary to the Book of Common-
Prayer, that was ratified by an act of parliament: nor
would they admit of any alteration of the orders,
rules, rites, or regulations, already settled by that
book. There were public disputations between learned
men, some approving and others condemning the pro-
positions. Thirteen persons were named as the dis-
putants. In conclusion, the House was divided, and
counted : forty-three voted for the propositions, and
thirty-five voted against them, and that no change
should be made in the Book of Common-Prayer then
established. But when the proxies were counted,
those who were for the propositions were in all fifty-
eight; and those who were against them were fifty-
nine. So that they were agreed to by a majority of
eight of those who were present, and who had heard
the disputations ; yet those were out-voted by a ma-
jority of one vote, by the proxy of an absent person. Bul b? one
All their names are set down in the paper. One thing waTc^m.d,
observable is, that in this minute it is added, that "^H
those who rejected the Articles seemed to go chiefly mad"
on this ground; that they were contrary to the au-
thorized Book of Common-Prayer : as if this had been
the assuming an authority, to alter what was settled
by the legislature. It is not to be imagined, but if the
affirmative vote had prevailed, that it could not be
intended to have any other effect, but to make an ad-
dress to the parliament to alter the book in those par-
ticulars. I have represented this matter as I found it,
and will not make any judgment upon it, either on
the one side or the other ; but will leave that to the
reader, and go on with what remains in the abstract.

This debate in the Lower House put a stop to the.
business of the convocation for six days, in which they

456 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

only treated of the subsidy. On the 19th of Fe-
bruary, some articles were communicated to the Lower
House: and they were ordered to bring them back,
with their observations on them. These seem to re-
late to benefices and dilapidations. And they were
ordered to inquire how many benefices were then va-
cant. On the 22d, the subsidy was agreed to. On
the 24th, the Prolocutor being absent, his Surrogate,
with the clergy, were called up: and the ingrossed
bill of subsidy was read to them, and they all unani-
mously agreed to it.

A Booker On the 2Cth, a Book of Discipline was brought to
ott'r'd'hy the Upper House, by the Prolocutor, with ten of the
nlL0."" c^ergy '•> to which, as it was said, the whole clergy did
unanimously consent. This was referred to the Arch-
bishop, with the Bishops of London, Winchester, Chi-
chester, Hereford, and Ely. On the 1st of March, the
Prolocutor brought up some additional articles, which
they desired might be added to the Book of Disci-
pline, that they had formerly brought up. The Arch-
bishop gave them the book back again ; and ordered
them to bring it back, together with the additions they
had made to it.

On the 3d of March, the Prolocutor brought up the
Catechism; to which, he said, the House did unani-
mously agree ; the considering of it was committed to
the Bishops of Winchester, Hereford, Lincoln, and
Coventry. (This seems to be the Catechism drawn by
Nowel, dean of St. Paul's.) After that, there was a
conference among the Bishops for the space of two
hours. On the 5th of March, the Prolocutor brought
up the Book of Discipline, with some additional
chapters : one only is named, of Adultery, with an
&c. On the 10th, there was a conference among the
Bishops for two hours; and on the 12th, for two
hours more; and on the 16th, for other two hours;
and on the 19th, for two hours more. After that,
nothing is marked, but several prorogations, till the
10th of April, that the royal writ came for the pro-
rogation. And this is all that remains of this great
convocation.

PART III. BOOK VI. 457

It does not appear what that Book of Discipline
was. In one of the Zurich-letters, as shall be told
afterwards, it is said, that some things agreed to
in this synod were afterwards suppressed. This, I
suppose, relates to that Book of Discipline : but whe-
ther this was the reformation of the ecclesiastical
laws, prepared by Cranmer and others ; or whether
it was modelled in any other manner, cannot now be
certainly known.

But, to this account that I have written, I will add
some other particulars, that the diligent Mr. Strype
has laid together ; referring my reader for a more
copious account of them to his Annals.

" It was designed to have Jewel's Apology joined
to the Articles ; which Archbishop Parker intended
should be in all cathedral and collegiate churches, JL
and also in private houses. lion

" Degrees of punishment were proposed for all
those who should preach, write, or speak, in deroga-
tion or contempt of this book, for the first, second,
and third offence.

" It was proposed, that all vestments, copes, and
surplices, should be taken away ; that none but mi-
nisters should baptize ; that the table for the sacra-
ment should not stand altar- wise; that organs and
curious singing should be removed.

" That godfathers and godmothers should not an-
swer in the child's name ; but should recite the Creed,
and desire that the child may be baptized in that faith.
Here, on the margin, Parker writes, ' Let this be con-
sidered.'

" That none should be married but after the banns
have been asked for three Sundays or holy days. On
the margin Parker writes, ' Priests solemnizing matri-
mony, without testimonial of banns, to suffer grievous
punishment.'

" That the Queen and parliament be prayed to
renew the act for empowering thirty-two persons to
gather ecclesiastical laws, and to review those ap-
pointed in King Edward's time.

" That all peculiar jurisdictions should be extin-

458 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

guished, so that the whole diocese be put under the
jurisdiction of the bishop ; that no appeal shall lie in
cases of correction. On the margin Parker writes,
* Let this be thought on.'

" That in every cathedral a divinity-lecture should
be read thrice a week.

" That the apparel of the clergy should be uniform.
That no person, not in priests' orders, shall hold any
ecclesiastical dignity above a year, if he does not take
priests' orders. Parker writes, ' Too much : and let
it be thought on.'

o

" That none be capable of a dispensation for a plu-
rality of benefices with cure of souls, if he is not at
least a master of arts, and they not beyond twelve
miles distance. Parker writes, ' Let it be considered,
whether this ought to be restrained to degrees.'

"That if any has two cures, he shall reside con-
stantly on one, unless at some times to go and preach
in the other; under the pain of losing the greater
benefice. Parker adds, ' Let this be thought on.'

" That no patron sell or assign the next advowson ;
and that no grant be made of any benefice till it is
void.

" That all incumbents, or curates, shall, on Sun-
days in the afternoon, offer to teach the children of
the parish the Catechism/'

The next paper is, of " Remedies for the Poverty
of Ministers' Livings :" but the "remedies," how good
soever, were not found practicable; so all this matter
was let fall.

A further With this convocation my design of continuing the
uon'onhe History of the Reformation is now concluded. And
History be- jjgj-g j once intended to have ended my work : but the
former letters sent me from Zurich gives me such a full and
particular account of the first unhappy breach that
was made in our church, with so many curious inci-
dents, that I am by these invited to set that matter
out in a clear light, since I have it before me in the
letters of the most eminent of our bishops.

There was a great variety of sentiments among our

PART III. BOOK VI. 45J)

reformers on this point; Whether it was fit to retain
an external face of things, near to what had been l\e
practised in the times of popery, or not? The doing; jhfinegrsj".
that made the people come easily in to the more real
changes that were made in the doctrines, when they saw
the outward appearances so little altered : so this me-
thod seemed the safer, and the readier way to wean
the people from the fondness they had for a splendid
face of things, by that which was still kept up. But on
the other hand, it was said, that this kept up still the
inclination in the people to the former practices : they
were by these made to think, that the reformed state
of the church did not differ much from them; and
that they imitated them. And they apprehended, that
this outward resemblance made the old root of popery
to live still in their thoughts ; so that if it made them
conform at present more easily to the change that was
now made, it would make it still much the easier for
them to fall back to popery : so, for this very reason,
they stood upon it; and thought it better, to put mat-
ters in as great an opposition to the practices of popery
as was possible, or convenient.

The Queen had, in her first injunctions, ordered
the clergy to wear seemly garments, and square caps :
adding, that this was only for decency, and not to
ascribe any worthiness to the garments: but when
the Act of Uniformity was settled, whereas in the Li-
turgy passed in the second year of King Edward,
copes and other garments were ordered to be used ;
but in the second book, passed in the 6th year of that
King, .all was laid aside except the surplice : yet the
Queen, who loved magnificence in every thing, re-
turned back to the rules in King Edward's first book,
till other order should be taken therein by the Queen.
There was likewise a clause put in the Act of Uni-
formity, empowering the Queen, to " ordain and pub-
lish such further ceremonies and rites, as might be for
the advancement of God's glory, the edifying of his
church, and the due reverence of Christ's holy mys-
teries and sacraments."

The matter being thus settled, there followed a

°

4GO BURNET'S REFORMATION.

i56t. great diversity in practice: many conforming tliem-

Gieatdi- " , . 11 • 11 i •! 1-1

versuy in selves in all points to the law; while others did not
use either the surplice, or the square caps and hoods,
according to their degree. This visible difference be-
gan to give great offence, and to state two parties in
the church. The people observed it, and run into
parties upon it. Many forsook their churches of both
sides: some because those habits were used, and some
because they were not used. It is likewise suggested,
that the papists insulted, upon this division among
the protestants; and said, it was impossible it should
be otherwise, till all returned to come under one ab-
solute obedience.

IroteUT" Upon this, the Queen, in January 1564-5, wrote to
the Arch, the Archbishop of Canterbury, " reflecting (not with-

bishopof .r c •( \ Ai !••'.•

canter- out some acrimony ot style) on these diversities ; as

briifgau if ^iey were ^e effect of some remissness in him and

loan™. fn the other bishops; requiring him, that, with the

assistance of other bishops, commissioned by her for

causes ecclesiastical, he should give strict orders, that

all diversities and varieties, both among the clergy

* O O.7

and people, might be reformed and repressed ; and
that all should be brought to one manner of unifor-
mity, through the whole kingdom, that so the people
might quietly honour and serve God."

Upon that, some of the bishops met; six in all. Of
these, four were upon the ecclesiastical commission :
the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London,
Ely, and Rochester: and with these joined the Bi-
shops of Winchester and Lincoln. They agreed on
some rules and orders meet to be observed, not as
equivalent to the word of God, nor as laws that did
bind the conscience, from the nature of the things

•* o

considered in themselves; or, as that they did add any
efficacy, or more holiness to the public prayers and
sacraments; but as temporary orders, merely eccle-
siastic, and as rules concerning decency, distinction,
and order, for the time.

'he They begun with articles of doctrine and preach-
s. ing: "That all preachers should study to preach to
edification, and handle matters of controversy with

PART III. BOOK VI. 4G1

sobriety and discretion; exhorting people to receive
the sacrament frequently, and to continue in all obe-
dience to the laws, and to the Queen's injunctions.
All former licenses are declared void ; but are to be re-
newed to such as the bishop thought meet for the of-
fice; they paying only a groat for the writing. If any
should preach unsound doctrine, they were to be de-
nounced to the bishop, but not to be contradicted in
the church. All were to be required to preach once
in three months, either in person, or by one in their
stead. Such as were not licensed to preach were to
read the Homilies, or such other necessary doctrine
as should be prescribed. In the sacrament, the prin-
cipal minister was to wear a cope; but at all other
prayers, only surplices. That deans and prebendaries
should wear a hood in the choir, and preach with
their hood: all communicants were to receive the sa-
crament kneeling. Then follow rules about tolling
the bell when people die; about the altar, the font,
and who may be godfathers in baptism : that no shops
be opened on Sundays : that bishops shall give notice
against the day of giving orders, that all men may
except against such as are unworthy : that none be
ordained, but within their own diocese, except those
who have degrees in the University. Rules follow
for licenses, for archdeacons to appoint curates to get
some texts of the New Testament by heart; and at the
next synod to hear them rehearse them. Ordinaries
were to guard against simoniacal practices, and none
were to marry within the Levitical degrees. Then
follow rules of their wearing apparel, gowns, and caps :
they were to wear no hats, but in travelling: but those
who were deprived might not wear them. To this
they added a form of subscription to be. required of
all that were to be admitted to any office or cure in
the church, to this effect; that they should not preach,
but by the bishop's special license ; that they should
read the service distinctly and audibly; that they
should keep a register-book, and use such apparel,
specially at prayers, as was appointed; that they
should endeavour to keep peace and quiet in their

4G2 BURNET'S REFORMATION

parishes. That they should every day read a chapter
in the Old and New Testament, consideiing it well,
to the increase of their knowledge; and in conclusion,
that they should exercise their office to the honour of
God, and the quiet of the Queen's subjects; and ob-
serve an uniformity in all laws and orders already
established ; and that they should use no sort of trade,
if their living amounted to twenty nobles, or upwards."
The proceedings here inEngland are fully collected
by Mr. Strype; so, as to these, I refer my reader to
the account given by him, which is both full and im-
partial. I shall only give the abstracts of the letters
that passed in this matter between our bishops, and
Bullinger, Gualter, and the other divines, in Zurich.
These foreign divines did not officiously, nor of their
own motion, intermeddle in this matter. It began in
January 1564-5; for then the Queen wrote to the
Archbishop, and in March the order was settled by
the Archbishop and Bishops : but when the Bishops
saw the opposition that many were making to this,
Sampson and Humphreys being the most eminent of
those who opposed it, who were in great reputation,
particularly in the University of Oxford, where one
was dean of Christ's church, and the other was pre-
sident of Magdalen's, and divinity professor: and they
were much distinguished for their learning, piety, and
w- zeal in religion: upon this, Horn, bishop ofWin-
Chester, wrote on the 16th of July to Gualter, and
stated the matter clearly to him : I have put his letter
upon these in the Collection, though it is already printed; but I

diversities , ,. . °. ..,',,,

in practice, thought it convenient to insert it, since the letters that
are to follow depend upon it.

After he had mentioned some of Gualter's works,
he commends those of Zurich for not being imposed
on by the artifices of the French ; in which he hopes
those of Bern would follow the example that they had
set them. He comes to the affairs of England, " where
they were still in fear of the snares of the papists, who
took great advantage from a question lately raised
about vestments, to say protestants could never agree
together : the act of parliament was made before they

PART III. BOOK VI. 403

were in office ; so that they had no hand in making
it : by it the vestments were enacted, but without any
superstitious conceit about them, the contrary being
expressly declared. What was once enacted in par-
liament could not be altered but by the same autho-
rity. The Bishops had obeyed the law, thinking the
matter to be of its nature indifferent : and they had
reason to apprehend, that if they had deserted their
stations upon that account, their enemies might have
come into their places. Yet upon this, there was a
division formed among them : some thought, they
ought to suffer themselves to be put from their mi-
nistry rather than obey the law; others were of a dif-
ferent mind. He desires that he would write his opi-
nion of this matter as soon as was possible. They were
in hope to procure an alteration of the act in the next
parliament ; but he apprehended there would be a
great difficulty in obtaining it ; by reason of the op-
position the papists would give them ; for they hoped
that if many should leave their stations, they might
find occasions to insinuate themselves again into the
Queen's favour."

It seems he wrote a letter in the same strain to Bui-
linger, as will appear by his answer of the 3d of No- A™?'
vember, which will be found in the Collection. " He fromlhence
writes, that he had heard of the division among themJth,>!/whBo
from others ; but not knowing the whole state of the K*1 lhe
question, he was not forward to give his opinion, till
he had his letter. He laments this unhappy breach
among them : he approves their zeal, who wished to
have the church purged from all the dregs of popery :
on the other hand, he commends their prudence, who
would not have the church to be forsaken because of
the vestments. The great end of the ministry was
edification ; and that was not to be abandoned but upon
very good grounds ; especially when the deserting
their stations was like to make way for much worse
things ; and that they saw either papists or Lutherans
would be put in their places, and then ceremonies
would be out of measure increased. No doubt, they
had brought many persons of all sorts to love the

4G4 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

purity of doctrine; but what a prejudice would it be to
these to open such a door, by which swarms of abuses
might creep in among them: this they ought carefully
to prevent. As for those who first made those laws, or
were zealous maintainers of them, he confesses he is
not pleased with them. They acted unwisely, if they
were truly of the reformed side ; but if they were only
disguised enemies, they were laying snares with ill
designs : yet he thinks every thing of that sort ought
to be submitted to, rather than that they should for-
sake their ministry : and since it was declared that
those vestments were to be used without any super-
stitious conceit, he thinks that ought to satisfy men's
consciences. But in the mean while he proposes to
them, to press the Queen and nobility to go on and
complete a Reformation, that was so gloriously begun.
He knew that in many places questions were at that
time moved, concerning the extent of the magistrate's
authority; he wishes these might be every where let
alone : certainly matters of that nature ought not to
be meddled with in sermons ; there may be an occa-
sion to debate about them in parliament, and it may
be proper to speak to the Queen, and to her counsel-
lors, in private about them. Upon the whole matter
he concludes, that as on the one hand he would be
tender in dealing with men of weak consciences; so
on the other hand he proposes St. Paul's rule in such
cases, of ' becoming all things to all men :' he circum
cised Timothy, that he might not give offence to the
Jews ; though at the same time he condemns those who
were imposing the yoke of the Judaical law, as neces-
sary in the beginnings of Christianity."

When Sampson and Humphreys understood in
what a strain Buiiinger and Gualter had written con-
ceming the vestments, they wrote, on the 16th of Fe-
bruary, a copious account of the grounds on which
they founded their refusal to obey these orders. Their
letters came to Buiiinger on the 26th of April ; and
he answered them on the 1st of May. This will be
found in the Collection. " He puts them in mind of
' Peter Martyr's opinion in a like matter, when he was

PART III. BOOK VI. 4(55

at Oxford ; to which he could add nothing. He could
not approve of any persons officiating at an altar on
which there was a crucifix ; and in a cope on the back
of which there was a crucifix. He tells them how both
he and Gualter had answered Horn's letter on the sub-
ject : and he sent them copies of these letters. He
would be extremely sorry if these did not give them
satisfaction. He prayed earnestly to God for them. He
had a great dislike to all controversies of that sort;
and did not willingly meddle in them: he did think
that laws might be made prescribing decent habits to
the clergy, which may be reduced to that branch of
St. Paul's character of a bishop, that he ought to be
Koafj-ioQ, which may be rendered decent, as well as we
have it of good behaviour. Nor was this the reviving
the Levitical law. Every thing is not to be called Le-
vitical, because it was practised by the Jews. The
Apostles commanded the converts to Christianity, to
' abstain from things strangled, and from blood.' The
maintaining the clergy by the tithes, came from laws
given to Jews ; and from them we have the singing
of psalms among us : so things are not to be rejected
because of some conformity to the Mosaical institu-
tion. Nor can this be called a conformity to popery :
nor is every thing practised among them to be rejected
on that account ; otherwise we must not use their
churches, nor pronounce the Creed ; nor use the Lord's
Prayer ; since all these are used by them. It was in
this case expressed, in the orders set out lately by
them, that the habits were not enjoined on the super-
stitious conceits of the papists : they were only to be
used in obedience to the law. It savours too much
of a Jewish or of a monastic temper, to put religion
in such matters : if it is pretended that the obeying
laws in matters indifferent, was the giving up our
Christian liberty, that would go a great way to the
denying all obedience, and might provoke the magis-
trate to lay yet heavier loads on them. Habits pecu-
liar to the clergy was an ancienter practice than po-
pery itself: St. John is said' to have carried on his head
somewhat like a mitre : and mention is made of St.
VOL. in. 2 H

4GC> BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Cyprian's having a peculiar garment, called a dalma-
tica. St. Chrysostom speaks of their white garments.
Tertullian tells us, that the heathens converted to
Christianity, quitted their toga, the Roman upper gar-
ment, and used the pallium, or cloak. He wishes there
were no impositions on the clergy in such matters :
yet since this was an ancient habit, and was now en-
joined, without making it a matter of religion; he wishes
they would not set too great a value upon it, but yield
somewhat to the present time ; and that they would
consider it as a thing indifferent, and not affect to dis-
pute too subtilly about it ; but to behave themselves
modestly. They had put a question to him, Whether
any thing may be prescribed, that is not expressed in
Scripture ? He did not approve of laying on a load
of such things on people's necks ; but some things
might be appointed for order and discipline. Christ
kept the feast of the dedication, though appointed by
no law of God. If it is said, The things commanded are
not necessary, and are of no use, yet they are not for
that to be condemned, nor are schisms to be raised on
that account :" many things are again repeated in this
letter that were in his letter to Horn.
letter A copy of this was sent to Horn, and both Grindal

"iah)PEng. and he apprehending the good effect that the printing
it might have, in settling the minds of many that were
much shaken by the opposition that was made to the
orders that had been sent out, printed it here. So that
it was not necessary for me to put it in the Collection,
if I did not intend to lay the chief papers relating to
this matter so together, as to set it all in a clear light.
Upon this Sampson and Humphreys wrote over to
Zurich, complaining of the printing of their letter, and
carrying their complaints against the constitution of
the church much further than to the matter of the vest-
ments : they complain of the music, and organs ; of
making sponsors in baptism answer in the child's
name ; of the cross in baptism ; of the court of facul-
ties ; and the paying for dispensations ; all which will

collect, appear fully in a letter of theirs in the Collection,
'' which they wrote to them in July. " They acknow-

PART III. BOOK VI. 407

ledge their letter had not fully satisfied them : they do
not think the prescribing habits to the clergy merely
a civil thing ; they think St. Paul's KCXT^UI'OC belongs to
the ornaments of the mind. And add, How can that
habit be thought decent, that was brought in to dress
up the theatrical pomp of popery? The Papists gloried
in this our imitation of them. They do approve of set-
ting rules concerning order, but that ought not to be
applied to this, that overturns the peace and quiet of
the church, in all things that are not either necessary or
useful ; that do not tend to any edification, but serve
to recommend those forms which all do now abhor.
The papists themselves glory in this, that these habits
were brought in by them ; for which they vouch Otho's
constitution, and the Roman pontifical. They were
not against the retaining any thing that was good,
because it had been abused in popery.

"They affirm, that in King Edward's time, the sur-
plice was not universally used, nor pressed; and the
copes then taken away are now to be restored. This
is not to extirpate popery, but to plant it again ; and
instead of going forward is to go back. It was known
how much virtue and religion the papists put in the
surplice ; and at this day it is held in as great esteem
as the monks' habits were wont to be. The use of it
may, by degrees, bring back the same superstition.
They did not put religion in habits ; they only op-
posed those that did : and they thought, that it gave
some authority to servitude, to depart from their liberty.
They hated contention, and were ready to enter into
friendly conferences about this matter. They do not
desert their churches, and leave them exposed to
wolves ; but, to their great grief, they are driven from
them. They leave their brethren to stand and fall to
their own masters : and desire the same favourable
forbearance from them, though in vain hitherto. It
was by other men's persuasion that the Queen was
irritated against them : and now to support these or-
ders, all that is pretended is, that they are not unlaw-
ful : it is not pretended, that there is any thing good
or expedient in the habits. The habits of the clergy

2 u 2

408 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

are visible marks of their profession ; and these ought
not to be taken from their enemies. The ancient fathers
had their habits ; but not peculiar to bishops, nor dis-
tinct from the laity. The instances of St. John and
Cyprian are singular. In Tertullian's time, the pal-
lium was the common habit of all Christians. Chry-
sostom speaks of white garments, but with no appro-
bation : he rather finds fault with them. They had
cited Bucer ; but he thought, that the orders concern-
ing habits, by reason of the abuse of them in the church
of England, ought to be taken away, for a fuller de-
claration of their abhorrence of Antichrist, for assert-
ing the Christian liberty, and for removing all occa-
sions of contention. They were far from any design
of making a schism, or of quarrelling. They will not
condemn things indifferent as unlawful: they wish the
occasion of the contention were removed, that the re-
membrance of it might be for ever buried. They who
condemned the papal pride could not like a tyranny
in a free church. They wish there might be a free
synod, to settle this matter ; in which things should
not be carried according to the mind of one or two
persons. The matter now in debate had never been
settled by any general decree of a council, or of any
reformed church. They acknowledge the doctrine of
this church was now pure ; and why should there be
any defect in any part of our worship ? Why should
we borrow any thing from popery ? Why should they
not agree in rites, as well as in doctrine, with the other
reformed churches ? They had a good opinion of their
bishops, and bore with their state and pomp : they
once bore the same cross with them, and preached the
same Christ with them : Why are they now turned out
of their benefices, and some put in prison, only for
habits? Why are they publicly defamed? The bishops
had printed the private letter that they had written to
them, without their knowledge or consent. The bi-
shops do now stand upon it, as if the cause was their
own. But to let them see that the dispute was not
only about a cap, they sent them an abstract of some
other things, to which they wish some remedy could

PART 111. BOOK VI. 469

be found (which is in the Collection) : and conclude Collect

., ~ , . / ,. . Numb. 79-

with some prayers to God, to quiet those dissensions,
and to send forth labourers into his vineyard."

To this I have joined the answer that Bullinger and coiled.
Gualter wrote to them. In it they tell them, " that Bimi.iger'*
they did not expect that their letters should fully satisfy Bnswer to

J f ...... , V J Sampson.

them : they only wrote their opinion to them because
they desired it. They were heartily sorry to find that
they could not acquiesce in it. They would engage
no further in that matter : they could answer their
arguments, but they would give no occasion to end-
less disputations. They thought it would be more
expedient to submit to those habits, and to continue
in the church, than, by refusing to use them, to be
forced to leave their churches. Tliey went no further,
and did not approve of any popish defilements, or
superstitions. Nor did they in any sort enter into
those other matters, of which they do now complain,
and of which they knew nothing before. These were
matters of much greater consequence than either the
surplices or the copes : so that it was to be hoped,
that the letter they had written about the habits could
not be stretched to these matters. There was nothing

O

left to them, but to commend them to God, and to pray
that he would quiet this unhappy dissension among
them, and give his church the blessingsof peace. They
only desire them to remember, that the ministers of the
gospel ought not only to hold fast the truth, but like-
wise to be prudent stewards, having a due regard to
the times, bearing many things with patience and cha-
rity, and so maintain the peace of the church : and not
to prejudice it by an over-eager or morose temper, nor
think it enough that they had a good design, but they
must pursue it by prudent methods."

Bullinger and Gualter, seeing the division like to be
carried much further than the matter of the vestments, o°r
thought the best office that they could do their friends,
was to write to the Earl of Bedford ; being well as-
sured of his zeal in the matters of religion. They wrote
to him on the 1 1th of September that year : the letter
will be found in the Collection. They tell him, " that Numb.

470 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

when they first heard of the contention raised about
the vestments, they were afraid it might have a further
progress. They, being desired, did give their opinion
freely in the matter ; and thought, that, for things of
so little importance, it was not fit for the clergy to
desert their stations, and to leave them to be filled,
perhaps, by wolves and deceivers. They were sorry
to find, that their fears of the mischief that might fol-
low on this contention were but too well grounded.
They hear, that not only the vestments are complained
of, but that many other things are excepted to that
plainly savour of popery. They are also sorry, that
the private letter which they wrote should have been
printed ; and that their judgment of the vestments was
extended to other things, of which they could in no
sort approve : so that their opinion in one particular
is made use of to cast a load on persons, for whom they
should rather have compassion in their sufferings, than
study to aggravate them. It gave them a very sensible
grief to see the church of England, scarce got out of
the hands of their bloody enemies, now like to be
pulled down by their intestine broils. So, having an
entire confidence in his good affection to the gospel,
they pray him to intercede with the Queen and the
nobility, in the parliament that was soon to meet, for
their brethren that were then suffering; who deserved
that great regard should be had to them, and that their
faults should be forgiven them. It had appeared what
true zeal they had for religion ; since the only thing,
about which they were so solicitous, was, that religion
should be purged from all the dregs of popery. This
cause in general was such, that those who promoted
it proved themselves to be worthy of the highest dig-
nity. Princes were to be nursing fathers to the church :
then they perform that office truly, when they not only
rescue her out of the hands of her enemies, but take
care that the spouse of Christ be not any way stained
with the false paint of superstition, or render herself
suspected, by having any rites unbecoming the Chris-
tian simplicity. They do therefore earnestly pray him,
that as he has hitherto shewed his zeal in the cause of

VART III. BOOK VI. 471

the gospel, so he will at this time exert himself; and
employ all the interest he has in the Queen, and in the
nobility, that the church of England, so happily re-
formed to the admiration of the whole world, may not
be stained with any of the defilements or remnants of
popery. This will look like a giddiness in them : it
will offend the weak among them, and give great
scandal to theii neighbours, both in France and in
Scotland, who are yet under the cross. The very
papists will justify their tyrannical impositions, by
what is done now among them. They lay all this
before him with the more confidence, knowing his
zeal as they do.' They also wrote in the same strain
to Grindal an<? Horn as will be found in the

Numb. 82.

lection.

When Grindal and Horn understood that those of
Zurich were not pleased with the printing of their
letter ; of which they wrote to them, and sent with
it the paper, in which were put the heads of those
other things in the constitution of this church, to which
they excepted; they both, jointly, wrote an answer
to them, in one letter to Bullinger and Gualter, on
the 6th of February, which will be found in the Col-

Collect.

Numb. 83.

" They tell them, they had printed their letter, but
had suppressed the names of those to whom it was di- utter,»h°w.
rected. It had the good effect that they expected from ™^™ss
it : for it had satisfied and settled the minds of many m many
who were upon the point of leaving their churches ;
and even the most troublesome were so far wrought
on by it, that they were silent, and less violent in their
opposition than they had formerly been. Some few
were turned out, but they were not of the most learned
sort ; except Sampson, who, they acknowledge, was
both pious and learned. Humphreys, and other
learned men, were still continued in their stations.
The letter that they had printed related only to that
particular upon which it was written, and could not
be applied to any thing else : nor was there any other
question then on foot ; so that it was a calumny to
say, that their opinion, was asked about any other mat-

472 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

ter. The noise and the complaints that some had
made, had very much provoked the Queen and many
of the nobility against them. The papists triumphed
upon it, and hoped to come in again, and to fill the
places, which were made void upon their deserting
their stations. They do solemnly attest the great God,
that this dissension was not raised by any fault of
theirs ; and that it did not lie at their door, that those
vestments were not quite taken away. They may
take their oaths upon it, that they had used all possi-
ble means in that matter ; and had, with the utmost
earnestness, and the most sincere diligence, laboured
to obtain that which their brethren desired, and which
they themselves wished for. But since they could not
do what willingly they would do, they must be con-
tent with doing what they could do.

" As to the other particulars complained of, they
plainly write, they did not approve of that figured
music, together with the use of organs, that was con-
tinued in cathedrals. They enlarge on many other
particulars, and set forth the method of convocations.
They did in no sort approve of women's baptizing.
They gave way till God should send better times,
to the form of making the sponsors in baptism an-
swer in the child's name ; for which St. Austin's autho-
rity was pretended : but they did openly declare, that
they thought it was not covenient. Nor did they ap-
prove of using the cross in baptism ; though the words
spoken when it was made did plainly shew, there was
no superstitious conceit kept up by the use of it. They
also suffered the posture of kneeling in the sacrament,
with the due caution with which it was enjoined, that
was set down in King Edward's book, declaring the
reason for which that posture was still continued. For
the abuses of their courts, though they cannot correct
them entirely, yet they did openly inveigh against
them ; which they would continue still to do, till they
should be sent back to hell, from whence they came.
Every man had full freedom to declare his mind as
to all these abuses : they had laboured in the last
parliament all they could to purge out all errors and

PART III. BOOK VI. 473

abuses ; which, though it had not then the desired
effect, yet they would not give over their endeavours
to bring it to a happy conclusion : and this they would
do, as they desired the continuance of their friendship
and brotherly love."

The others still insisted ; and Sampson, in a letter
from Oxford, the 9th of February 1565-6, toBullinger,
reduces the questions concerning the habits to seven
heads. 1st, If a habit different in form and colour
from the laity ought to be enjoined to the clergy ?
2dly, If the Mosaical ceremonies may be brought into
the Christian church ? 3dly, If it is lawful to conform
to papists in habits and outward rites, and if it is fit-
ting to borrow ceremonies from that corrupt church ?
4thly, If the using a peculiar habit is merely a civil
matter, and if it does not savour of monkery, popery,
and Judaism ? 5thly, If those who have hitherto used
their liberty, may with a good conscience, upon the
account of the Queen's mandate, involve themselves
and the church again in a yoke of bondage? 6thly, If
the popish clerical habit can be called a thing that is
indifferent ? And the 7th is, If they ought to use these
habits, rather than desert their stations ? To these he
begs him to send as soon as may be a full and copious
answer.

A few days after this, Jewel wrote to Bullinger (in
the letter that is in the Collection), " that he was so
attacked by many different hands, that it took him
wholly up to prepare answers to them. He was not
in the House of Lords during the last parliament, in
which there was great heat for a whole month con-
cerning the succession to the crown : but the Queen
would suffer no declaration to be made in that mat-
ter, though it was most vehemently pressed, there ap-
pearing on both sides a great deal of earnestness.
The Queen thought any such declaration would turn
the eyes of the nation too much towards the rising sun.
He says, the controversy about the vestments had
raised great heats. The Queen was fixed, and could
not be wrought on to let any change be made. Some
of their brethren were so eager in disputing about that

!H.
Of

474 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

matter, as if the whole business of religion was con-
cerned in it. They leave their stations and churches
rather than yield a little. Nor were they at all moved
from their stiffness by the most learned letters, that
he and Gaulter had written to them on that subject,
nor by all the advices of their friends. He thanks God
that they had no other, nor more important debates
then among them. Cheyney, bishop of Gloucester,
did indeed in parliament profess himself openly to be

IN UIUD. OO. T- * - J

a Lutheran ; but he was not like to have many fol-
lowers."

In a letter of his, that is also in the Collection,
written to Bullinger on the first of March 1565, he
writes, " that he was overwhelmed with the books that
the papists had written against him, and was by that
means engaged in a profound course of study. He
tells him how Cardinal Grandvell had intended to
cut off the intercourse between England and the
Netherlands ; hoping by that means to provoke the
English to break out into tumults : but the design
turned upon himself; for the English resolving to
settle their trade and staple at Embden, the people
of Flanders could not bear that. The Pope had sent
one to Ireland to raise a flame in that island. But
the Pope's agent, who was an Irishman, was taken
and sent over a prisoner to England. In Scotland
the Queen only had her mass, all the nation being
averse to it."

Slhif"'5 ^ Grindal and Horn's letters it appears, that they

matter, had no other zeal in this matter, but to preserve the

church in the Queen's favour, and in obedience to the

laws : yet in letters that were upon this occasion writ-

coiiect. ten to Zurich (a part of one is in the Collection),

Numb. 86. , i -T it i «

by some others that adhered to bampson, they let
them know that both Parker the archbishop, and
Grindal and Horn, were too much sharpened in this
matter ; therefore they pray them to use their endea-
vours to soften them more towards their brethren : but
they acknowledge that Pilkington of Duresme, Sands
of Worcester, and Parkhurst of Norwich, had by their
moderation made good all their promises ; so they

PART III. BOOK VI. 475

deserved that thanks should be given them : they de-
sire further, that they would write to them all to pro-
ceed more mildly, and endeavour to get those dregs
of popery to be removed ; and that they would tole-
rate, at least connive at, those who did not approve
them. I find Pilkington complains in a letter to Gual-
ter, " that the disputes which began about the vest- Other let-

• i 1 C il il_ 1 1 ter8 writte

ments, were carried much iurther, even to the whole to Zurich
constitution. Pious persons lamented this ; atheists
laughed at it ; and the papists blew the coals, and
were full of hopes upon it. The blame of all was
cast on the bishops. He adds, I confess we suffer
many things against our hearts, groaning under them :
we cannot take them away, though we were ever so
much set on it. We are under authority, and can
innovate nothing without the Queen ; nor can we
alter the laws : the only thing that is left to our choice
is, whether we will bear these things, or break the
peace of the church."

Parkhurst in one letter writes, " Many good peo-
ple are pleased with all that is done ; but there are
some things that do not please me." And in another
he writes, " Matters of religion go on well : there are
but a very few things that I dare find fault with." That
which grieved him most was, that the lives of those who
professed the gospel were so very contrary to it. The
gospel was never preached among them more faith-
fully, and with more zeal : he prays, God grant us
his Spirit that we may walk in his Spirit, and mortify
the works of the flesh. The last letter that those of
Zurich wrote on this subject was on the 26th of Au-
gust 1567, directed to the Bishops of London, Win-
Chester, and Norwich. " They express their grief
that some learned men were deprived : they hear daily
that some of those that had given good proofs of them-
selves in the Marian persecution, were now not only
turned out, but imprisoned : they hear that in Ireland
many that have the same scruples, are yet kept out
of all trouble by the Queen's order, upon the inter-
cession of their bishops : which makes it probable
that the like favour might be obtained in England, if

470 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

the bishops would intercede with her Majesty for it ;
which may the rather be expected, since the bishops
themselves acknowledge, that it were better for the
church that these ceremonies were all laid aside : and
affirm, that they had often moved in parliament tha
they might be taken away, that so the church might
be more pure and less burdened. Therefore they do
not doubt but that they, out of their piety, will endea-
vour to procure favour to their brethren, to which they
do very earnestly, but yet decently and modestly, press
them." Cox, bishop of Ely, who I do not find med-
dled much in these controversies, has in a letter to
Gualter some very sad expressions ; for which there
is too much occasion at all times. " When I consider
the sins that do every where abound, and the neglect
and contempt of the word of God, I am struck with
horror, and tremble to think what God will do with
us. We have some discipline among us with rela-
tion to men's lives, such as it is; but if any man would
go about to persuade our nobility to submit their necks
to that yoke, he may as well venture to pull the hair
out of a lion's beard."

Sands was of the same mind : he lamented the oc-
q,Lntu. casion of this dispute, and hoped to see an end put to
it- In a letter to Bullinger from Worcester, dated the
3d of January 1566, he writes thus : " The true re-

,. _ . X , , , . 1 . ,

hgion of Christ is now settled among us, which is the
most valuable of all things. The gospel is no more
shut up, but is freely preached ; and for other things,
fintm. we need not be much concerned about them. There
is some small dispute concerning the popish vest-
ments, whether they ought to be used or not? But
God will put an end to these things."
or theaf. A few days after that, Jewel, in a letter dated the
stoiiand. 8th of February 1 566, to Bullinger (a part of it is in
collect. the Collection, the rest of it relates to the books he

M limit QO

was then writing in defence of his Apology), tells him,
" that the Queen seemed fixed in her resolution not
to marry : he expresses his great concern that the heat
raised on the account of the surplice was not extin-
guished. He writes, that the affairs of Scotland were

utendis

Numb. 88.

PART III. BOOK VI. 477

not in a quiet state : some of the chief of the nobility
had retired into England; others fortified themselves in
their castles, and were as in a state of war with the pa-
pists. The Queen, though an obstinate papist, yet does
not seem resolved what course she had best take ; for
in matters of religion the greatest part both of the nobi-
lity and people were against her ; and their number
did daily increase. The King of Spain sent lately an
Italian abbot thither with Spanish gold. He was a
subtle and crafty man, and did so far gain not only
on the Queen, but on the King, that though he had
hitherto gone to sermons, and had no mass, yet upon
the assurance of a rich ship that was expected within
a day, he presently ordered mass to be said in his
church ; while Knox in the very next church was
preaching against idolatry, and the whole papal ty-
ranny, with greater zeal than ordinary : but the Spa-
nish ship was furiously shattered by a storm, and was
cast on the coast of England ; so that weak King
would find what he had gained by his going to mass."
Sampson and Humphreys wrote a long and particular
answer to the letter that Grindal and Horn wrote to
Bullinger : but that runs into a tedious controversy,
with which the divines of Zurich wrote that they
would meddle no more in those matters : so I do not
think fit to insert it.

" They complain that the Archbishop had contri-
buted to buy an organ for Canterbury, which was no
sign of his disliking it. They complain that many
were put in prison because they would not provide
godfathers and godmothers for baptizing their chil-
dren : they say the convocation signified little ; for
many things were agreed to in the convocation in the
year 1562, that would have tended to the great good of
the church, but were suppressed ; for nothing was of
force but as the Queen and the Archbishop consented.
And in the last convocation, a very learned man that
belonged to the bishop of Norwich, proposed somewhat
relating to the vestments : to whom a bishop said,
What have you to do in those matters ? We began
them, and we will end them. He answered the bi-

478 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

shop, This matter has been hitherto laid wholly on the
Queen, but now you take it on yourselves. They also
in another paper set forth, that in Queen Mary's days,
when the church of England was broken and dis-
persed, a body of protestants formed themselves into
a church, at London, and had their ministers and dea-
cons, and continued through all her reign, though
many of them were burned : but that, after Queen
Mary's death, the exiles were recalled, and the pri-
soners were set at liberty ; only this church that had
continued all the while in the midst of the flame was
now extinguished. In another letter he assures Simler
there was no danger of Lutheranism ; only, we are
now fighting among ourselves about ceremonies, vest-
ments, and matters of no importance. That matter
has somewhat shaken men of weak minds : I wish that
all, even the smallest remnants of popery, could be
wholly put, not only out of our churches, but chiefly
out of the minds of all people ; but the Queen at this
time cannot bear any alteration in religion."

I shall carry this matter no further, having gone
beyond what I had at first proposed by the impor-
tance of these papers, that give so clear and so true
an account of the beginnings of those unhappy dis-
putes, of which we have seen and do still feel the
unhappy consequences. In these we clearly see what
was the sense of the most eminent and the most learned
of our reformers in those matters. They continued
their correspondence with Zurich as long as those
great men lived with whom they had lodged in
their great distress, and to whom they had been
so singularly obliged, that they were ready always
to acknowledge it, and were often sending presents
to them.
The Queen jn Scotland things were running into great dis-

of Scots ^

maniea order. The Queen, as she liked the person of the Lord
Darnley, and perhaps the better, because he seemed
to be of a soft and gentle temper, and easy to be go-
verned ; so her faithfullest counsellors concurred in ad-
vising the marriage. He was the next heir to the crown
of England after the Queen. For though the Queen

PART III. BOOK VI. 479

Dowager of Scotland, that was Henry the Eighth's
sister, having married the Earl of Angus, after King
James the Fourth was killed ; but falling to be in ill
terms with him, either found or suborned witnesses
(as it was given out) to prove upon him a precontract
in words of the present time, by which she obtained
a sentence dissolving that marriage : yet the daughter
she had born to him was declared legitimate, in the
bull that confirmed the sentence, declaring that mar-
riage dissolved, the original of which I saw : the rea-
son given is, because she was born of the mother's
part bonajide. Lord Darnley being thus descended,
and born within the kingdom of England, might have
been a dangerous competitor for that crown, especially
if he should fortify himself by a prudent marriage,
and a good conduct in England : so it was certainly
good advice given the Queen, since she liked his
person, to secure her right to that succession by this
marriage. When she married him she declared him
King, and put his name on the coin after her own.
The qualities of his mind did not answer the grace-
fulness of his person : for sometimes he was in all
things compliant to the Queen, but that lasted not
long. She had such an affable and obliging air, which
her education in the court of France had much im-
proved, that it was not easy to resist it. At first she
seemed so indifferent as to the matters of religion, that
the minds of the nation were much quieted, when they
concluded that she continued to be a papist more from
principles of honour and interest than from her own
persuasion.

But they came to have other thoughts of her when she shews

, , J -, . i *- TT more «al

she began to express more zeal in those matters. Her in h,r re.
kindred by her mother pushed her on, and she was'slon
animated, both from the court of France, and from
Rome, to restore the popish religion : on these hopes
she set her gates open to all that desired to come to
her mass, and had many masses every day in her
chapel. The body of the Scottish nation did not
easily bear with the mass, which the Queen had at first
privately in her court for herself; and for a very small

480 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

number of servants, who were of her own religion. In
the parliament in the year 1563, a petition was of-
fered by the noblemen, and the superintendents, and
ministers of the reformed religion, which will be found
coii.rt. in tne Collection, setting forth, that whereas in the

Numb 8'l. | • c i tr' i 1 111 T* 1 •

last convention 01 the Kirk, that was held at h,dm-
burgh in June last, some were sent to the Queen with
certain articles to which they desired answer ; and
though the Queen had answered them in part, yet she
referred the further anewer to the present parliament:
so a full answer was now prayed. And whereas in
the parliament held in July 1560, it was enacted, that
the mass, and all papistry should be put out of the
realm, and Christ's religion should be universally re-
ceived ; and that the Queen, by divers proclamations,
has approved Christ's religion, which she found pub-
licly received at her arrival, in particular at Dundee,
on the 15th of September last, in which the King
and Queen did, both by act of council and by procla-
mation, promise, that in this present parliament she
would establish the religion of Christ, and abolish all
laws and constitutions contrary to the same ; upon
which they desired, that the premises might be con-
sidered : and so they laid before the parliament the
articles which they had laid before the Queen and her
council, together with her answer, and the reply made
to it by the Kirk.

Thede In the articles they demand first, That the papis-
"henreS° tical mass, with all idolatry, and the Pope's jurisdic-
fo""'a' tion, might be abolished, not only in the subjects, but
in the Queen's own person : and that the true reli-
gion might be ratified through the whole kingdom,
as well in the Queen's person, as in the subjects : and
that the people might be required to resort on Sundays
to prayers and preaching, as they were before to the
idolatrous mass. Secondly, That provision may be
made for the ministers' maintenance ; and that such
as are admitted into the ministry may have their liv-
ings assigned them where they labour, or in parts ad-
jacent ; and that they may not be put to crave them
of others : and that the benefices then vacant, or that

PART III. BOOK VI. 481

have been vacant since March, anno 1558, or that
shall become vacant, be given to learned persons,
able to preach God's word, upon their trial and ad-
mission by the superintendents. And that no bishop-
rick, abbey, or other ecclesiastical benefice, having
many churches annexed to it, be given to any one
man : but that the churches may be severally disposed
of, so that every man may serve at his own church ;
and that glebes and manses be assigned to them, that
they may reside at their churches, and discharge their
consciences in them ; and that the churches may be
kept in due repair. Thirdly, That none may have
charge of souls, or be put in colleges or universities,
or publicly instruct the youth, but such as are tried by
the superintendents and the visitors of the churches,
and are admitted by them. Fourthly, That lands
founded for hospitals may be restored to the use of
the poor ; and that all rents and profits belonging to
any order of friars be applied to the poor, and for
schools in towns. Fifthly, That horrid crimes, blas-
phemy, sorcery, adultery, incest, and murder, with
many other crimes that are reckoned up, may be se-
verely punished ; and that some order may be taken
for the ease of the labourers of the ground, concerning
the reasonable payment of their tithes, and in the let-
ting of them.

To this the Queen answered, "That as she did not
think that there was any impiety in the mass, so she ™
hoped her subjects would not press her to receive any
religion against her own conscience, which would
throw her into a perpetual unquietness, by the remorse
of her conscience. She would never leave the religion
in which she had been brought up. And it would
be further a great prejudice to her, in that, by her
so doing, she should lose the friendship of the King
of France, the ancient ally of this kingdom, and of
other princes, from whom she may find great sup-
ports : so she will not in an instant put herself in
hazard of losing all her friends. And since she has
not pressed, nor means she hereafter to press, the con-
science of any man, but leaves them to worship God

VOL. in. 2 i

482 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

according to their persuasion, she hopes they will not
press her to offend her own conscience. But when
the parliament meets, her Majesty will consent to
every thing that the three estates shall agree upon ;
and she renews the assurance she had given, that
men's lives or estates shall be in no hazard for any
cause of religion."

As to the second article, "The Queen thought it
not reasonable that she should deprive herself of so
great a part of the patrimony of the crown, by putting
the patronage of benefices out of her hands ; for her
own necessity required the keeping them in her own
hands ; yet she was contented to assign what might
serve for the reasonable sustentation of the ministers.
She referred the other articles to the parliament."

To this answer the Kirk replied, " That the firmness
she expressed to the mass gave no small grief to her
good subjects. Their religion was no other than that
which Christ revealed, and his Apostles preached ;
which differed from the impiety of the Turks, the
blasphemy of the Jews, and the vain superstition of
the papists." And upon that, as they run out into a
high commendation of their religion, so " they require
the Queen, in the name of God, to embrace the means
by which she may be persuaded to the truth : which
they offered presently to her, by the preaching of
God's word, and by public disputation against the
adversaries of it, whensoever she thought it expedient.
And as for the mass, they undertook to prove it to be
a mass of impiety, from the beginning to the end. As
for the prejudice that the Queen thinks would follow
on her changing her religion, by dissolving the alli-
ance she is in with the King of France, and other
foreign princes ; they answer, that the true religion is
the undoubted means to keep up a perfect confederacy
with him, who is the King of kings, and who has the
hearts of all princes in his hands ; which ought to be
more valued than all other confederacies whatsoever."

As to the second article; " They did not intend to
defraud her of the patronages ; but only, that persons
presented to benefices should be tried and examined

PART III. BOOK VI. 483

by the learned men of the Kirk, or the superintendents
appointed for that end. But as the presentations
belong to her, so collation upon them belongs to the
church; and the patrons may not present without
trial and examination: which, if they might do, must
bring great ignorance and disorder into the church.
And it was far against all good conscience, for the
Queen to retain a good part of the benefices in her
own hands. This was so contrary both to all Divine
and human laws, that they were unwilling to open up
that whole matter to her. And therefore they beg
she would consider, that though the patronage of be-
nefices belonged to her, yet the retention of them in
her own hands, and the not giving them to qualified
persons, is ungodly, and contrary to all order, and
ruinous to the souls of the people. They were de-
sirous to have her necessities relieved ; but they add,
that the tithes are the patrimony of the church ; out of
which, in the first place, those who serve in the mi-
nistry ought to be relieved, the churches ought to be
repaired, and the youth instructed. They concluded
with thanks for her willingness to have the ministers
provided for : and they pray, that a special conde-
scending on particulars may be thought on."

But all these petitions were still put off: and the
Queen, by her practice among the nobility, began to
divide them into factions; and plainly said, when these
petitions were read to her, that " she would do no- sPot3WOod.
thing in prejudice of the religion she professed:" and
in wrath told them, " she hoped, before a year was
expired, to have the mass and the catholic religion
professed through the whole kingdom." And she ma-
naged the parliament so dexterously, that neither was
the treaty of Leith, nor the settlement of religion made
in the parliament 1560, so much as named, much less
confirmed. In this parliament, some small provision
was made for the ministers; and acts were made
against sorcery and adultery, that they should be pu-
nished by death. There was indeed an act of oblivion
passed for all that was done from the 6th of March
1558, to the 1st of September 1561 : but the parlia-

2 i 2

484 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

ment of the year 1 560 came to be looked on as an ille-
gal assembly: so that upon this a great alarm was
given to the whole body of the reformed in that kino--
dom; and the jealousy was increased by the Queen's
marrying the Lord Darnley. He had been bred up a
strict papist, but now pretended to be a protestant ;
yet as he was all the while suspected of favouring the
religion he was bred up in, so he quickly returned to
the open profession of it. This gave occasion to ano-
ther petition in a bolder strain, in which the body of
the reformed set forth, "that the true religion was
established in that nation; that the mass, and all the
idolatry and tyrannical usurpations of the Pope were
suppressed, and that they were going on to a perfect
reformation; but that all had been stopped now for
the space of four years. That upon her arrival, that
idol the mass was again set up, and men were put in
offices to which they had no right. From such be-
ginnings they saw what they might look for ; yet, in
hope that God would mollify the Queen's heart, and
out of their desire to maintain the public peace, they
had long expected to see what answer would be made
to their petitions. But they saw things grew daily
worse and worse. The Queen's gates were then set
open, in contempt of proclamations set out by herself
to the contrary. The patrimony of the church was
bestowed on unworthy persons: their ministers were
reduced to great poverty, and put to much trouble.
Vices of all sorts abounded universally: they there-
fore prayed the Queen, to think of redressing these
matters, and to answer their other petitions; assuring
her of all due obedience to her laws and authority.
They also pray that she would give them no occasion
to think that she intended the subversion of the true
religion, and the destruction of those who professed
it : for they assure her, they would never be subject
to that Roman antichrist, nor suffer (as far as it lay in
their power to hinder it) any branches of his usurped
. authority to have place within the realm." This,
Numb. 90. which is in the Collection, prevailed no more than
their other petitions had done.

PART III. BOOK VI. 485

I will add to this a few particulars relating to the
affairs of Scotland, as they are set forth in some of
these letters that were sent me from Zurich. Park-
hurst, bishop of Norwich, in a letter to Bullinger
(which is in the Collection), writes in the year 1566,
" that in March last, an Italian, called Signior David
(whom he charges as skilled in necromancy), who was
in great favour with the Queen, was dragged out of
her room, and stabbed by many hands. And adds,
that an abbot was then so wounded, that though he
escaped, yet he died of his wounds soon after: and
that one Black, a Dominican, in great esteem among
the papists, was also killed in the court. And upon
all that disorder, while the privy-council was sitting,
the lords escaped with their lives: since that time,
the Queen had brought forth a prince. She was re-
conciled to her husband, and had called home her bro-
ther, and the lords that were of the reformed side :
but though the Queen had born her son ten weeks
before he wrote, yet all that while he was not bap-
tized; for she intended to do it with pomp, and many
masses in the great church, though the inhabitants of
Edinburgh were resolved to hinder that: they appre-
hended she would bring over a force from France.
He concludes with a prayer, not very evangelical, that
God would either convert or confound her." There
are circumstances in this letter, of some others killed
with Signior David, that I have found no where else.

About the same time, Grindal wrote likewise a let- 1567
ter to Bullinger, which is also in the Collection ; in
which he thanks him for the letters he had written
over concerning the controversy about the habits. He
writes, " that it was not credible that a question about
things of no moment should have raised so great a
disturbance, as this had done: many, both of the mi-
nisters and the people, were designing to withdraw
from them, and to set up separate meetings; but most
of them were now come to a better mind. He ac-
knowledges their wise and good letters had contri-
buted much towards that: yet some continued still in
their former resolutions. It were an easy thing to re-

48b BURNET'S REFORMATION.

concile them to the Queen, if they could be brought
to change their mind : but till that was done, it was
not in their power to effect it. The bishops upon their
return, and before they were consecrated, had endea-
voured all they could to get those things removed that
gave occasion to the present dispute; but in that they
could not prevail, neither with the Queen nor with
the parliament. So they, upon consulting among
themselves, came to a resolution not to desert their
churches for the sake of a few rites that were not un-
lawful, since the doctrine was entire and pure; in
which they agreed in all things with them of Zurich.
They saw the good effects of these their resolutions :
and those unseasonable contentions about things in-
different, did not edify, but tear the churches.

" From their own affairs he turns to those of Scot-
land ; where he writes, things were in no good state.
They still retained the profession of the truth; but the
Queen endeavoured by all means to extirpate it: she
had lately ordered six or seven masses to be said every
day in her chapel, and admitted all that pleased to
come to them; whereas, at first, she was contented
with one private mass, to which no Scotchman was
admitted ; and whereas it was provided that the mi-
nisters should be maintained out of the revenues of the
church, she had now for three years stopped all pay-
ments; there were no public changes yet made; both
the nobility and the people continued very firm ; of
whom he reckons the Earl of Murray the chief. He
understood that the Queen was in very ill terms with
her husband on this account: there was one David an
Italian, recommended to her by the Cardinal of Lor-
rain, who governed all the councils there, and was
secretary of state. The King, finding he had no re-
gard to him, grew uneasy at it; and being young and
rash, he entered into a conspiracy with some of the
nobility, and some of his court ; so the Italian was
dragged out of the Queen's presence, notwithstand-
ing her earnest entreaties to save him; and he was no
sooner out, than many run their daggers into him ;
so he was murdered without any cause declared. This

PART III. BOOK VI. 487

horrid crime stuck deep in the Queen's heart ; so that,
though she had born a son to him, she could never
forgive him."

The dismal fate of that unfortunate Queen is so
tender a point, that I will say nothing of it, but in the
words of others. There is a letter of Grindal's to Bul-
linger, dated the 21st of June 1567. All in that let-
ter which relates to this matter is in the Collection ;
in which these words will be found : " Scotland is
fallen into new troubles: for their late King Henry,
on the 10th ot February, was found dead in a garden
near his lodgings. It is not yet agreed how he died.
Some say that a few barrels of gunpowder being, on
design, laid under the chamber in which he lay; these
being kindled, the house was blown up, and so he was
thrown out into that garden. Others say, that, in the
night he was dragged out of his chamber and stran-
gled, and that then the house was blown up. The
Earl of Both well was generally thought the author of
this murder : he also procured, by the authority of the
Archbishop of St. Andrew's, a divorce from his law-
ful wife : and on the 15th of May last, the Queen had
married him, and created him Duke of Orkney. Al-
most all the nobility had left the court before this
marriage, when they saw that no inquiry was made
into the King's murder ; they had a meeting at Stir-
ling, where it appeared by clear evidences, that the
murder was committed by Both well : so an army was
brought together on design to seize on him, but he
made his escape ; and it was not then known whither
he was gone. Some say the Queen was besieged in
a certain castle; and others say she was made a pri-
soner in the castle of Edinburgh, as having been con-
scious to the murder of her husband. But whatso-
ever may be in this, that infamous marriage must end
tragically: with this he concludes that matter, pro-

• 11

raising him a more particular account, when the cer-
tainty of it was better understood."

To this I will add another relation that may be
more certainly depended on. Cardinal Laurea, whom
the Pope had sent to be his nuncio in Scotland, may

488 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

be supposed to have had the best information that he
could procure from those of her party, and of her re-
ligion, and he would certainly have put the best face
possible on that matter ; especially after her tragical
fate, which raised an universal disposition in all people
to think as well of her as was possible ; but chiefly
among those of that religion : so that I know no re-
lation of that affair that can be so certainly depended
on (making still some allowances for the softenings
of a partial writer), as that which we find in that Car-
dinal's life, which was written by the Abbot of Pig-
nerol, and was printed at Bologna in the year 1599,
in which he gives this account of this whole matter.
Pope Pius the Fifth sent Laurea to be his nuncio
in Scotland, to assist and encourage the Queen in her
zeal ; he sent by him twenty thousand crowns to her,
as an earnest of further supplies ; and wrote to her
with his own hand, recommending his Nuncio to
her. The Nuncio came to Paris in the dog-days,
and brought him who writes his life along with him
to be his secretary. He received letters from the
Queen of Scots by the hands of the Archbishop of
Glasgow, who was then her ambassador in France :
by these she expressed her desires that he might come
to Scotland as soon as might be ; but wished him to
delay coming till he should hear from her once more,
that she might have all things prepared for his re-
ception. He upon that wrote to her in a very vehe-
ment style, pressing her to zeal and fortitude of mind,
in carrying on the restoring the catholic religion in
her kingdom: with that he sent her over four thousand
crowns, and sent one Edmund Hay, a Jesuit, and a
man of a cunning and penetrating temper, to be a
secret assistant to her : in particular, he pressed her
either to punish, or at least to disgrace Lethington,
who he believed set on all the tumults, and was a de-
termined heretic, and a favourer of the Earl of Murray.
Life of Con has printed these letters. Pius the Fifth's
Ma7y, letter bears date the 16th of June 15G6. In it, " he
atRomc recommends his Nuncio to her confidence, who was
an. tea-*, then Bishop of Mondovi (Montis Regalis), and pro

PART III. BOOK VI. 489

mises all possible assistance to her, in her design of
bringing back her kingdom to the obedience of the
holy see." Queen Mary's answer bears date the 9th
of October that year from Edinburgh : " she in it ac-
knowledges the Pope's favour and bounty to her : she
adds some high expressions of her sense of the Pope's
zeal and piety ; and promises to treat his Nuncio with
all respect and confidence. She tells him that she
had born a son, and that she had brought her nobi-
lity, though not without much difficulty, to consent
that he should be publicly baptized after the manner
of the catholic church. She promises to bring him
up in that religion : and she hoped this should prove
a good beginning of restoring the right use of the
sacraments in her dominions." The Pope seemed
much pleased with this beginning of his pontificate ;
and in his answer, on the 22d of January following,
" he congratulates the birth and baptism of her son,
and prays that it may have a good effect."

Three months passed before Laurea had any inti-
mation from the Queen concerning his coming over:
upon which he sent the Bishop of Dunblane, who
was then at Paris, with copious advices to that Queen,
and continued to press her very earnestly by his let-
ters to admit of his coming over : the substance of
all which is set forth in his life. He tells us further,
" that the Queen held a convention of the estates,
and had obtained two things of them not without dif-
ficulty : the one was, that her child should be bap-
tized according to the rites of the Roman church ;
and the other was, that the Pope's Nuncio should be
admitted with due respect." Upon this the Nuncio
designed to go to Antwerp, thinking that the navi-
gation would be safer from thence than from Calais.
But then he adds, " that such a barbarous and im-
pious crime was committed in Scotland, that it gave
a horror to think of it, much more to write of it." Of
what follows in that life I will add a verbal translation.

" The King, as was said, had the small-pox ; upon
which, that the contagion might not endanger the
Queen, he retired to a house at some distance from

490 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

the palace. As he began to recover, he was often
visited by her. One day they supped together, and
after much discourse, and that they had diverted
themselves till it was late, the Queen pretended she
could not stay with him all night, for one of her
maids of honour being married that day, she must,
according to the custom of former queens, see the bride
put to bed. She was scarce gone, when some gun-
powder that was secretly laid under the house was
fired, so that the whole house was blown up, and the
King killed : though some said that he was not blown
up, but that, hearing some noise of armed men, he
had got out by a back-door into a neighbouring gar-
den ; and that he and one of his servants were stran-
gled before the house was blown up. It is certain
that the King's dead body was found in that garden,
with no other hurt, but that about his neck a blackness
appeared all round it. When this base murder was
known, all people were struck with horror : some
spoke severely of the Queen herself; libels were pub-
lished upon it; and some having discovered that
Both well was the author of this horrid murder, they
charged him as being not only an assassin, but a
cruel hangman. It being on such occasions ordi-
nary for people to search into and to discover such
thin gs.

o

" Bothwell, though a heretic, had been always zeal-
ous for the Queen, and faithful to her ; and he had
lately with great courage rescued her out of a danger
she was in from a very great sedition : besides that,
the Queen loved him desperately ; therefore he, in
hope to be married to the Queen, first divorced his
wife, as if upon adultery that might be so done, that
he might marry another wife, and then he cruelly con-
trived the murdering the King. The Queen after she
had borne down some very wicked reports concern-
ing herself and Bothwell, being afraid of some tu-
mult that might have been fatal to them, thought fit
to leave Edinburgh. So she carried her son with her
to Stirling, a place of defence : having laid (as is
probable) a design with Bothwell how matters were

PART III. BOOK VI. 491

to be managed. A few days after, she pretended to
go out a hunting; then Both well with two hundred
horse seemed to surprise her, and to seize her by force.
But the Queen coming back with him to the Castle,
presently made him duke of Orkney, and declared
him her husband. That marriage did neither prove
happy nor lasting : it being a conjunction that had
nothing of the matrimonial dignity in it, but had
sprung from a partnership in an unworthy crime.
Murray was then out of Scotland ; but he had left
Lethington among others behind him, who were to
raise new quarrels and tumults upon every occasion.
It was easy to Lethington to work up the minds of the
people, who were universally enraged against the
Queen and Bothwell, to a great flame : therefore a
tumultuary army being in haste brought together at
Edinburgh, they marched towards Stirling. But
when the Queen heard that, she, with a few women,
and some of her court, went to them. They received
her with due respect : and being asked why they came
thither armed, they answered, they came only to pu-
nish Bothwell for the crimes committed by him, both
in the base and cruel murder of the King, and in the
force he had put on her person. The Queen justified
Bothwell ; and said, he had done nothing but by her
consent : this did provoke them to such a degree of
indignation, that they cried all out with one voice,
' Then, Madam, you shall be our prisoner :' and with-
out more delay, they imprisoned her in a castle with-
in an island in Lochlevin ; appointing only one foot-
man and two ordinary women to attend upon her."

Thus the Pope's Nuncio understood this matter.
There are some inconsiderable circumstances in this
relation wrong told ; yet the main of the story agree-
ing with other relations, shews how falsely this matter
has been since that time represented, not only by
writers in the church of Rome, but by many among
ourselves, to put better colours on this odious business.
To this (that I may end all this unhappy matter at
once, without adding any reflections on it, or telling

492 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

what were the censures that passed on this occasion;
of which I have a great variety on both sides by me,
in books printed very near that time), I shall only add
another very important passage, that is in the life of
r.74. that Cardinal, relating to the Testament, which that
Queen wrote with her own hand in French, the day
before she was beheaded. In it " she expressed her
constant zeal for the catholic religion ; and provided,
that if the Prince, her son, did not renounce the false
and heretical persuasion which he had drunk in, the
inheritance of the crown of England should never de-
scend to him ; but should devolve from him to Philip
king of Spain. When this original will was brought
to the Cardinal, he examined it with great care; that
so it might appear that it was truly her last will, and
that it ought to be acknowledged as such. He com-
pared it with the letters he had formerly received from
that Queen : and not only he himself, but one Lewis
Owen, an Englishman (bishop of Casana), then at
Rome, whom the writer calls a pious and a most honest
man, signed and attested it. The will being thus con-
firmed, and as it were fortified by a public authority,
he delivered it to the Count of Olivares, the King of
Spain's ambassador, that it might be faithfully trans-
mitted to that King himself." I have put the words
of the author of that life, in the language in which he
collect, wrote it, in the Collection ; so that the reader may

Numb. Qt. , -i • T i • -11 • •

compare the translation 1 have given with the origi-
nal. I leave this dismal relation as I found it in these
vouchers, without any further canvassing of that black
affair ; which was followed by a train of very extra-
ordinary transactions.

The Scottish nation, both papists and protestants,
concurred in the new settlement; of which I shall give
a particular account from an authentic proof lately
found in Scotland, and now kept in the library of the
college of Glasgow : it is the first bond of association
that was entered into, upon the resignation of the
crown, which the Queen was prevailed on to make
(by force, as she afterwards declared, when she made

PART III. BOOK VI. 493

her escape out of the prison, with which she was
threatened) ; she sent it by the Lord Lindsay (ancestor
to the Earl of Crawford), and the Lord Ruthven, after-
wards made Earl of Gowry. This bears date at Edin-
burgh, the 24th of July 1567. By it she resigned
the crown to her son ; and during his infancy, she
named the Earl of Murray to be regent, who was then
in France, and did not come to Scotland, at least he
did not sign this bond, before the 22d of August. But
in the council-book, on the 25th of July, the bond it-
self is entered on record ; and the council removing
to Stirling on the 29th of July, the Queen's resigna-
tion was presented, and received by the Earls of Mor-
ton, Athol, Glencairn, Mar, Monteith. the Master of
Grame, the Lord Home, and the Bishop of Orkney,
in the name of the three estates : and the Earl of Mor-
ton taking the coronation-oath in the name of the
Prince, he was anointed and crowned by the Bishop
of Orkney, who did indeed little honour to this cere-
mony ; for he, a few days before, had performed the
nuptial ceremonies between the Queen and the Earl
of Bothwell. Upon all this, the bond (which is in the
Collection) was made to this purpose : ''That whereas o>u«ct.
the Queen, being weary of the pains and travail of
government, and desiring that in her life-time her son
might be placed in the kingdom, and be obeyed by
all her subjects, had resigned the crown in favour of
her son : they therefore promised, and bound them-
selves to assist their King, in setting him on the throne,
and putting the crown on his head : and that they
should give their oaths of homage, with all dutiful
obedience to him, as became true subjects ; and should
concur in establishing him in his kingdom, and resist
all such as should oppose it."

This was made up in some sheets of vellum ; and
there are above two hundred hands of the most emi-
nent families of that kingdom set to that bond. Twenty-
five of these were then earls and lords ; and there are
fifteen others, whose families are since that time ad-
vanced to be of the nobility. The noblemen are, the

494 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

Earl of Murray (who signs James, regent), the Earls
of Huntley, Argyle, Athol, Morton, Mar, Glencairn,
Errol, Buchan ; the Lords Graham, Home, Ruthven,
Sanquar, Glamis, Lindsay, Carlisle, Borthwick, Inner-
maith, Uchiltry, Sempil, Methven, Cathcart, Grey,
Ross, Lovat, and the Master of Montrose ; for earls'
sons were then so designed. The noble families,
whose ancestors signed this bond, are, Buccleugh,
Queensberry, Athol, Roxburgh, Anandale, Galloway,
Findlater, Panmur, Dalhousy, Leven, Stair, Kenmore,
Jedburgh, Cranston, Kircudbright.

Besides those who subscribed the first bond, there
b e was a second bond (that is likewise in the Collection),
' entered into in April 1569 ; " by which they did not
only acknowledge the King's authority, but likewise
(during the King's minority) the authority of the Earl
of Murray, as regent ; renouncing all other authority.
And they swear to observe this bond ; in which, if
they failed, they are contented to be counted false,
perjured, and defamed for ever." This, besides many
of those who signed the former bond, was signed by
the Earls of Crawford and Cassilis, and the Lords
Salton, Ogilby, Oliphant, and the ancestors of the
Earls of Seaforth and Southesk, and of the Lord
Duffus. And in a subsequent bond, signed to the Earl
of Morton when he was regent, there are five other
lords who signed it : the Earl of Angus, ancestor to
the Duke of Douglas ; the Lords Levingston, Drum-
mond, Boyd, and Hoy of Yester, the ancestors of the
Earls of Linlithgow, Perth, and Kilmarnock, and of
the Marquis of Tweedale.

These were for the greatest part protestants : but

joined with - •I'-i-ii mi

there were many papists that joined with them. 1 he
Earl of Huntley, ancestor to the present Duke of Gor-
don, was the head of the popish party. The Earl of
Athol, whose name was Stuart, and whose family is
since extinct in the male line, protested against the Re-
formation in parliament, and had assisted at the bap-
tism of the young King, in the popish manner. And
besides these, the Lords Oliphant, Grey, Sempil,

PART III. BOOK VI. 495

Maxwell, and Borthwick, were still papists. Thus,
as the war against the Queen Regent (eight years
before) was engaged in on national grounds, this great
revolution of that kingdom seems to have proceeded,
as to the civil part, upon the same principles. So that
whatsoever was done in this matter, was done not upon
the grounds of the Reformation, but upon national
grounds and pretended precedents and laws : in all
which the Queen of England had secretly a great hand,
how much soever it was disguised or denied.

The interest of state was clearly of her side : for the ™es™
house of Guise, that began to form great projects in moved
France, laid a main part of their scheme in the design ^h
of advancing the unfortunate Queen of Scotland to the ^f
crown of England ; and in the view of that succession, °f Scotland
many plots were formed to destroy that glorious Queen.
They also practised upon the King her son, as soon
as he was capable of being wrought on by the Duke
of Lenox, and others ; whom they employed about
him, to keep him in a dependence on them. They
assured him he should still be King of Scotland; their
design being, that if their practices against Queen
Elizabeth had succeeded, his mother should have left
Scotland to him, when she was advanced to the crown
of England. They did likewise engage him to con-
tinue unmarried : though he, being the only person
of his family, it was otherwise very reasonable to marry
him soon. Yet they durst not venture on a popish
match, till their great design on the crown of England
had succeeded : and they would by no means suffer
him to marry into a protestant family.

They kept him so much in their management, that
the Queen of England and her wise council, under-
standing all this practice, raised those jealousies of
his religion, and made such discoveries of that secret
correspondence he was in with the house of Guise,
chat to this all the troubles that the Kirk gave him were
chiefly owing. The leaders among them knew, from The
the intelligence sent them by the court of England, j,
more than they thought fit to own, or than could be

496 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

well proved. This was the true cause of all that
peevish opposition that he met with from the mi-
nisters there : which is copiously set forth by Arch-
bishop Spotswood. But either he knew not, or did
not think fit to set that out, as the effect of the jea-
lousy raised by the court of England, on the account
of the confidence in which he was engaged with the
house of Guise.

But as these practices had a fatal conclusion with
relation to the unfortunate Queen Mary, after her long
imprisonment, so when upon the murder of the Duke
of Guise, and the successes in the beginning of Henry
the Fourth of France's reign, all those projects of that
ambitious and persecuting house were at an end ; the
King of Scotland married a daughter of Denmark,
and continued still after that in a confidence with the
Queen of England, which secured to him the succes-
sion to that crown.

In giving this short view, which I thought im-
portant, and in which I was instructed by many pa-
pers that I have seen, I have run a great way beyond
my design ; which was only to open the first settle-
ment of the Reformation in the isle of Great Britain,
now happily by her late Majesty united into one
kingdom: so that nothing remains to be written in
pursuance of that. Only, since upon some public
occasions, I have referred to a declaration of Queen
Elizabeth's (by which she owned and justified the
assistance that she gave to the subjects, both of Scot-
land, and in the Netherlands, in the necessary defence
to which the illegal cruelty of their governors forced
them); and since I have been challenged to publish
it, not without insinuations that it was a forgery ; I
collect, have thought it proper to conclude my Collection of
b'97' Records with that declaration;* that so a paper of
such importance may be preserved, and may be more
generally read.

* Strype (Annals of the Reformation under Queen Elizabeth, anno 1505)
cites this declaration after Holinshed, and supposes it to have been drawn up
by the Lord Treasurer Burghley, as it probably was. — N.

PART III. BOOK VI. J1I7

1 now conclude this work ; in which, as I have ftecon
faithfully set out every thing, according to the mate- °
rials and vouchers with which I was furnished, so I
have used all proper means to procure the best infor-
mation that I could. It remains, that I leave this to
posterity as the authentic history of a series of great
transactions, honestly (though often feebly) conducted,
with good intentions and happy beginnings, though
not carried on to the perfection that was designed
and wished for.

The proviso that had passed in Henry the Eighth's
time, that continued all the canon-law then received
in England, till a code of ecclesiastical laws was pre-
pared, which though attempted, and well composed,
was never settled ; has fixed among us many gross
abuses, besides the dilatory formsof those courts,which
make all proceedings in them both slow and chargeable.
This has ina great measure enervated all church dis-
cipline. A faint wish, that is read on Ash-Wednesday,
intimates a desire of reviving the ancient discipline;
yet no progress has been made to render that more
effectual.

The exemptions settled by the papal authority do
put many parts of this church in a very disjointed
state; while in some places the laity, and in many
others presbyters, exercise episcopal jurisdiction, inde-
pendent on their bishops ; in contradiction to their
principles, while they assert a Divine right for settling
the government of the church in bishops, and yet prac-
tise episcopal authority in the virtue of an act of par-
liament, that provisionally confirmed those papal inva-
sions of the episcopal power ; which is plainly that,
which by a modern name is called Erastianism, and is
so severely censured by some who yet practise it ; since
whatsoever is done under the pretence of law. against
the Divine appointment, can go under no better name,
than the highest and worst degree of Erastianism.

The abbots, with the devouring monasteries, had
swallowed up a great part of that which was the true
patrimony of the church : these houses being sup-

VOL. nj. 2 K

498 BURNET'S REFORMATION.

pressed, unlimited grants were made of their lands,
without reserved provisions for the subsistence of those
who were to serve at the altar : this has put a great
part of our clergy under cry ingnecessities; and though
the noble bounty of the late Queen has settled funds
for their relief, the good effect of that comes on but
slowly : yet it is some comfort to think that within an
age there will be an ample provision for all that serve
in the church ; and upon that prospect we may hope
that many abuses will be then quite abolished.

But with all these defects we must rejoice in this,
that our doctrine is pure and uncorrupted; that our
worship is truly a reasonable service, freed from ido-
latry and superstition; and that the main lines of our
church government agree to the first constitution of
the churches by the Apostles : so that upon the grounds
laid down by St. John, all may " hold fellowship with
us, since we hold fellowship with the Father, and with
the Son Jesus Christ."

May we all adhere firmly to the doctrine of the Apos-
tles, and continue in their fellowship, in sacraments
and prayers, suitably to the rules laid down by them:
contending earnestly for the faith delivered by them to
the saints, the first Christians ! And may all " who
believe in God be careful to maintain good works for
necessary uses," which are both " good and profitable
unto men ; avoiding foolish questions and contentions,
for they are unprofitable and vain !"

May we all continue to recommend our doctrine
and church by a holy and exemplary deportment,
" shining as lights, and walking worthy of God, who
has called us to his kingdom and glory;" improving
all the advantages that we have, and bearing with all
the defects that we labour under, using our best endea-
vours to have them redressed; yet still keeping the
" unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace;" waiting for
such a glorious conjuncture, as may restore every
thing among us to a primitive purity and splendour:
which God may, perhaps, grant to the prayers of those
who call on him night and day for it.

PART III. BOOK VI. 49<)

But if we never see so happy a time upon earth, we
know if we continue watchful and " faithful to the
death, "we shall arrive at last at a blessed society of
" innumerable companies of angels, and the spirits of
just men made perfect ; of whom is composed the ge-
neral assembly and church of the first-born, who are
written in heaven," w.ho see and erijoy God for ever.
In the view of directing myself and others thither I
have written, and now I%> conclude this work

END OP PART HI-

2 K 2

AN ADDITION.

i

I HAVE laid out, by all the methods I could think
on, for that MS. of Archbishop Spotswood's History,
that I mention page 429. I once thought I had
found it, for I fell on one copy, that had belonged to
the late Duke of Lauderdale ; but it was not that
which had belonged to me : yet, by that, I see that
Archbishop came gradually, and not all at once, out
of his first opinion. For in this MS. there is a ma-
terial difference in the correction that is in the Arch-
bishop's own hand, from the first draught. The first
draught is, " that princes may commit offences de-
serving deprivation :" but the correction is, " they
may fall into great offences/' without any more. A
little after he had written, " whatsoever may be thought
of this opinion ;" which imports some doubt concern-
ing it : these words are* fcMickxjutV but so that they are
still legible. A little after that, the MS. has it, that
"by an act of council, all the errors committed by
the Queen Regent were reckoned up." This is soft-
ened, by these words inserted after errors ; " alleged
to have been committed." Thus it appears, that the
Archbishop's first notions had carried him to write in
a style that wanted great correction, as his thoughts
grew into a better digestion, or as his interests car-
ried him to see things in a different light from that in
which they had at first appeared to him.

1XDEX.

I N D E X.

ABRFY-LANDS, restitution of, urged by

some preachers, iii. 358.
Abbots, foment the discontents of the
people, on the suppression of religious
houses, i. 365. many surrender their
abbeys, 379. 430. several attainted of
treason, 384. , sat in' parliament, 412.
431.

Abel, Fetherston, and Powel, attainted
for denying the King's supremacy, i.
477. 580. their conduct at their execu-
tion, 480.
Abjuration of heretical doctrines, i. 44,

45. 270.

Absolution, ii. 105, 106. forms of, 107.
117. 270. of the dead, 118. granted to
the realm by Cardinal Pole, 455.
Abstract of the things written for King

Henry's divorce, i. 158 167.
Admission of bishops to their sees, ii. 68.
Adrian, tutor to Charles V. chosen pope,

i. 6. dies, i/».
Adultery, suit of divorce for, ii. 89. laws

relative to, 317.
Agricola, Islebius, assists in drawing up

the Interim, ii. 137.

Ailmer, archdeacon of Stow, ii. 407. dis-
putes with the Papists concerning the
sacrament, 409 414.
Ailmer, bishop of London, tutor to the
Lady Jane Gray, iii. 312. his account
of the proceedings against the reformed
clergy, 340.

Alasco, John, with a congregation of Ger-
mans established in London, ii. 246.
writes against the habits, ih. iii. 306.
employed in revising the ecclesiastical
laws, ii. 311. with his congregation
sent out of England, 387.
Albany, duke of, i. 9-
Alesse, Alexander, an account of, i. 315.
note, 495. his opinion about the sacra-
ments, 345. translates the Common
Prayer Book into Latin, ii. 247.
Alexander de Medici, made duke of Flo-
rence, i. 137.
Alley, bishop of Exeter, ii. 623. translates

the Pentateuch, 628.
Altars in churches turned to tables, ii.

252, 253.

Aljihonso, King Philip's confessor,

preaches in favour of toleration, ii. 4 74.

Alva, I'i'ke of, ii. 335. reluctantly engages

in a war against the Pope, 536. his

success, 551. asks pardon of the Pope,

551. and receives absolution, after ne-
gotiating a peace between bun and Phi-
lip of Spain, 552.

Anabaptists, opinions of, hi* 177. con-
demned, i. 347. proceedings against,
176, 177. iii. 176. 240. excepted in the
act of grace, 223.

Angiers, university of, determines against
the lawfulness of King, Henry's mar-
riage, i. 149. iii. 94.

Angus, earl of, ii. 52. banished from Scot-
land, iii. 63.

Annates, an act against, i. 191. 256.
Anne Boleyn, an account of her by San-
ders, i. 6.). refuted, 66. Camden's ac-
count of her birth, 69. carried .over to
France, i/'. iii. 105. returns to England,
i. 70. contracted to (he Lord Percy,71.
the King fixes his thoughts upon her,
72. Henry's letters to her, iii. 62. her
letters to Cardinal VVolsey, i. 88. . re-
turns to court, 127. created marchioness
oi IVmbroke, 203. .married to King
Henry, 205. iii. 106. bears Queen Eliza-
beth, i. 212. declared Queen of England,
'213. crowned, 215. favours the Re-
formers, 279. her charity to the poor,
316. the popish party earnestly ser
agninst her, 316. the King's jealpusv
of her, 3 17. restrained to her chamber,
319. carried to the Tower, ' ib, pleads
her innocence, 320. iii. 178. but con-
fesses some indiscreet w.ords, i . 32 1 . her
trial, 525. iii. 179. upon an extorted
confession is divorced, 328. her prepa-
ration for death, 3-'9, and execution,
330. iii. 181. censures passed on those
proceedings, i. 331.

Anne of Cleves, marriage proposed be-
tween her and King Henry, i. 412. -435.
brought over to England, 136. much
disliked by the King, ib. but vet he
marries her, 439. iii. 215. a divorce
designed by the King, i. 449. iii. '.'16.
221. to which she consents, i. 453.

Annebault,the French Admiral, concludi s
an agreement with King Henry for a
Reformation, i 546.

Anointing of the sick, ii. 123.

Apostles' Creed explained, i. 4<>3.

Appeals to Rome, an act against, i. 2_06.

Argyle, earl of, ii. 52. appointed to carry
the matrimonial crown into France,
573. mediates between the Queen Re-
gent and the Protestant Lords,

502

INDEX.

Armada, Spanish, destroyed, ii. 644.
Arran, earl of, assumes the government
of Scotland, on the death of James V.
i. 519. inclines to the Reformation,
520. opposed by the Queen Mother and
Cardinal Beaton, ib. brought over to
the French interest, 521, 522. marches
against the Duke of Somerset, ii. 52. re-
jects his offers, 53. defeated at Pinkey,
54. his interest much impaired, 56.
made Duke of Chatelherault in France,
131.— See Chatelherault.
An an, earl of, proposed as a husband to

Queen Elizabeth, iii. 445.
Arras, bishop of, his conference with the
English Ambassadors, ii. 210. 223. 349.
deceived by Maurice of Saxony, 335.
deceived in his hopes on the Duke of
Somerset's fall, iii. 288. negotiates a
peace with France, ii. 570. iii. 399. to
be at leisure to extirpate heresy, 400.
Arthur, prince, married to the Infanta of

Spain, i. 54. his death, 55.
Arthur, Thomas, brought before Cardinal

Wolsey for heresy, i. 53. abjures, ib.
Articles of Religion agreed to by the Con-
vocation, i. 346. published by the
King's authority, 350, 394. variously
censured, 351. in King Edward's time,
ii. 265 — 268. iii. 3 1 6. not passed in
Convocation, ib. but authorised by the
King, 318. and sent to the Archbishop
of Canterbury, 319. to the Bishop of
Norwich, 320. and to the University
of Cambridge, 321. alterations made
on the accession of Elizabeth, 453,
454. ii. 626.
Articles and injunctions for the visitation

of bishopricks, ii. 43, 44.
Arundel, earl of, joins the party formed
against the Duke of Somerset, ii. 215.
appointed one of the governors of the
King's person, 220. fined 12000/. 238.
sent to the Tower, 285. informs the Lady
Mary of King Edward's death, 361.
presses the council to desert the Lady
Jane, 369, 370. proclaims Queen Mary,
370. arrests the Duke of Northumber-
land, 371. made lord-steward, :ib9.
sent to treat a peace with France, 570.
Arundel, Sir Thomas, imprisoned for a
conspiracy, ii. 284. tried, and sentenced
to lose his head, 290.
Arundel, of Cornwall, commands the
Devonshire rebels, ii. 184. taken and
hanged, 189.
Ascham, Roger, tutor to Queen Elizabeth,

ii. 662.
Ash-Wednesday, carrying of ashes on,

forbidden, ii. 94.

Ask, commands the rebels in Yorkshire,
i. 368. receives the Earl of Shrews-
bury's herald in state, but suffers him
not to publish hia message, 370. sent

for to court, and received kindly by
the King, 376. joins a new insurrec-
tion, but is taken and executed, 377.

Askew, Anne, the troubles of, i. 547. en-
dures the rack, 549. burnt with some
others, ib.

Association, bond of, for the defence of the
young King of Scotland, iii. 492. 494.

Attainder, acts of, i. 425, 446. without
hearing the parties, 578.

Audley, Sir Thomas, speaker of the House
of Commons, complains of the Bishop
of Rochester, i. 133. made lord-chan-
cellor, 202. the first monastery that
was dissolved given to him, 306. pre-
vents prosecutions upon the Six Arti-
cles, iii. 226. his speech on the open
ing of parliament, 337. his friendshij
to Grafton the printer, 480. dies, 532.
iii. 243.

Augsburg Confession, proposed to King
Henry, i. 409.

Augsburg, diet of, ii. 82, 83 511. re-
ceives the Interim, 137. taken by
Maurice, 339.

Austin the Monk, ii. 115.

Auricular Confession, i. 414. 591. ii. 301.
laid down, ii. 102, 103. origin of the
practice, 104.

Ave Maria explained, i. 468.

Avocation of the suit of divorce to Rome,
pressed for, i. 111. great con tests about
it, 113. 120. granted by the Pope, 121.

BACON, Sir Nicholas, projects a seminary
for ministers of state, i. 432. one of
Queen Elizabeth's council, ii. 581. made
Lord-keeper, 588. his speech to the
parliament, 590. presides in the con-
ference between the Papists and Pro-
testants, 601.

Bainham, James, his sufferings for re-
ligion, i 269. burnt in Smithfield, 270
Baker, Judge, opposes King Edward's
settlement of the crown, ii. 353. yields
through fear, 354.
Bale, sent into Ireland, to be bishop of

Ossery, ii. 327.

Baptism, i. 347. 465. form of, ii. 122.
124. performed by women, 123. of in-
fants, 130.

Barlow, made prior of Haverford West,
iii. 158. persecuted for preaching the
gospel, ib. made bishop of St. Asaph's,
and afterwards translated to St. David's,
159. surrenders the abbey of Bush-
lisham, i. 379, 380. exposes the super-
stition of the clergy of his diocese, 391.
sent into Scotland to dissipate the pre-
judices against the Reformation, 495.
514. removed to Bath and Wells, ii.
347. resigns, 428. a book forged in
his name, ib. carried beyond sea, iii.
341. assists at the consecration of Arch-

INDEX.

503

bishop Parker, ii. 623. made bishop
of Chichester, 624. translates part of
the Apocrypha, 629.

Barnes, Dr., sent on an embassy into
Germany, iii. 165. shews Lambert's
paper against the corporal presence to
Cranmer, i. 406. some account of him,
474. reflects on Gardiner in a sermon
at Paul's Cross, 475. retracts certain
articles before the King, ib. and at the
Spittle, 476. but is condemned by par-
liament, ih. his speech at the stake,
477. iii. 224.

Barton, Elizabeth. — See Maid of Kent.

Basil, council of, iii. 2. quarrels with
the Pope, 3.

Bath, earl of, joins Queen Mary on her
accession, ii. 367.

Battel Abbey, founded by William the con-
queror, i. .102. depredations made on
the property belonging to, 330. repre-
sented to be a little Sodom, 389.

Bajn, bishop of Coventry and Litchfield,
ii. 429. refuses the oath of supremacy,
612. 614.

Bayonne, bishop of, sent to Rome, to
assist King Henry's agents in the suit
of divorce, i. 105, 106. gives his opinion
of the Pope's dispensation, iii. 65. his
quarrel with the Duke of Suffolk, 73.
sent to Paris, 83. his dispatches to
King Henry on his return, 128. made
bishop of Paris, ib. which see.

Beaton, cardinal, i. 514. condemns Pa-
trick Hamilton to the flames, i. 491.
persecutes friar Seaton, 493. and others,
494. negotiates a marriage between
James V. and Mary of Guise, 496.
forges a will for the King of Scotland,

519. put under restraint, but escapes,
and heads a party against the governor,

520. gets Wishart the reformer into
his hands, 537. whom he condemns
after a mock trial, 538. witnesses his
execution, 539. his death predicted, ib.
is slain, 540.

Becket, Thomas, King Henry's account
of, iii. 207.

Becket's shrine the richest in England, i.
39^, 393. account of his death and
canonization, 392. the shrine broken,
and his name struck out of the calen-
dar, 393, 394.

Beckles, burning of heretics at, ii. 52).

Beda, one of the doctors of the Sorbonne,
opposes King Henry's divorce, iii. 87,
8U.

Bedford, earl of, ii. 284. went to Zurich
on Queen Mary's accession, iii. 411.
the divines there write to him on his
return, il>. his zeal for the Reformation,
413. presses the Queen to send for
Peter Martyr, 414. sent as an ambas-
sador extraordinary into France, 4 IB

Begging friars, grow much in credit, i.
3i> t.

Bell, bishop of Worcester, resigns, i. 53.3.
iii. 242.

Bellay, bishop of Paris, sent with Henry's
submission to the Pope, i. 2-0. the
failure of his negotiation, 222. his
memoirs, iii. 57.

Bellay, Martin de, iii. 76, 77. describes
the proceedings of the Sorbonne, in
the matter of King Henry's divorce,
87. his account of the conclusion of
that business at Rome, 135.

Bellinghame, Sir Edw ird, deputy of Ire-
land, ii. 3t5; represses a rebellion
there, ib.

Bembridge, signs a recantation, but after-
wards ordered to be burnt, ii. 568. iii.
396.

Benefices, laws relative to, ii. 317. col-
lating to, iii. 268.

Benefield, Sir Henry, the Lady Elizabeth
committed to his charge, ii. 441. .165.
his reception at court on her accession
to the throne, 579.

Benefit of clergy, an act debarring from,
ii. 50'{.

Bennct, Dr., sent ambassador to Rome, i.
109. with the opinions of the Univer-
sities, &c. 193. corrupts the Cardinal
of Itavenna by bribes, 196. his propo-
sitions to end the matter of the di-
vorce, 205.

Bei.tham, remains in England during the
persecution, ii. 527. made bishop of
Coventry and Litchfield, 6-3. trans-
lates the Psalms, 628.

Berkley, bishop of Bath and Wells, ii.
623.

Bertram's book of the body and blood of
Christ, ii. 170.

Best, bishop of Carlisle, ii. 624.

Betlesden, resignation of the monastery
of, i. 381.

Bible, translation of, into English de-
signed,iii. 240. i. 313. ii. 119. 628. con-
demned bv the convocation, iii. 77.
approved by the Kin™, 78 opposed by
Gardiner, i. 314. by Stokesley, iii.
2)0. printed at Paris, 316. at Lon-
don, 400. the people encouraged to
read it, 401. proclamation for the free
use of, 433. ordered to be set up in all
churches, 486, ii. 43. burnt at Uxi'ord,
538.

Bidding the beads, ii. 47.

Bill, one of King Edward's chaplains,
ii. 243.

Bilney, Thomas, brought before Cardinal
Wolsey for heresy, i. 53. abjures, </>.
his remorse of conscience, 2<>6. pub-
licly and solemnly preaches the tiuth,
ib. imprisoned, ib. his constancy ami
patience, 267. burnt at the stake, 2t>H.

INDEX.

Bir-l, bishop, deprived, ii. 429. recants,
and is made suffragan to Bonner, iii.
367.

Bird, a priest, attainted of treason, i. 580.
Bishopricks. bill for erecting of new, i.
421. several founded, 48V. act respect-
ing the lands of, ii. 610.
Bishops, who refused to submit to the
Popes' decrees, i. 165. swear the
King's supremacy in England, 292.
move for a revival of ecclesiastical cen-
sures, ii. 224. act about the. election of,
i. 242. and priests, one office, 586. take
out commissions for their bishopricks,
ii. 8. injunctions given to, 45. admis-
sion of, to their sees, 68. ancient ways
of electing, 69.
Bishops' Book published, i. 471. becomes

the standard of religion, 485.
Blood, Jaws against churchmen meddling

in matters of, ii. 160.
Bocking, Dr., an accomplice in the im-
posture of the Maid of Rent, i. 245. is
apprehended and confesses, 248. at-
tainted of high treason, ib. executed,
249.
Bocking, punishment of sectaries at, iii.

309.
Bogomili, the, condemned to be burnt, i.

38.

Bohemia, states of, declare in favour of
the Protestant Princes, ii. 35. are
forced to submit, 81.

Boleyn, Sir Thomas, made viscount of I
Rochford, i. 127. earl of Wiltshire, '
137.

Bologna, the first session of the couadi
at, ii. 04. decision of the university
of, in the matter of King Henry's di-
vorce, iii. 100.

Bonner, Dr., sent to threaten the Pope,
i. 195. returns with instructions from
the cardinals, 199. delivers the King's
appeal to the Pope in person, 220. iii.
124. 127. who threatens to burn him
alive, i. 220. writes a preface to Gardi-
ner'sbook of True Obedience, 357. sent
ambassador to the Emperor, iii. 198.
succeeds Fox in the bishoprick of Here-
ford, and is soon after translated to Lon-
don, i. 410. iii. 226. takes a new com-
mission from theKing for his bishoprick,
i. 429. the reason of this, 430. his
cruelty and ingratitude, 480. procures
the condemnation of Richard Mekins,
481. sets up the Bible in St. Paul's,
486. his injunctions for his clergy, 506.
sent ambassador into Spain, 519. takes
out a commission for his bishoprick, ii.
8. opposes any further reformation, 39.
protests against the injunctions, 57.
sent to the Fleet, ib. complies with the
orders of the council, 163, 164. falls
into new trouble, 19;?. injunctions are

given him, 194. neglects to set forth
the King's power under age, in his ser-
mon, ib. and is proceeded against, 195.
his insolent behaviour, ib. his defence,
196. protests against Secretary Smith,
200. is deprived and imprisoned, 202.
censures passed upon it, ib. his conduct
in prison, 204. petitions the council to
have his process reviewed, 221. but it
is rejected, ib. on Queen Mary's acces-
sion goes to St. Paul's, 379. restored
to his see, 382. his insolence, 385. pre-
sides in the convocation, 407. zealous
in restoring the mass, 429. his birth
and parentage, 430. visitation of his
diocese, 448. his outrageous behaviour,
451. cheerfully undertakes the work of
persecution , 47 1 . cruel ty of his proceed-
ings, 477,478. 486. 490.510. 524,525.
542. 567. iii. 393. grows weary of se-
verities, but is urged on by the King
and Queen, ii. 484. iii. 396. sent to
Oxford to degrade Cranmer, ii. 517.
commissioned to raze the records of re-
ligious houses, 531. refuses the oath of
supremacy, 612. and is imprisoned, ib.
great complaints against him, jl>. 613.
obliged to restore Ridley's goods, iii.
409.

Bononia, coronation of Charles V. at, i.
136. the learned there determine i:>
favour of King Henry's divorce, 147.
Books written for the King's cause, i. 157.
Bothwell, earl of, marries the Queen of
Scotland, iii. 487. charged with the
murder of King Henry, ib. the nobles
attempt to seize him, but he escapes
ib. 491.
Bourbon, duke of, assaults Rome, i. 8.

mortally wounded, 9.
Bourchier, earl of Essex, killed, iii. 216.
Bourges, university of, determines against
the lawfulness of King Henry's mar-
riage, i. 149.

Bourn, preaches at Paul's Cross, ii. 379.
where he is in great danger, ib. made
bishop of Bath and Wells, 428. his
ingratitude to Bradford, 488. refuses
the oath of supremacy, 612.
Bowes, Sir Robert, ii. 50. defeated in
attempting to relieve Hadingtoun, 132.
removed from his command, 205.
Boxley, crucifix of, i. 390. iii. 199.
Bradford, attends on Bucer during his
sickness, ii. 260. one of King Edward's
chaplains, 270. severely reproves the
crimes of the nobles, 360. stills the tu-
mult at St. Paul's, 379. for which he
is sent to the Tower, 382. his martyr-
dom, 487, -J88.

Brainford, heretics burnt at, ii. 567.
Brandenburgh, marquess of, ii. 31. de-
clares for the Emperor, 34. offended
with Bucer, for condemning the Inte-

INDEX.

50f>

rim, 137 sends an ambassador to the
council of Trent, 300.

Brandon, Charles, favourite of Henry
VII I. created Duke of Suffolk, i. 14.—
See Suffolk, duke of.

Bret, captain, joins the rebels under Wiat,
ii. 418. hanged in chains, 423.

Breve found out in Spain, for the marriage
of King Henry with the Infanta, i. 91.
presumptions of its being forged, 92.

Brian, Sir Francis, recalled from Rome,
i. 108. sent to congratulate the new
King of France, ii. 48.

Bricket, Dr., incurs Bishop Bonner's dis-
pleasure, ii. 450, 451.

Bridewell, given by King Edward for a
place of correction, ii. 352.

Bristol, bishoprick of, founded, i. 482.

Bristol, burning of heretics at, ii. 526.
542, 543. complaint against the magis-
trates of, 543. iii. 395.

Bromley, judge, opposes King F.dward's

. settlement of the crown, ii. 353. yields
through fear, 354. made lord chief
justice, 384.

Brookes, bishop of Gloucester, ii. 427.
sent to Oxford to judge Cranmer, 514.
visits that university, 538.

Broughty-castle, taken by the English, ii.
54. besieged, 129. and retaken, 205.

Brown, Sir Anthony, i. 560. informs
Prince Edward of the death of his
father, ii. 4. appointed one of King
Henry's executors, 5. receives thanks
for assisting at the execution of here-
tics, iii. 366.

Bucer, his opinion of the prohibitory de-
grees of marriage, i. 150. of the Inte-
rim, ii. 137. writes against Gardiner,
139. invited into England, ib. and is
sent to Cambridge, ib. iii. 288. com-
plains of the manner of reading prayers,
ii. 162. his opinion of the sacrament,
167. of the episcopal vestments, 244.
iii. 306. his advice concerning the Com-
mon Prayer Book, ii. 247. writes a
book for King Edward's use, 248. his
death, 260. honours paid to his memory,
261. his character, ib. 262. his body
taken up and burnt, 537, 538.

Buchanan, George, libels the Franciscan
Friars, i. 488. escapes from prison and
lives twenty years in exile, 499. cha-
racter of his writings, ib. 500.

Buckingham, Stafford duke of, his death,
i. 291.

Buckmaster's (Dr.) account of the pro-
ceedings of the university of Cambridge
in the matter of King Henry's divorce,
iii. 95. 97.

Bull procured for King Henry's divorce,
i. 76. a larger one desired, 82, 83. one
for the suppression of monasteries, 90.
for the bishoprick of Winchester, 107.

proclamation against bulls, 157. one
obtained for erecting six new bishop-
ricks, 198. for Cranmer's promotion,
208. of deposition against King Henry,
395.

Bullinger, writes to KingEdward, iii. 302.
his opinion of the vestments, 303. P.
Martyr's letter to him, 310. justifies
those who obeyed the laws respecting
the vestments, iii. 463. writes to those
who would not obey them, 464. his an-
swer to Sampson, 469. letter to the
Earl of Bedford, ib. to the Bishops of
London, Winchester, and Norwich, 475.

Bullingham, bishop of Lincoln, ii. 623.

Bulloign, taken by the English, i. 533.
quarrel with the French respecting it,
ii. 85. territory of, invaded, 158. be-
sieged, 204, 205. the council resolve
to deliver it to the French, 232.

Bulmer, lady, burnt in Smithfield, i. 573.

Bur^hley's (lord) character of Cardinal
Wolsey, iii. 32. account of executions
for treason, 397.

Burning, the punishmentof heretics, i. 39.

Burton-upon-Trent monastery, turned in-
to a collegiate church, i. 487.

Bury, heretics burnt at, ii. 525. 567.

Bush, bishop, deprived, ii. 429.

Butler, Sir John, fined for the respite of
an execution, iii. 395.

Buts, Dr., King Henry's physician, i.
551, 552. note.

Buttolph, Damplip, and others, attainted
of treason, i. 477. 580.

Byfield, Richard, burnt in Smithfield, i.
268.

CAJETAN, cardinal, writes against King
Henry's divorce, i. 167. iii. 84.

Calais, in danger of falling into the hands
of the French, iii. 389. reinforcements
sent over, 393. siege of, ii. 555. taken,
556. which occasions great discontent
in England, 559. 592. no hope of its
restoration, iii. 400, 401.

Calvin, writes in favour of King Henry's
divorce, i. 151. entreats the Protector
Somerset to proceed with the Refor-
mation, ii. 139. writes against the
English service, 528.

Cambray, peace of, i. 136. ii. 591.

Cambridge, proceedings in the university
of, respecting the King's divorce, i.
139. visitation of, ii. 191.

Camden's account of Anne Boleyn, i. 69.

Campana, sent by the Pope, to England,
i. 96. to order Campegio to destroy
the bulls, 99. his account of Queen
Mary's death, iii. 403.

Campbell, friar, betrays Patrick Hamil-
ton, i. 491. dies in despair, 492, 493.

Campegio, cardinal, desired as legate
for deciding the validity of King Henry's

500

INDEX.

marriage, i. 84. which is granted, 86.
Wolsey writes to him to haste over, ib.
comes into Kngland, 93. iii. 64. en-
deavours to gain him, 66. shews the
King the decretal bull, i. 93. but re-
fuses to let it be seen by the council, ib.
delays the business, 96. his dissolute
life, 111. the King knights his son, ib.
proceeds with the suit of divorce, 115,
116. 119. iii. 69 — 72. makes deep pro-
testations of his sincerity,!. 116. writes
to the Pope, and advises an avocation,
120. his dilatory proceedings, 123.
adjourns the court, 124. iii. 72. which
gives grear offence, i. 125. engages in
the Emperor's faction, and misrepre-
sents the King's cause, 147. deprived
of the bishoprick of Salisbury, 243.

Candlemas- day, carrying of candles on,
forbidden, ii. 94.

Canonists, opinions of, respecting the
Levitical prohibitions, i. 162.

Canterbury, burning of heretics at, ii.
489. 493. 510. 524. 541. 567.

Capisuchi, dean of the Rota, iii. 103.

Caraffa, cardinal, opposes the election
of Cardinal Pole, ii. 234. chosen Pope,
481.— See Paul IV.

Caranza, Bartholomew de, condemned
for heresy, iii. 381.

Cardan's character of Prince Edward, ii.
2, 3. 332. cures the Archbishop of St.
Andrew's of a dropsy, but predicts that
he should be hanged, 332.

Carder, William, condemned for heresy,
i. 46.

Cardmaker, John, burnt in Smithfield, ii.
485.

Carew, Sir Nicholas, attainted and exe-
cuted, i. 577. iii. 210.

Carew, Sir Peter, conspires against Queen
Alary, ii. 417. his designs are disco-
vered, and he flies into France, ib. ap-
prehended and sent to the Tower, 424.
makes bis escape, ib.

Carthusian monks of London, many of
them executed, i. 388. 565, 566. re-
signation of the Prior, 388. involved
in the business of the Maid of Kent,
567. desire to be restored, iii. 378.

Carver, Derick, burnt at Lewes, ii. 490.

Casal, Augustin, burnt in Spain for heresy,
iii. 381.

Cassali, Sir Gregory, the King's ambas-
sador at Home, i. 72. iii. 51. informs
Wolsey of the Pope's intention not to
confirm the sentence of divorce, i. 89. his
method of practicing upon the cardi-
nals, iii. 113.

Cassali, John, ambassador at Venice,
complaint of Dr. Crooke against him,
i. 146.

Cassiliis, earl of, taken prisoner at Sol-
vay Fritn, i. 514. committed to the

care of Cranmer, ib. is sent home with
other lords to effect a union between
the young Queen and Prince Edward,
515. failing in this he offers himself
again as a prisoner, 522. but is gene-
rously restored to liberty, ih. sent as a
commissioner to treat of the marriage
between the Queen of Scotland and the
Dauphin of France, 553. poisoned on
his return, with three other commis-
sioners, 572.

Catechism, published by Cranmer, ii. 112.
agreed to by the convocation, iii. 456.

Cathedrals, inquiry into the allowances
given to, i. 545.

Catholic Church, definition of, i. 463.

Causton and Highed, burnt for heresy, ii.
477.

Cawwarden, Sir Thomas, committed to
the Fleet, iii. 392.

Cecil, Sir William, prevails on Gardiner
to set forth the Homilies, ii. 109. pro-
poses to him to preach before the King;,
110. publishes Queen Katherine Parr's
" Lamentation of a Sinner," 154. con-
fined to his chamber on the first fall of
the Duke of Somerset, 219. is soon
after liberated, ib. made secretary of
state, 277. his reply to the Duke of
Somerset, 285. signs King Edward'sset-
tlement of the crown, 355. refuses to
officiate as secretary on that Prince's
death, 368. his intimacy with Cardinal
Pole, 464. bill for the surrender of im-
propriations committed to him, 502.
made secretary of state by Queen
Elizabeth, 581. 583. sent to conclude
a treaty between the French and Scots,
639. iii. 444. sends IVlount into Ger-
many with secret instructions, 407. his
statement of the question, Whether
England should ht )p Scotland to expel
the French or not"! iii. 430. — See
Burghleij, Lord.

Celibate of the clergy, i. 413, 414. argu-
ments against it, ii. 142. 145.

Ceremonies of the church, i. 348. 349. ar-
guments for the changes made in,ii. 609.

Chalice, the use of, allowed by the King
of the Romans and the Duke of Bava-
ria, ii. 511.

Chaloner, Sir Thomas, ii. 349.

Chandois, lord, constable of the Tower,
ii. 564. treats Elizabeth with great re-
spect, ib. 565.

Chantries, given to the King, i. 542. ii.
72. lands of, examined, 107. sold, 108.

Chapters, exemption of. iii. 269.

Charles V. elected Emperor of Germany,
i. 5. visits England, ih. 6. promises the
papacy to Cardinal Wolsey, ib. whom
he disappoints, 6. is installed Knight
of the Garter, ib. contracted to the
Lady Mary, 7. but is discharged from

INDEX.

507

that obligation, iii. 49. marries the In-
fanta of Portugal, i. 7. his successes
against Francis I. and the Pope, 7, 8.
liberates the Pope whom he had kept
in prison for some months, 9. opposes
King Henry in his suit of divorce, 91 .
iii. 105. protests against the Legates'
commission, i. 107. his answer to
Henry's denunciation of war, iii. 57.
presses for an avocation of the cause
to Rome.i. 111. 120. 189. his alliance
with the Pope, 136. restores the duchy
of Milan to Francis Sforza, ib. is
crowned King of Lombardy, 137. gives
great rewards to those who write against
King Henry's divorce, 146. is engaged
in a war with the Turk, 189. his inter-
view with the Pope, 205. offers the
Duchess of Milan to Henry VIII. 434.
but the project fails, 435. presses him
to legitimate the Princess Mary, iii.
182, 183. visits the King of France, at
Paris, i. 437. concludes a league with
the King of England, 57 9. his war with
France, iii. 245. designs against the
Protestants,!. 559. ii.30, 31 . procures
his brother to be chosen King of the
Romans, ii. 30. agrees to the edict
made at Spire, ib. makes peace with
France and the Turks, 31. his league
with the Pope, ib. 32. by his artifices
divides the Protestants, 34. Proscribes
the Elector of Saxony and the Land-
grave of Hesse, 35. others submit to
him, 37. defeats the Elector and takes
him prisoner, 80, the Landgrave sub-
mits to him, and is imprisoned, 81.
degrades the Archbishop of Cologne,
ib. summons a diet to Augsburg, 82.
attempts to remove the differences in
religion, ib. 83. displeased with the
translation of the Council of Trent to
Bologna, 136. orders the Interim to be
drawn, 137. and published, 138. iii. 278.
his Confessor refuses him absolution for
not persecuting the heretics, iii. 278.
prohibits the English Ambassodor from
using the new service, 289. invests
Maurice with the electorate of Saxony,
137. interposes in behalf of the Lady
Mary, 164. 273. resigns the Nether-
lands to his son Philip, 206. jealousies
in his family, 207. 298. his answer to
the English Ambassadors, 222. sum-
mons a diet, and proscribes the town of
Magdeburg, 256. presses the electors
to submit to the council of Trent, 257.
279. which they refuse, 257. appoints
Maurice general of the empire, for the
reduction of Magdeburg, ib. who forms a
secret league against him, 298. is at
last jealous of his designs, 336. but
Maurice deceives him, ib. and nearly
makeshim prisoner at Inspruch, 340. he

is obliged to allow the German princes
and towns the free exercise of their re-
ligion, ib. is forced to raise the siege of
Metz, 341. his misfortunes make deep
impressions on his mind, ib. enters into
a treaty with the English, 349. falls
sick, ib. 351. distrusted by the German
princes, 350. refuses to receive the let-
ters informing him of the Lady Jane's
accession, 368, 369. stops Cardinal
Pole in his journey to England, 401.
iii. 348. 350. 358. designs a marriage
between his son Philip and Queen Mary,
ib. and sends vast sums into England
to procure the consent of the nation to
it, ii. 406. articles agreed on, 415. re-
signs his dominions, 511. 513. iii. 379.
returns into Spain, ii. 513. his employ-
ments there, ib. celebrates his own fu-
neral, and dies soon after, 514. sup-
posed to have died a Protestant, ib.
iii. 380. his Confessor burnt for heresy,
ii. 514. iii. 381.

Charles IX. ascends the throne of France,
ii. 642.

Charles of Austria, proposed as a match
for Queen Elizabeth, iii. 407. 433. in-
tended to set up the Protestant reli-
gion, i&.

Chastilion, appointed to command the
French army in the siege of Bulloign,
ii. Z05.

Chatelherault, duke of, governor of Scot-
land, ii. 255. persuaded by the Queen-
Mother to resign, 332, 333. heads the
Lords of the Congregation, 638.

Chastity, vows of, i. 413.

Cheapstow, abbess of, complains of Dr.
London, i. 388.

Cheek, Sir John, tutor to Prince Edward,
ii. 2. infuses right principles of religion
into him, 39. taught the true pronun
ciation of Greek at Cambridge, 192.
writes in defence of it, 193. translates
the ecclesiastical laws into Latin, 314.
sent to the Tower, 371. suspected
of plotting, and leaves England, 421.
seized in Flanders, and again sent to
the Tower, ib. changes his religion, and
dies soon after of a broken heart, ib.

Chertsey, abbot of, i. 382.

Chester, bishoprick of, founded, i. 482.

Cheyney, Sir Thomas, ii. 5. signs the Pro-
tector's commission, 27. sent ambas-
sador to the Emperor, 222.

Cheyney, archdeacon of Hereford, ii. 407.
disputes with the Papists concerning
the sacrament, 409. 414.

Chicheley, archbishop of Canterbury, re-
fuses to oppose the statute of provisors,
i. 178. his legatine powers suspended,
179. his appeal, i6. is restored, 182.

Christ Church, near Aldgate, in Lon
don, the first monastery that was dis-

008

INDEX

given to Sir Thomas

solved, i. 306.
A ud ley, il>.
Christ's Hospital, endowed by King Hen-
ry, i 562.

Christ's presence in the sacrament, man-
ner of, examined, ii. 166. explained
according to Scripture, 171. 627. and
from the fathers, 172.

Cliristopherson, bishop of Chichester, iii.
598. visits the university of Cambridge,
ii. 537. translated Kusebius, &c. 613.
his book against rebellion, 4iO. chosen
prolocutor of the convocation, iii. 376.
dies, 409.

Chiysome, ii. 122.

Church of England, beginning of the di-
visions in, ii. 630. — See Refbrrnation.

Church of Scotland, strange alienation of
the revenues of, ii, 64(>.

Church government, ii. 629.

Church-lands, a petition from the Convo-
cation respecting, ii. 457. great fears
about them, 462. bull for the restora-
tion of, iii. 369.

Church-lands in Scotland, equal to one-
half of the kingdom, iii. 424, 425.

Church-plate, visitation for, ii. 314.

Churches, suits about the spoils of, ii.
497.

Clement, pope, his accession, i. 6. taken
prisoner by the Imperialists,?, forms the
Clementine league, i. 8 iii. 51. obliged
to submit to the Emperor, i. 8, 9. obtains
his liberty, 9. 75. promised King Henry
a dispensation for his divorce, while in
prison, 75. sends a bull to Wolsey re-
specting it, iii. 55. his craft and policy,
i. 76. 112. the measures that governed
him, 77. his advice to the King, 78.
sends Campegio lo England to try the
validity of the marriage, with Cardinal
Wolsey, 86. refuses to allow the bull to
be shewn to the council, 94. sends Cam-
pana to remove all mistakes, 96. new
ambassadors sent to him, ib. a guard
of 2000 men offered him, ib. resolves
to unite himself to the Emperor, 97.
repents having granted the decretal bull,

98. feeds the King with high promises,

99. falls sick, 101. 105. inclines to join
with the Emperor, 107. refuses to re-
new the pollicitation, 109. complains
of the Florentines, 1 12. his treaty with
the Emperor, 121. in great perplexi-
ties, ib. his first breve agaiust the di-
vorce, iii. 86. grants an avocation of the
King's cause to Rome, ii. 123. iii. 100.
meets Charles V. at Bononia,ii. 136. of-
fers to grant the King a licence to have
two wives, 152. his answer to the let-
ter of the English nobility, 156. falls
off to the French faction, 187. his se-
cond breve against the King's divorce,
iii. 102. the third, 107. a marriage pro-

jected between his niece and the Duke of
Orleans, i. 188. iii. 105. writes to King
Henry about the Queen's appeal, i. 192°
cites him to appear in person, or by
proxy, at Rome, 195. the excusatory
plea offered to kirn, 196. desires the
King would submit to him, 199. great
promises made by him, iii. 112. his in-
terview with Charles V. i. 205. unites
himself to the French King, 217. 219.
and condemns the proceedings in Eng-
land, 218. iii. 124. in great perplexity,
134. promises to give sentence for the
divorce, i. 2l;>. sentence given against
it, 222. iii. 135. dies, i. 340. iii. 153. his
exhortation to James V. of Scotland
495.

Clementine league, i. 8.

Clergy, several bills against their abuses
passed by parliament, i. 133, 134. sign
the address to the Pope, respecting the
King's divorce, 155. sued in a premu-
nire, 172. iii. 78. their excuse, i. 182.
they compound, ift. acknowledge the
King supreme head of the Church of
England, 183. tumult among them
about the subsidy, 186. their oath to
the Pope. 200. to the King, 201. their
submission to the King, 241. iii. 118.
act against non-residence, i. 312. decla-
ration against the Pope's pretensions,
399. an act against their incontinence,
453. subsidies granted by, 455. an or-
der for regulating their tables, i. 487.
in Scotland, ignorant and cruel, 490.
the inferior, desire to have representa-
tives in the House of Commons, ii. 75.
an act passed for their marriage, 141.
306. iii. 282. complaints of their po-
verty, ii. 323. disorders occasioned
thereby, ib. proceed against heretics,
iii. 81.

Clinton, lord, commands the fleet in the
expedition against Scotland, ii. 51 . de-
feats Sir Thomas VViat, 419. makes a
descent on the coast of France, but is
forced to retreat, 569.

Coates,, bishop of Chester, ii. 427.

Cochleus writes against the King's di-
vorce, i. 167.

Coke, lord chief justice, i. 578.

Colchester, abbot of, attainted of high
treason, i. 385.

Colchester, six persons burnt in one fire
at, ii. 524, 525. twenty -two sent from
thence to Bonner, who discharges them,
541. through the interference of Car-
dinal Pole, 542. more heretics burnt
there, 543. 566.

Cole, dean of St. Paul's, ii. 531. argues for
the Latin service, 601.

Colet's (dean of St. Paul's") sermon be-
fore a convocation, iii. 38. his charac-
ter, 41.

1ND1.X,

509

Coligny, die French Admiral, defends St.
Quintin, ii. 548.

Collating to benefices, iii. 268.

Colleges of Oxford and Ipswich finished
by Cardinal Wolsey, i. 90. lands of that
at Oxford resigned, 135.

Colonnas, enter and sack Rome, i. 8.

Commendone, sent to ascertain Queen
Mary's intentions concerning religion,
ii. 399. returns to Rome, with letters
from her to the Pope, 400.

Commissions taken out by the Bishops,
ii. 8.

Common law, a design for digesting it
into a body, ii. 153.

Common- Prayer- Book, preface to, ii. 125.
reviewed, 247. iii. 315. corrections
made in, ii. 270. an act for autho-
rising, 302. debates concerning some
alterations in, iii. 454. but none made,
455.

Commons, House of, offend Cardinal
Wolsey, i. 15. complain of the Bishop
of Rochester, 133. pass bills against
the abuses of the clergy, ib. sign an ad-
dress to the Pope, 155. desire to be
included in the King's pardon to the
clergy, who were sued in a premunire,
181. which the King afterwards grants,
Hi. complain of the ecclesiastical courts,
U>9. petition that they may be dis
solved, 190. pass an act abolishing the
Pope's power, 236. about punishing
heretics, 240. repeal the act of the Six
Articles, ii. 66. the inferior clergy de-
sire to have representatives in the
house of, 75. address the Protector to
have Latimer restored to his bishop-
rick, 151. refuse to attaint the Bishop
of Duresme, 310. great disorders in
the election of members, 391. dis-
pleased with the marriage with Spain,
405. corrupted by Gardiner, 431. op-
pose paying the debts of the crown,
500. confirm the Queen's letters pa-
tents, 561. address Queen Elizabeth
to induce her to marry, 594.

Communion, an act respecting, ii. 65.
corruptions in the office of, examined,
99. appointed in both kinds, 66.79. a
new office for, set out, 102. 121. 125.
164. sent to the sick, 124, 125 kneel-
ing in the, 271. iii. 316.

Communion of saints, ii. 124.

Communion service, old abuses continued
in, ii. 162. universally received, 164.
arguments for the changes made in, 609.

Communion-table, ii. 252, 253.

Compassion towards heretics, forbidden,
ii. 566. Hi. 378.

Concordance, written by John Marbeck,
i. :>24.

Concordat, set up by Francis I. of France,
iii. 1. 11. opposed by the council, 13.

by the university and clergy, 17. pub-
lished by the parliament, 16. who make
exceptions to it, 17. whioh are an-
swered by the chancellor, 19. the mat-
ter finally settled, 20.

Conference between Papists and Protes-
tants, ii. 600. breaks up, 60;>.

Confession of sins, ii. 104. ordered to be
general, 106. 270.

Confirmation, sacrament of, explained, i.
466. 583, 581. reformed, ii. 122.

Congregation. — See Lords.

Conde, prince of, begins the civil wars in
France, ii. 642, 643.

Consistory, great heats in, concerning
King Henry's divorce,!. 195. 222.

Conspiracies, act against, i. 530.

Constance, council of, iii. 1.

Constantine writes against the corrup-
tions of the Romish clergy, i. 260.
anecJote of, 261.

Convention of estates in Scotland, ii.
553. 572, 573.

Convocation, on the calling of, i. 32. sa-
tisfied of the unlawfulness of King
Henry's marriage, 172. iii. 12^. ac-
knowledge the King supreme head of
the Church, i. 183. iii. 7 8— 80. debates
there on the King's marriage, i. 210.
constitution of the Houses of, 211. ii.
78. translation of the Bible debated
in, i. 313. iii. 77. articles of religion
agreed to by the, 346 — 351. pro-
ceedings of, i. 343. iii. 115. 239—
242. the rights of, 117. their sub-
mission, 119, 120. renounce the Pope's
authority, 139. declare against the
council called by the Pope, i. 353. try
the validity of the King's marriage with
Anne of Cleves, 450. and declare it
null, 451. attempt to suppress the Eng-
lish Bible, 505. meeting of, in King
Edward's time, ii. 74. petitions of
the lower house of, 7">. agree to the
Articles of Religion, 312. proceedings
in, during the reign of Queen Mary,
407. 435. 561. iii. 335. 376. 399.
during the reign of Elizabeth, iii. 41 1.
451 — 458. petition respecting the church
lands, ii. 457. address of the lower
house to the upper, 458.

Cook, Sir Anthony, ii. 57.

Corn, great scarcity of, iii. 388.

Cornelius Agrippa, declares the King's
cause indisputable, i. 154. hardly used
by the Emperor, and dies in prison,
155.

Coronation-ceremonies, altered, ii. 20.

Corporal presence, Frith's arguments
against, i. 272. belief of, ii. 100. 175.
examined, 166. 627. — See Sacramen-
t aries.

Councils, decisions of, respecting the Le-
vitical prohibitions, i. 160.

510

INDEX.

Court of the Augmentations of the King's
revenue established, i. 313.

Courtney, earl of, marches against the
rebels in the north, i. 369.

Coverdale, Miles, translates the Scrip-
tures, iii. 78. accompanied the Earl of
Bedford against the rebels, 284. made
coadjutor to the Bishop of Exeter, ii.
247. consecrated bishop, 264. cited
before the council, 383. iii. 331. de-
prived of his see, ii. 429. obtains a
passport to go to Denmark, iii. 360.
not inclined to return to hisbishoprick,
ii. 611. assists at the consecration of
Archbishop Parker, 623.

Cox, Dr., writes in behalf of the Univer-
sities, i. 545. tutor to Prince Edward,
ii. 2. favours the Reformation, 39.
with others, examines the offices of the
Church, 98, 99. attends the Duke of
Somerset at his execution, 296. leaves
England, 388. engages in the disputes
at Frankfort, 528. returns, iii. 408.
made bishop of Ely, ii. 623. assists in
the translation of the Bible, 629. his
opinion of the habits, iii. 303. letter
to Weidner, 415. to Gualtcr, 476.

Cramp-rings, ii. 18, 19.

Cranmer, Dr., his proposition about the
suit of divorce, i. 128. approved by the
King, 129. by whom he is much es-
teemed, ib. recommended to the care
of the Earl of Wiltshire, 137. writes a
book in favour of the King's suit, ib.
goes with the Ambassadors to the courts
of the Pope and the Emperor, 141. his
negotiations in Germany, iii. 147. mar-
ries Osiander's niece, i. 149. offers to
maintain what he had written in his
book, 154. declared the Pope's peni-
tentiary in England, ib. becomes ac-
quainted with Cornelius Agrippa, ib.
promoted to the archbishoprick of Can-
terbury, 208, 209. iii. 122. change made
in his title, i. 1 56. his protestation about
his oath to the Pope, 210. pronounces
the sentence of divorce, 214. iii. 123.
stands god-father for Queen Elizabeth,
i. 219. promotes the Reformation, 280.
his speech respecting the calling of a ge-
neral council, 28.5 — 289. metropolitical
visitation, 291. vindicates himself from
the charges of Gardiner, iii. 157. de-
sign in the suppression of monasteries,
i. 306. moves the convocation to peti-
tion the King for leave to make a trans-
Jation of the Bible, 314. his letter to
the King on Queen Anne's imprison-
ment, 321 . pronounces their marriage
null and void, 328. still retains the
King's favour, and proceeds with the
Reformation, 344. his speech in the con-
vocation, 345. complains of the usage
of the German Ambassadors, iii. 175.

writes to the Elector of Saxony, 176.
letter of thanks to Cromwell on obtain-
ing the King's warrant for reading the
English Bible without control, i. 401.
stands god-father for Prince Edward,
403. his arguments against Lambert,
407. interest at court diminished, -109.
411. disapproves of the project of en-
dowing the church of Canterbury, iii.
211. ineffectual attempt to draw up
articles for unity in religion, i. 412.
argues against the Six Articles, 413.
votes against the act passed for them.
415. the King's great care of him, 426.
writes his reasons against the Six Ar-
ticles, 427. prevails on the King to par-
don those who were involved in the
breach of that statute, 428. his recom-
mendation of Dr. Crome, iii, 223. ob-
tains a proclamation for the free use of
the Scriptures, i. 433. his friendship
to Cromwell when in disgrace, 445.
reports the sentence of convocation on
the validity of the King's marriage with
Anne of Cleves, 452. designs of the
Popish party against him, 458. his
opinion respectingjustification by faith,
462. of the seven sacraments, 465. his
designs miscarry, 483. esteemed by
the King for his virtues, 485. iii. 224.
publishes an order for regulating the
tables of the clergy, i. 487. discovers
Katherine Howard's ill life to the King,
500. sent to examine her, 501. de-
feats the design of the Papists to sup-
press the English Bible, 506. he de-
signs a new translation, iii. 240. his
zeal in behalf of the Reformation, i. 516.
584. a conspiracy against him, 526.
iii. 228. of which the King gives him
notice, i. 527. iii. 229. his Christian
temper of mind, i. 528. iii. 229. joined
in the regency during the King's ab-
sence, i. 532. nearly prevails on the
King to make a further Reformation,
534. obtains a great party among the
bishops, 535. ordered to draw a form
for the communion, 546. a new plot
against him, 550. the King's great care
of him, ib. the conduct of the council,
551, 552. attends the King on his death-
bed, 562, 563. appointed one of his
executors, ii. 5. takes out a commission
for his bishoprick.8. crowns King Ed-
ward, 23. proceeds with the Reforma-
tion, 39, 40. iii. 279, 280, his discourse
with Gardiner on justification, ii. 58,
59. iii. 280. procures a repeal of the
act of the Six Articles, ii. 64. opposes
the act for giving the chantries to the
King, 72. invites Peter Martyr into
England, 84. collects the authorities for
marriage after a divorce, 89. his labours
and zeal, iii. 283. procures the aboli-

INDEX.

511

tion of many superstitious ceremonies,
ii. 94. with other bishops and divines
appointed to examine the offices of the
church, 98. publishes a catechism, 112.
invites Martin Bucer and Fagius into
England, 139. signs the warrant for the
execution of Lord Seymour, l.>9, 160.
again visits his province, 163. publishes
a book on the manner of Christ's pre-
sence in the sacrament, 170. persuades
King Edward to sign the warrant for
burning Joan of Kent, 178. endeavours
to prevail on her to recant, but in vain,
ib. his answer to the demands of the
Devonshire rebels, 185. preaches be-
fore the court on a fast day, 1B8. ap-
pointed with others to examine Bonner,
I9r>. whom they deprive of his bishop-
rick, 202. remains firm to the interests
of the Protector, 214. '.217. persuades
him to submit, 219. justifies the use of
the episcopal vestments, 243. his mo-
deration and gentleness, 260. iii. 283.
orders Bucer to be buried with the high-
est solemnities, ii. 261. prepares the Ar-
ticles of Religion, 266. iii. 318. opposes
the attainder of Bishop Tonstal, ii.
311. employed to draw up the eccle-
siastical laws, 313. designed to set up
provincial synods, iii. 321. reluctantly
consents to King Edward's settlement
of the crown, ii. 355. iii. 324. is disliked
by the nobility, ii. 360. officiates at King
Edward's funeral, 378. declares openly
against the mass, 384. his declaration,

385. published without his knowledge,

386. but owned by him, ib. cited before
the council on Mary's accession, iii.
332. sent to the Tower, ii. 387. iii. 333.
is attainted, ii. 398. his treason par-
doned that he might be burned, iii. 341.
but his see is not declared void, ii. 399.
sent to Oxford to dispute on the corpo-
ral presence, 435, 436. iii. 341. is de-
clared an obstinate heretic, ii. 440. his
petition to the council, which Weston
refuses to deliver, 441. his trial, 514.
iii. 373. cited to appear before the Pope,
ii. 517. iii. 374. degraded by Bonner
and Thirleby, ib. his recantation, 518,
519. which he afterward declares to
have been against his conscience, 520.
suffers martyrdom with great constancy
of mind, 521. iii. 375. his character,
ii. 521 — 524. hi- 375, 376. remarks on
his compliances to King Henry, iii. 279.

Craw, Paul, a Bohemian, burnt for he-
resy, i. 489.

Creed, simplicity of the ancient, ii. 269.
departed from, ib.

Crofts, Elizabeth, an impostor, ii 425.

Crome, Dr., accused of heresy, i. 270.
articles which he abjures, ih. a design
against him, i'i 223. recommended by

Oranmer to be dean of Canterbury, ib.
his zeal in preaching, 224. 298. com-
plaints against him carried to the King,
225. the King's judgment, iii. forbid-
den to preach, ib.

Cromwell, lord, successfully defends Car-
dinal Wobey, in the House of Com-
mons, i. 130. his advices to the King,
iii. 148. expostulations with the Bishop
of Rochester, on the imposture of the
Maid of Kent, i. 250, 251. promotes
the Reformation, 281. made vicar-ge-
neral, 292. 342. iii. 164. 185. his mo-
tion in the convocation, i. 343. advises
the King to sell the church-lands, 360.
publishes injunctions about religion,
363. his answer to Bishop Shaxton's
expostulation, 386, 387. presents the
King with the Bible, in English, and
procures the warrant for the free read-
ing of it, 401. reads the sentence of
Lambert the sacramentary, 408. his
letter to the Bishop of Landaff, 411.
sets on foot a marriage between the
King and the Lady Anne of Cleves, i.
4: *. 435. 418. 439. iii. 215. brings in
a bill for the erection of new bishopricks,
i. 421. procures attainders to be passed
in absence of the parties accused, 425.
quarrels with the Duke of Norfolk, 426.
intercedes for those who were involved
in the breach of the Six Articles, 428.
speaks in parliament as lord vicege-
rent, 440. is created Earl of Essex, 442.
iii. 216. his project for endowing the
church of Canterbury, 211. commis-
sioned to constitute some under him,
214. some of his memorandums, 217,
218. review of his ministry, 259. his
fall, i. 443. iii. 216. Cranmer's friend-
ship to him, i. 445. his attainder, 446.
remarks upon it, 448. letter to the
King, 452. 456. iii. 219. his death, i.
456. and character, 457. his son created
Lord Cromwell, 502.

Crooke, Dr., sent into Italy to consult
the universities about the King's di-
vorce, i. 137. his proceedings in Venice,
141. complains of the Cassali, 142.
his labour and success, 143 — 148. did
not obtain subscriptions by bribes, 145.

Crosier-staff, worshipped, ii. 126.

Cross, use of, retained by the Reformers,
ii. 126. how abused, ib. 127.

Crossed friars, scandalous story of, i. 389.

Crosses on the highways, i. 135.

Cruelties of the Church of Rome, i. 38.

Cumberland, earl of, defends Skipton-
castle against the rebels, i. 369.

Curren, Dr., proceed ings against, iii. 116.

DACRFS, lord, appointed warden of the

English marches, ii. 205.
Dandino, cardinal, ii. 399.

INDEX.

Darcy, lord, yields Poiufret-castle to the
rebels, i. 3(59. suspected of promoting
the insurrection, ib. is made prisoner,
376. his trial and execution, 377. 573.

Darcy, lord, receives the thanks of Queen
Mary's council for his proceedings
against heretics, iii. 38P.

Darnley, lord, goes into Scotland, iii. 442.
where he marries Queen Mary, 478.
sets up the mass in his church, 477.
joins in a conspiracy to murder Siguior
David, 486. is himself murdered, 487.
490.

Darvel Gatheren, a Welsh image, i. 391.
serves for fuel to burn Friar Forest, ib.

David, signior, murdered, iii. 485, 486.

Davis, bishop of St. Asaph, ii. 623. en-
gages in the translation of theBible,6.-'8.

Da\r, made bishop of Chichester, i. 535.
preaches against transubstantiation, ii.
259. imprisoned for not removing altars,
iii. 295, 296. turned out of his bishop-
rick, ii. 323. iii. 296. preaches King
Edward's funeral sermon, ii. 378. restor-
ed to his see, 382. preaches the coro-
nation sermon, 390. dies, 537. iii. 398.

Deaneries, priories of cathedrals con-
verted into, i. 482.

Debts, an act passed for discharging the
King's, i. 134.

Decretal bull granted by the Pope, i. 87.

Deering, a monk, publishes the revelations
and prophesies of the Maid of Kent, i.
246. is apprehended and attainted of
high treason, 248. executed, '^49.

Defender of the Faith, a title conferred
on Henry VIII. i. 31.

Deirham and Culpepper executed, i. 501.

Delatures, practices of, ii. 483.

Denny, Sir Anthony, i. 550. 562. appoint-
ed one of King Henry's executors, ii. 5.
makes a declaration of his promises,
9. 11.

D'Oisel, general of the French troops in
Scotland, invades England, ii. 552.

Deposition, bull of, i. 395.

Derby, earl of, ordered to march against
the rebels in the north, i. 369.

Dessie, brings an army from France
to assist the Scots, ii. 129. besieges Had-
ingtoun, 130. which he is forced to
abandon, 133. massacres the inhabitants
of Edinburgh, 134. assaults Hading-
toun but is repulsed, ib. fortifies Leith,
ib. makes a successful inroad into Eng-
land, 135. recovers Inch-Keith, ib. is
superseded in his command of the
French troops, ib.

Devonshire, earl of, released from the
Tower, ii. ,372. his attainder taken off,
31J2. is much in Queen Mary's favour,
393. suspected of confederating with Sir
Thomas VViat, 423. and put in prison,
424. obtains his liberty through King

Philip, 416. iii. 377. leaves EnglanU,
ii. 447. iii. 377. dies soon after, ib.

Devonshire, insurrection in, ii. 183. de-
mands of the rebels, 184. Cranmer's
answer to them, 185. make new de-
mands, which are also rejected, 186.
besiege Exeter, but are defeated and
dispersed by Lord llussel, 18S

Dilapidations, ii. 318.

Discipline, articles of, appointed to be
drawn, iii. 453. offered by the lower
house of convocation, 456, 457.

Discontents of the people on the suppres-
sion of the monasteries, i. 359. endea-
vours used to quiet these, 360.

Dispensation for the marriage of Henry
with his brother's widow, i. 56. of no
force, 164.

Dissolution of monasteries, instructions
about, i. 357. 359. disorders which fol-
lowed, 361.

Divine offices, laws relative to, ii. 319.

Divine service, an act for bringing men
to, ii. 302.

Divorce, beginning of King Henry's suit
of, i. 54. moved at Rome, 72. the first
dispatch respecting it, ib. new proposi-
tions for, 104. the legates write to the
Pope respecting it, 109. the Emperor
presses for an avocation to Rome, 111.
which the King's ambassadors oppose,
112. contests about it, 113. proceed-
ings of the legates in England, 115 —
118. 123,124. iii. 69— 72~. proceedings
at Koine about an avocation, i. 119.
which is granted by the Pope, 123.
the King consults the universities re-
specting it, 137—149. iii. 87 — 101.
the reformers, 149 — 154. abstract of
the things which were written in favour
of, 157 — 167. further particulars, iii.
59 — 62. French overtures respecting it
at Rome, i. 205. sentence of, pronounced
by Cranmer, 215. iii. 123. but the
marriage is confirmed by the Pope,
135 — 138. the King designs a divorce
from Anne of Cleves, i. 449. which is
referred to the convocation, 450. who
agree to it, 451.

Divorce, for adultery, ii. 89. grounds on
which marriage was allowed in that
case, 90—92. 306.

Dobbe, put in the pillory for reminding
Queen Mary of her promises, ii. 381.

Doctrines abjured by heretics, i. 44, 45.

D-matists, penalties inflicted on, i. 38.

Doucaster, treaty with the rebels at, i. 372.

Dorset, marquis of, created duke of Suf-
folk, ii. 282.

Downham, bishop of Chester, ii. 624.

Dudley and Empson, committed to the
Tower, i. 1. found guilty of treason, 2.
executed, 3.

Dudley, Sir Ambrose, takes Broughty-

INDEX.

513

castle, ii. 54. sent to the Tower, 371.
restored in blood, 562.

Dudley, Sir Andrew, invested with the
order of the Garter, ii. 328.

Dudley, Sir Edward, commands Home-
castle, ii. 55.

Dudley, Guilford, marries the Lady Jane
Gray, ii. 282. detained in the Tower,
371. attainted, 398. and executed,
421, 422.

Dudley, Sir Robert, restored in blood, ii.
562.

Dunkeld, ignorance and superstition of
the bishop of, i. 497.

Dunstable, sentence of divorce between
King Henry and Queen Katherine pro-
nounced at, i. 214.

Duresme, bishoprick of, suppressed, ii.
342. and two new ones appointed, 343.
erected anew, 382. 434.

EAGLE, George. — See Trudge-over, ii.
543.

Easterlings, great trade of, ii. 331.

Ecclesiastical afiairs, the King's prero-
gative in, i. 18. 173. dignities bestowed
on secular men, ii. 12.

Ecclesiastical censures, a motion for re-
viving of, 224.

Ecclesiastical courts, complaint of the
Commons against, i. 189. reformation
of, considered, ii. 312. disputes con-
cerning, 630.

Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, ii. 68. 70. 153.

Ecclesiastical laws, an act for drawing
up, i. 530. ii. 313. iii. 242. 313. the chief
heads of, ii. 315. opposed, iii. 312.

Ecclesiastics, immunity of, i. 19. contests
about their privileges, 20.

Edgar, king, a great favourer of the monks,
i. 35. 302.

Edinburgh, wasted by the English, ii. 54.
provost of, killed by the French, 134.

Edward, Prince, born, i. 403. ii. 1. iii.
200. and christened, ii. 1. union pro-
jected between him and the young
Queen of Scotland, i. 515. 520. his dis-
position, ii. 2. 39. character of him by
Cardan, 3. 332. design to create him
Prince of Wales, 4. prevented by
King Henry's death, ib. comes to the
Tower, ib. proclaimed King, ib. his
coronation, 20. 23. artifices of the Lord
Seymour to gain his affections, 86. 88.
Cranmer dedicates his catechism to
him, 113. is much alienated from the
Lord Admiral, and consents that the
charges against him be referred to
Parliament, 157. gives the royal assent
to the bill of his attainder, 158. re-
fuses to sign the warrant for burning
Joan Bocher, 178. but is persuaded
to do it by Cranmer, i/>. divisions in
bis council, 213. 215. removed from
VOL. III.

Hampton Court to Windsor, 216. re-
turns on the Protector's fall, 220. six
lords appointed governors of his person,
ib. his kindness to Martin Bucer, 248.
who writes a book for his use.ifr. thinks
of reforming many abuses, 250. writes
a journal of all proceedings during his
reign, 251. orders given to his chap-
lains, 273. his anxiety for the Lady
Mary's conformity, 274. 275. his coun«
cil write to her of it, 276. a match pro-
jected between him and the French
King's daughter, 282. the order of St.
Michael is sent to him, 283. his speech
to the French ambassadors, ib. is pre-
possessed against the Duke of Somer-
set, 285. 289. and not concerned iu
his preservation, 294. reforms the coin,
330. projects the establishment of a
mart in England, 332. took notes of all
sermons he heard, iii. 298. publishes
the Articles of Religion, 318. how the
secretaries of state bred him to the un-
derstanding of business, ii. 349. sends
over ambassadors to the Emperor, ib.
his sickness, 343. 345. 351. care of
the relief of the poor, 352. his scheme
of the succession, iii. 322. much altered,
323. opposed by Cranmer, 324. per-
suaded to leave the crown to the Lady
Jane, ii. 353. his sickness becomes
desperate, 355. his last prayer, 35£.
death and character, ib. his funeral,
378. his laws about religion repealed,
395. 456. character of his court, iii. 325.

Egidius, condemned for heresy, iii. 381.

Egmont, count of, gains the. battle of
Graveling, ii. 571. sent to England to
negotiate a treaty for the marriage, of
Philip of Spain with Queen Mary, ii.
415. iii. 336, 337.

Elbeuf, marquis of, brings supplies to the
Queen Regent of Scotland, ii. 637.
besieged in Leith, 638.

Election of bishops, ii. 69.

Eliot, Sir Thomas, sent to Rome with
instructions from King Henry, i. 203.

Elizabeth, Queen, born, i. 212. 219. de-
clared Princess of Wales, 219. is well
used by the King and Queen after the
death of her mother, 336. her letter to
the Queen 337. bred up in the princi-
ples of the Reformation, ii. 280. joins
Queen Mary with 1000 horse, 371.
who carries it severely towards her,
395. unjustly suspected of plotting,
423. and is imprisoned, 424. a war-
rant brought for her execution, iii. 342.
put into the cutody of the Lord Wil-
liams, ii. 444. afterwards committed
to the charge of Sir Henry Benefield,
ib. preserved by King Philip, 446.
485. the jealousy of the Queen towards
her increases, 546. the King of Sweden
2 L

514

INDEX.

proposes marriage to her, 562. which
she rejects, 56:>. review of the hard-
ships she endured in Queen Mary's
reign, 564. succeeds to the throne,
578. proclaimed Queen, ib. comes to
London, 579. sends a dispatch to
Rome, ib. but to no effect, 580. King
Philip courts her in marriage, ib. she
declines his proposal, 581. her council,
ib. discharges those who were im-
prisoned on account of religion, 582.
consultation about a reformation, ib.
proceeds cautiously, iii. 406. prohibits
all preaching, 407. her coronation, ii.
588. peace with France, 592. the
Commons address her to marry, 594.
her answer, ib. the Lords recognize
her title to the crown, 595. declared
supreme head, 597. establishes the
High Commission Court, 599. 619. re-
quires the convocation to make no
canons, ib. resolves to have a public
conference about religion, 600. her
gentleness to the Popish bishops, 613.
orders a visitation over England, 614.
616. inclined to retain images in
churches, ib. iii. 436. petition of the
Scottish nobles to her, 423 — 428. sends
assistance to the Scots, ii. 638. iii. 431.
her answer to the French ambassador
who offered to restore Calais, ii. 639.
separates Scotland from the interests
of France, 641. iii. 444. felicity of her
government, ii. 644. rejects all treaty
with the see of Rome, 64.). her treat-
ment of the Queen of Scotland, the
greatest blemish of her reign, 646.
steps of her proceedings both against
Papists and Puritans, 647. a marriage
projected between her and Charles
of Austria, iii. 407. 435. which she
rejects, 435. receives the Refor-
mers kindly who returned from exile,
409. supposed to be in love with Sir
William Pickering, iii. 413. message
of the Scottish nobility to her, 445. her
answer to it, 447. assists the Prince
of Cond6, 451. desires a thorough re-
formation, 452. regulates the habits of
the clergy, 459. requires the Arch-
bishop to bring all to an uniformity,
460. motives of her jealousy of James
VI. of Scotland, 495. owns and justifies
the assistance she sent to Scotland and
to the Netherlands, 496.
Elmer, Dr., tutor to the Lady Jane Gray,

ii. 362. — See Ailmer.
Elston, friar, his insolence to the King, i.
247. insulted by the Londoners, ii. 490.
English fleet attack the French, i. 533.
their success on the coast of Normandy,
534.

Entail of the Duke of Somerset's estate
repealed, ii. 309.

Episcopal vestments, dispute concerning

ii. 243.

Erasmus, i. 17. declines writing in favoui
of the King's divorce, 150. his Para-
phrase of the New Testament translated
into English, ii. 43. ordered to be set
up in every parish church, ib. iii. 280.

Erastianism, iii. 497.

Erskine of Dim, repels an invasion of
the English, ii. 133.

Essex, cruel persecution of heretics in,
ii. 486. the gentry assist at the burn-
ings, ib. pretended plots in, 490.

Eucharist, explained,!. 465. examined. ii.
98. 300, 301.

Eugenius IV. Pope, quarrels with the
council of Basil, iii. 3.

Eutychian heresy, ii. 166. 173.

Evers, Sir Ralph, gallantly defends Scar-
borough-castle against the rebels, i. 369.

Excommunication, laws respecting, ii. 71
321.

Excusator, sent to Rome, i. 195.

Excusatory process, i. 195 — 199.

Executors of King Henry's will, ii. 5.
make good his promises, 9.

Exemptions of monasteries, i. 301. of
chapters, iii. 269.

Exeter, earl of. — See Courtney,

Exeter, marquis of, attainted, i. 425. 575.
executed, 576. iii. 210.

Exeter, marchioness of, attainted in ab-
sence, i. 425. 578. dies in prison, 579.

Exeter besieged by the rebels, ii. 189.
relieved by Lord Russel, ib.

Extreme unction, sacrament of, explained,
i. 466. form of, ii. 118.

FAGius.forced to leave Germany, ii. 140.
invited into England, ib. dies soon after
at Cambridge, ib. his body raised and
burnt, 537, 538.

Faith, an explanation of, i. 459.

Farnese, cardinal, sets up Cardinal Pole
for Pope, ii. 233.

Fascastle retaken by a stratagem, ii. 132.

Fasts, an act respecting, ii. 151. 304. re-
marks on, 152.

Fathers, opinions of, respecting the Levi-
tical prohibitions, i. 160, 161.

Feast of the reconciliation, ii. 466.

Feckenham, dean of St. Paul's, attends
the Lady Jane Gray after her condem-
nation, ii. 421. is declared abbot of
Westminster, 530. moves for the con-
firmation of its old privileges, 561. op-
poses the act of uniformity, 607, 606.
his character, 614. defends monastic
orders, iii. 414.

Ferdinand of Austria, king of the Ro-
mans, ii. 30. 350. discontented with
the Emperor, iii. 250. refuses liberty of
conscience to his subjects, ii. 511. cho-
sen Emperor of Germany, 513. proposes

INDEX.

515

a match between his son, the Archduke
Charles, and Queen Elizabeth, 435.

Feria, duke of, ii. 580. King Philip's
ambassador, iii. 406.

Ferrar, bishop of St. David's, ii. 347. op-
posed by his canons, iii. 307. articles
objected to him.ii. 347. deprived, 429.
condemned and burnt, 478.

Ferrara, determination of the university
of, i. 148.

Ferier, president, sent to Rome to obtain
the re-establishment of the pragmatic
sanction, iii. 24.

Fever, contagious, rages with great vio-
lence in England, ii. 570.

Fife, John, flies from Scotland on account
of his religion, i. 495. becomes a pro-
fessor in Leipsic, ib.

First-fruits of benefices given to the
King, i. 256.

Fish, Simon, author of the Supplication of
the Beggars, i. 262.

Fisher, bishop of Rochester, refuses to
sign the paper declaring the King's
marriage unlawful, i. 61. his proceed-
ings against the Reformers, 266. com-
plaint of the House of Commons against
him, 133. pains taken to satisfy him
about the extirpation of the Pope's power
in England, 234. implicated in the
business of the Maid of Kent, 243. iii.
152. and judged guilty of misprision of
treason, ii. 248. gently dealt with,but re-
mains obstinate and intractable, 250.
refuses to take the oath of succession to
the crown, 254. committed to the Tower,
256. deprived of his bishoprick and
hardly used,J6. is attain ted,258. his trial,
567. death, 568. and character, ib.

Fisher, parson of Amersham, iii. 331.

Fitz-James, Bishop of London, cruelly
persecutes Hunne, i. 22. burns his dead
body, 23. his proceedings against he-
retics, 47.

Fitzpatrick, Barnaby, King Edward's fa-
vourite, ii. 289. 357, 358.

Flaminio, Antonino, ii. 233.

Fleming, lord, ii. 553. poisoned, 572.

Flemings, disgusted with the Queen Re-
gent's government, ii. 207. a severe
edict against them, 257.

Flodden Field, battle of, i. 9.

Flower, William, wounds a priest, and is
burnt for heresy, ii. 478. iii. 364.

Flugius, Julius, assists in drawing up the
Interim, ii. 137.

Forrest, a canon regular, and others, burnt
at Edinburgh, i. 497.

Forrest, a monk, buint for heresy in Scot-
land, i. 424.

Forrest, friar, his equivocation and he-
resy, i. 574. burnt in Smithfield, 57.5.

Fortescue, Sir Adrian, attainted, i. 578.
executed, 579.

Fox, bishop of Winchester, opposes the
lord-treasurer in the council, i. 10.
overrules the objections against the
marriage of Henry with his brother's
widow, 55.

Fox, the King's almoner, sent to the Pope
respecting the divorce, i. 82. makes
known to the King Cranmer's proposi-
tion for settling it, 129. made bishop
of Hereford, 153. sent to Germany to
form a league between King Henry and
the Protestant Princes, 153. 316. 409.
iii. 167. supports Cranmer in the con-
vocation, i. 345. his death, 410.

Fox's account of a singular declaration
made to him, iii. 367.

France, state of, in the beginning of Henry
VIII.'s reign, i. 3. treaty with Eng-
land, ii. 235. civil wars of, 642. per-
fidious proceeding of the court of, iii.
421. 443.

Francis I. on his accession renews the
peace with Henry VIII. i. 4. esta-
blishes the concordat, iii. 1.11. attacks
the duchy of Milan, i. 4. an unsuc-
cessful candidate for the empire of Ger-
many, 5. his interview with Henry, 6.
defeated and taken prisoner at the bat-
tle of Pavia, 7. iii. 21. 32. obtains his
liberty, i. 8. iii. 48. causes many de-
lays in Henry's suit of divorce, iii. 104.
designs a match between his son, the
Duke of Orleans, and the Pope's niece,
i. 188. 219. iii. 105. encourages King
Henry to go on with his divorce, i. 1139.
iii. 110, 111. his interview with the
Pope,i. 219.iii. 111. 114. 128. with the
King of England, 105, 106. proposes
a match for Henry, i. 434. his instruc-
tions to the Bishop of Paris concerning
it, iii. 128. dissatisfied with Henry's vio-
lent proceedings, 152. but promises to
adhere to him, 153. his interview with
Charles V. at Paris, i. 437. King Henry
declares war against him, 522. loses
Bulloign, 533. ill success of his fleet,
534. makes peace with England, 546.
designs a reformation in France, ib.
his death, ii. 36.

Francis II. married to the young Queen of
Scotland, ii. 572. acknowledged King of
Scotland, 573. secret act signed by him
respecting the succession to the Scottish
crown, iii. 422. death of his father,
Henry II- ii. 636. his message to the
Scottish nobles, i&. dies, 641. iii. 448.

Franciscan friars, refuse to acknowledge
the King's supremacy, i. 294.

Frankfort, meeting of the Protestant
princes at, i. 33. troubles among the
English exiles there, ii. 528.

Free-will defined, i. 468.
French, their insolence in Scotland, ii.
134, 135. invade the territorv of Bul-
2 L 2

51G

INDEX.

loign, 158. take many places about it,
204. fleet beaten by the English, ib.
Frith, John, replies to Sir T. More's Sup-
plication of the Souls in Purgatory, i.
263. his arguments against the corpo-
ral presence, 272. imprisoned, 276.
condemned and executed, 277.

GAGE, Sir John, made lord chamberlain,
ii. 389. while lieutenant of the Tower,
treats Elizabeth severely, 564. leaves
England on her accession, 611.

Gardiner, Stephen, sent to the Pope with
a letter from the King respecting the
divorce, i. 82. 99. 104. recalled to ma-
nage the process in England, 108. in-
forms the King of Cranmer's proposi-
tion, 129. prevails with Henry to punish
the heretics, 272. hates all reforma-
tion, 282. opposes the translation of
the Bible, 314. complains of Cranmer,
iii. 157. dissuades the King from en-
tering into a league with the Protestant
princes, ii. 316. 409. 435. writes his
book of True Obedience, 357. declaims
against the religious houses, 403. pro-
cures the imprisonment of an Italian
servant who had discoursed of his se-
cret correspondence with the Pope, 404.
stirs up the King against the sacramen-
taries, 405. persuades him to preside
in the trial of Lambert the schoolmas-
ter, 406. opposes the free use of the
Scriptures, 434. his share in the divorce
of Anne of Cleves, 453. his expecta-
tions on Cromwell's fall, 459. attempts
to shorten the second commandment,
467. preaches at Paul's Cross, 475.
reflections on his sermon and person,
by Dr. Barnes, ib. for which he obtains
satisfaction, ib. low estimation he was
held in by King Henry, 485. his opi-
nion of the translation of the New Tes-
tament, 505. opposes Cranmer's motion
for a Reformation, 516. 534. raises a
persecution at Windsor, 524. engages
in a conspiracy against Cranmer, 526.
ambassador in the Emperor's court,
534. his design against Queen Kathe-
rine P.arr, 553. which totally alienates
the King from him, 554. 559. is struck
out of the King's will, 560. vindicates
the proceedings against More and
Fisher, 569. offended at the destruc-
tion of images, ii. 17. his letter to Rid-
ley, 18. opposes any further reforma-
tion, 39. iii. 280. protests against the
Homilies, ii. 57. sent to the Fleet, 58.
iii. 282. his discourse with Cranmer
on justification, ii. 59. writes a vindi-
cation of his conduct, ib. complains of
his ill usage, 61. brought before the
council and discharged, 88. falls into
new troubles, 108. preaches before the

King, 108. 1 1 1 . sent to the Tower, 109.
112. writes against Cranmer's book
on the Sacrament, 170. opposes the
true pronunciation of the Greek lan-
guage, 192. congratulates the Earl of
Warwick on the Duke of Somerset's
fall, 221. proceedings against him,
239. iii. 290 — 293. the fruits of his bi-
shoprickare sequestered, ii. 241. anec-
dotes of, 262. deprived, 263. iii. 297.
released from the Tower on Queen
Mary's accession, ii. 372. his policy,
374. made lord chancellor, 375. iii.
331. restored to his see, ii. 382. pre-
serves Cranmer for his own interest,
386. 489. crowns Queen Mary, 390.
intercedes for the Duke of Northum-
berland, iii. 334. persuades the Em-
peror to stop Cardinal Pole's journey
to England, ii. 401. his methods are
preferred by the Queen, 405. manages
the treaty for the marriage of Philip of
Spain, 415. corrupts the House of Com-
mons, 431. advises the Queen to re-
ject a new platform of government of-
fered to her, 432. marries Prince Phi-
lip to the Queen, 444. opposes the li-
beration of the Lady Elizabeth, 446.
485. magnifies the new King in a ser-
mon, 447. in great esteem, 461. pro-
poses violent proceedings against the
heretics, 464. his book of True Obe-
dience reprinted, 465. judges and con-
demns Rogers and Hooper, 467. and
Taylor of Hadley, 470. is disappoint-
ed, and leaves the condemning of here-
tics to Bonner, 471. writes to the Pope
against Cardinal Pole, 488. his sick-
ness and death, 498. iii. 374.

Gardiner, the bishop of Winchester's se-
cretary.executed for denyingthe King's
supremacy, i. 581.

Garter, a change made in the order of, ii.
327.

Gates, Sir John, tried and condemned, ii.
376. executed with the Duke of North-
umberland, 377. iii. 333.

Geddes, Dr., translated Vargas's letters
into English, iii. 264.

Gelasius, on the corporal presence, i.
274.

General council, resolutionof some bishops
about the calling of, i.284. speech of
Cranmer's respecting, 285. no good to
be expected from, iii. 268.

Georgius, Franciscus, writes in favour of
the King's divorce, i. 143. called the
Hammer of heretics, ib.

German princes, mediate a peace between
France and England, i.534. ii. 35. solicit
aid against the Emperor, 30. 36. meet
at Frankfort, 33. disheartened, 37.
negotiations with them, iii. 165. 217.
232. settle the Smalcaldic league, 169.

INDEX.

517

their demands, 171. King Henry's an-
swers to them, 172, 173.

German troops employed in England, ii.

133. iii. 285.

. Germany, state of affairs in, ii. 29 — 35.
80—81. 136. 206. 335.

Gerrard, a priest, i. 474. condemned for
heresy, 476. and burnt, 479.

Ghinuccii, Jerome de, deprived of the
bishoprick of Worcester, i. 243.

Ghinucci, family of, i. 142.

Glasgow, archbishop of, unwilling to pro-
ceed to extremities against heretics, i.
498. yet prevailed on to give judgment
against them, 499. prohibits Wishart's
preaching in churches, 536, 537. op-
poses the free use of the Scriptures,
iii. 420.

Glasier, preaches against the observance
of Lent, ii. 37.

Glastoubury, abbot of, attainted of high
treason, i. 884. his trial and execution,
385. letter of the visitors respecting
him, iii. 2 1 8. endeavours to restore the
abbey of, ii. 532.

Glastoubury, foreigners settled there or-
dered to depart, iii. 333.

Glencairn, earl of, enters into an agree-
ment with King Henry, iii. 243. re-
monstrates with the Queen Regent of
Scotland, ii. 634. marches to the as-
sistance of the reformed in St. John-
stoun, 635. his message to Queen Eli-
zabeth, iii. 445.

Gloucester, bishoprick of, founded, i. 482.
suppressed, ii. 324.

Gloucester, a blind man burnt at, ii. 525.

Godsave, Sir John, ii. 57.

Godstow, nunnery of, ineffectual interces-
sion for its preservation, i. 383. com-
plaint of the abbess, iii. 199.

Goldwell, bishop, sent to stop Cardinal
Pole's journey to England, ii. 402. re-
fuses the oath of supremacy, 612. goes
beyond sea, 614.

Good Friday, creeping to the cross on, for-
bidden, ii. 94.

Good works explained, i. 470.

Goodaker, Dr., consecrated bishop of
Armagh, ii. 327. poisoned, iii. 325.

Goodman, Christopher, engages in the
translation of the Scriptures, ii. 629.

Goodrich, bishop of Ely, joins a party
formed against the Protector, ii. 214.
made lord chancellor, 291. 355. the
seals are taken from him, 375. dies,
427.

Gosnald, judge, opposes King Edward's
settlement of the crown, ii. 354. yields
through fear, 355.

Gospellers, complaints against, ii. 180.

Gostwick, Sir John, charges Cranmer with
heresy, iii. 230. threatened by the
King, ib.

Gourlay, Normand, burnt for heresy in
Scotland, i. 494.

Graf ton, prints the Bible in English, i. 400.
in danger from Bonner, 480. but es-
capes through the friendship of Audley,
the chancellor, ib.

Grandimont, cardinal, iii. 82. 86.

Grandvil, chancellor, presses Charles V.
to extreme counsels, ii. 139.

Gratwick, Stephen, burnt at Southwark,
ii. 542.

Graveling, battle of, ii. 571.

Gray, lord, ii. 133. suppresses an insur-
rection in Oxfordshire, 183. joins Lord
Russel against the Devonshire rebels,
189. removed from his command in the
north, 205. sent to the Tower with the
Duke of Somerset, 284. besieged in
Guisnes, 557. which he surrenders, ib.
marches to the assistance of the Scots,
638. besieges Leith, ib. 639.

Gray-friars' church given by King Edward
for an orphan house, ii. 352.

Great Malverine, prior of, recommended
to Cromwell, by Bishop Latimer, i. 382.

Greek, a contest about the pronunciation
of, ii. 192.

Greenstead , burning of heretics at, ii. 527.

Gregory the Great, ii. 115.

Gresham's letter to the King for putting
the great hospitals into the hands of
the city, iii. 205.

Grevill, Agnes, condemned for heresy, i.
46.

Grimston, Sir Edward, comptroller of
Calais, ii. 558. taken prisoner and sent
to the Bastile, ib. effects his escape, ib.

Grindal, one of King Edward's chaplains,
ii. 273. leaves England, 388. returns,
iii. 408. writes to Peter Martyr, 417.
made bishop of London, ii. 623. iii. 417.
engages in the translation of the Scrip-
tures, ii. 629. writes to Bullinger and
Gualter on the controversy respecting
the vestments, iii. 4? 1. 485. on the af-
fairs of Scotland, 486, 487.

Grineus, Simon, employed amongst the
reformed in Switzerland, about the
King's divorce, i. 150.

Cropper, made dean of Bonne, ii. 82.
refuses a cardinal's hat, ib. 511. his
character, ib.

Gualter, writes to the Queen's physician,
advising a thorough Reformation, iii.
408. engaged in the controversy about
the vestments, 462. 464. 469.

Guernsey, heretics burnt at, ii. 525.
strange barbarity there of burning a
child born in the fire, ib. 526. dean of,
imprisoned for it, but is pardoned, 526.

Guest, bishop of Rochester, ii. 623.

Guidotti, a Florentine, negotiates a treaty
between France and England, ii. 232.

Guise, duke of, and his brothers, press

518

INDEX.

the marriage of the Dauphin with the
Queen of Scotland, ii. 333. recalled
from Italy to defend his country, 548.
besieges Calais, 555. takes it, 556.
and Guisnes, 557. breaks the edict in
favour of the Protestants, 643. studies
to divert the Queen of England from
assisting the Prince of Conde, iii. 4.50.

Cuisues, taken by the Duke of Guise, ii.
557.

Gunnings, Derby, attainted of treason, i.
477.

HABITS of the clergy, ii. 120. continued
by the Reformers, ib. disputes concern-
ing, 243. 630. iii. 304. 434. 460—478.
Haddon's (Dr.) oration on the death of
Martin Bucer, ii. 261. translates the
ecclesiastical laws into Latin, 314.
dean of Rochester, 407. disputes with
the Papists concerning the sacrament,
409—414.

Hadingtoun, taken and fortified by the
English, ii. 129. besieged, 130, 131. re-
lieved by the Earl of Shrewsbury, 133.
the French and Scots assault it, but are
repulsed, 134. the garrison withdrawn,
206.

Hains, dean of Exeter, imprisoned for
heresy, iii. 227. i. 524. sent on an em-
bassy into France, iii. 165. to the court
of Charles V. 198.

Hales, judge, refuses to concur in King
Edward's settlement of the crown, ii.
355. barbarously used, 383, 384.

Hales in Gloucestershire, singular impos-
ture discovered at, i. 390.

Hall, a priest, executed for a conspiracy,
i. 565, 566.

Hallier, a priest, burnt at Cambridge, ii.
524.

Hamilton, archbishop of St. Andrew's,
draws over his brother, the Governor
of Scotland, to the French interest, i.
521. his dissolute life, ii. 255. Cardan,
the philosopher, cures him of a dropsy,
332. is incensed at his brother for re-
signing the government, 333. places
himself at the head of a party against the
Queen-Mother, 334. condemns Walter
Mill to the flames for heresy, 631.

Hamilton, Sir James, commissioned to
proceed against heretics, i. 497.

Hamilton, Patrick, his sufferings, i. 490.
betrayed by Friar Campbell, 491. con-
demned, ib. burnt, 492. his brother and
sister brought into the bishops' courts,
494.

Harding, Thomas, his sufferings and
death, i. 271.

Harley, one of King Edward's chaplains,
ii. 273. made bishop of Hereford, 346.
thrust out for not worshipping the mass,
39-1.

Harpsfield, John, preaches before the
Convocation, ii. 407. persecutes the
heretics, 488, 489. 542. rebuked for a
seditious sermon, 599. articles pre-
sented by him as prolocutor, ib. iii.
399. 411.

Hastings, Sir Edward, raises forces for
the Lady Jane, ii. 367. goes over to
Queen Mary, 369. created Lord Hast-
ings, 389. sent to bring over Cardinal
Pole, iii. 356.

Heath, sent on an embassy to the Luthe-
ran Princes, iii. 167. translated to the
eee of Worcester, i. 535. his incon-
stancy and fear of deprivation, ii, 40.
refuses to subscribe the book of ordina-
tions, iii. 293. imprisoned, ii.228. and
deprived, 323. iii. 296. restored to his
see, ii. 382. 427. made archbishop of
York, 427. lord-chancellor, 500. in-
timates to the Parliament, Queen
Mary's death, and Elizabeth's acces-
sion, 578. is deprived of the seals, 588.
agrees to the conference about religion,
600. his speech against the act of uni-
formity, 607, 608. refuses the oath
of supremacy, 612. is well used by the
Queen after his deprivation, 613.
Henry VII. had his children well in-
structed, i. 16. lessens the privileges
of the clergy, 19. on the death of Prince
Arthur proposes the marriage of the
Infanta of Spain to his younger son
Henry, 55. but when dying charges
him to break it off, 57.
Henry V1I1. his accession to the crown,
i. 1. proceeds against Dudley and
Empson, ib. summons a parliament, 2.
his great expense, 3. his affairs beyond
sea, ib. successes in France, 4.
peace with that kingdom, ib. visited by
the Emperor Charles V. 5, 6. in-
terview with Francis I. 6. upon whom
he makes war, ib. concludes a league
with Charles, ib. who engages to marry
his daughter, the Lady Mary, 7. his
counsels directed by Cardinal Wolsey,
5. 7. is irritated by the emperor, and
threatens to make war upon him, 7, 8.
declared protector of the Clementine
League, 8. his successful endeavours
to procure the liberty of the French
King, ib. and the Pope, 9. his success
against Scotland, ib. councils at home,
10. Wolsey 's ascendancy over him, 11.
was bred a scholar, 15. is pleased with
flattery, 17. his prerogative in ecclesi-
astical affairs, 19. Pope Julius senda
him a golden rose, 30. his gratitude to
the apostolic see, ih. Leo X. confers on
him the title of Defender of the Faith,
31.iii.27. loves learning, i. 35. writes
against Luther, 51. 572. iii. 26. be-
ginning of his suit of divorce, i. 54.

INDEX.

519

protests against his marriage, i. 57.
again marries Queen Katherine after
coming to the crown, i&. his scruples
about his marriage, 59, 60. the bishops
declare it unlawful, 61. iii. 56. the
dangers that were like to follow it, i.
61 . fixes his thoughts on Anne Boleyn,
his letters to her, iii. 62. moves for
divorce at Rome, i. 72. but seemed to
live well with the Queen, iii. 63. the
Pope's advice to him, i. 78. writes to the
Pope by Gardiner and Fox, 82. Cam-
pegio arrives in England to try the
validity of the marriage, 93. iii. 64.
sends new ambassadors with fresh in-
structions, i. 96. his instructions to
them for the election of Wolsey to the
papacy, 102. new propositions about
his divorce, 104. iii. 82. knights Campe-
gio's son, i. 111. grants the legates leave
to execute their commission, 115. ap-
pears before them by proxy, ib. iii. 69.
appears personally, i. 117. and gives
an account of his scruples, 118. his
conduct on the adjournment of the court,
125, 126. his first step for the lessen-
ing of the Pope's power, 126. takes
the great seal from Wolsey, 129. calls
a parliament, 132. an act passed for
discharging his debts, 134. consults
the universities about his divorce, 137.
iii. 76. 83. writes to the university
of Oxford, 97. refuses to appear at
Rome, i. 157. 195. iii. 100. procures
a letter from the nobility, clergy, and
commons to be sent to the Pope, i. 155.
lays his case before the parliament,
172. acknowledged supreme head of
the Church of England, 183. iii. 78 —
80. leaves the Queen, i. 186. the clergy
entirely at his mercy, 188. enters into
a league with the French King, and
Protestant Princes of Germany, 189.
his answer to the petition of the Com-
mons that they maybe dissolved, 190.
his dispatch to the Pope concerning
the appeal, 193. iii. 101. sends Sir
Edward Karne to Rome, as excusator,
i. 195. iii. 102. obtains a bull for erect-
ing six new bishopricks, i. 197. the Pope
desires that he would submit to him,
199. remits the oaths of the clergy to

D J

the consideration of the Commons, 200.
his interview with the French King,
203. marries Anne Boleyn, 205. 213.
promotes Cranmer to the archbishop-
rick of Canterbury, 208. who pro-
nounces sentence of divorce between
him and Queen Katherine, 214. sends
an embassy to Francis, 218. iii. 109.
1 14. appeals from the Pope to a general
council, i. 2'JO. representation of the
case to the Emperor, iii. 130. the
French King prevails with him to sub-

mit his cause to the Pope, i. 1 20. iii.
131. writes to the ambassadors, i. 131.
the consistory at Rome declares his
marriage with Queen Katherine to be
good, 222. iii. 135. resolves to abolish
the Pope's power in England, i. 223.
sends Paget to the northern courts, iii.
143. arguments for his supremacy, i.
229. declared supreme head of the
Church of England, 256. iii. 156. or-
ders the justices to observe the be-
haviour of the clergy, iii. 149. expos-
tulates with the court of France, i. 153.
treates with the Lutheran Princes, iii.
165. first-fruits of benefices given to
him, i. 286. the rest of his reign grows
troublesome, 289. by the practices of
the monks and friars, 290. which pro-
voke him to great severities, 291. his
secret motives for dissolving the mo-
nasteries, 305. his behaviour on the
sickness and death of Queen Katherine,
310. entertains a secret love for Jane
Seymour, 317. his jealousy of Queen
Anne, ib. whom he commits to the
Tower, 319. procures a divorce from
her, 328. the day following her execu-
tion he marries Jane Seymour, 334.
his answer to the proposals of the Em-
peror, iii. 183. refuses any treaty with
the Pope, 184. submission he exacted
from his daughter, the Lady Mary, i.
334. the absoluteness of his authority,
339. 342. procures an act for utterly
extinguishing the Pope's power in Eng-
land, 340. orders the Articles about
religion to be published, 350. protests
against the council summoned to Man-
tua, 354. Cardinal Pole opposes his
proceedings, 355. but the bishops write
in his vindication, 357. publishes in-
junctions respecting religion, 363. his
answer to the insurgents in Lincoln-
shire, 366. marches against them, 368.
commissions the Earl of Shrewsbury
to oppose the rebels in the north, 369.
sends the Duke of Norfolk with others
against them, 370. summons the no-
bility to meet him at Northampton,
ib. his answer to the demands of the
rebels, 372. 374. sends them a general
pardon, 373. appoints anew visitation
of monasteries, 378. invectives against
him printed at Rome, 394. the Pope
publishes a bull of deposition against
him, 395. he procures a declaration
from the clergy against the Pope's pre-
tensions, 399. his grief for the loss of
Queen Jane, who dies two days after
the birth of Prince Edward, 403. iii.
200. stirred up against the sacramen-
taries, i. 405. presides at the trial of
Lambert, the schoolmaster, 406. his
correspondence with the German prin -

520

INDEX.

ces, 409. answers to their demands, iii.
17:2, 173. had a great value for Me-
Jancthon, i. 4-10. procures an act of
parliament for the Six Articles, 415.
iii. 212, 213. his design for the erec-
tion of new bishopricks, i. 422. iii. 211.
designs to marry Anne of Cleves, 215.
i. 434, 43.7. who comes over to Eng-
land and is much disliked by him,
436. but yet marries her, 439. his
aversion to her increases, ib. in love
•with Katherine Howard, 444. iii. 216.
whom he marries, i. 455. 458. designs
a divorce from Anne of Cleves, iii.
221. i. 449. publishes an exposition of
the Christian faith, 471. a secret
treaty set on foot between him and the
Emperor, 473. their reconciliation, iii.
198. attainders for denying his supre-
macy, i. 477. founds the new bishop-
ricks, 482. on Cromwell's death is left
•wholly to himself, 485. orders the Eng-
lish Bible to be set up in all Churches,
486. desires the King of France to
deliver Cardinal Pole into his hands,
iii. 197. grows severe against the Re-
formers, 206. his account of Thomas
a Becket, 207. letter to the justices,
208. changes two monasteries into
collegiate churches, i. 487. goes to
York, 488. 500. sends ambassadors to
the King of Scotland, 495. who rejects
his offers, 496. the Queen's ill life dis-
covered to him, 500. his grief on that
occasion, 501. the petition of parlia-
ment to him, 502. declares war against
Scotland, 511. success of his arms,
513, 514. projects a union between the
young Queen of Scots and Prince Ed-
ward, 515. 519. concludes a league
with the Emperor, 519. with some
Scottish lords, iii. 243. makes war upon
France, i. 522. marries Katherine
Parr, 523. informs Cranmer of the
plot against him, 526, 527. iii. 229.
loan of money to him remitted by par-
liament, i. 531. sends the Earl of
Hertford against Scotland, ib. crosses
the seas, 532. takes Bulloign, 533. iii.
246. returns to England, ib. deceived
by the Emperor, iii. 246, 247. chap-
ters and chantries given to him, i. 542.
his speech to both houses of parliament,
543. confirms the rights of the uni-
versities, 545. concludes a peace with
France, 546. new design for reforma-
tion, ib. iii. 217. neglects the German
princes, iii. 249. his great care of
Cranmer, i. 5oO. the design of the
papists against the Queen, 552. totally
alienates him from that party, 554. his
severity to the Duke of Norfolk and
his son, 556. embassy of the German
Protestants to him, 539. his sickness,

560. 562. his latter will a forgery, 561.
grants made by him on his death-bed,
562. dies, 563. an account of his
severities against the Popish party, ib.
a recapitulation of his reign, iii. 256.
corrupted by a course of flattery, ib.
inconstancy in matters of religion,
260. his will opened, ii. 4. a declara-
tion of his promises, 9, 10. buried at
Windsor, 20, 21.

Henry II. of France perfidiously invades
the territory of Bulloign, ii. 158. iii.
279. besieges the town, ii.205. concludes
a peace with England, 235. marriage
projected between his daughter and
King Edward, 282. the order of the
Garter is sent to him, ib. sends to King
Edward the order of St. Michael, 283.
his war with the Pope, 229. protests
against the council of Trent, ib. ex-
alted with his success against the Em-
peror, 350. breaks the truce he had
made with Philip of Spain, the Pope
absolving him from his oath, 534. 546.
England denounces war against him,
548. iii. 386. intends to grant liberty of
religion, ii. 635. but is killed, 636. 642.

Herbert, lord, mistaken in his account of
the divorce, i. 117. his account of a con-
ference with Queen Katherine, 221.

Herbert, Sir William, declares King
Henry's promises, ii. 9. 11. disperses
the rebels in Wiltshire, 132. created
Earl of Pembroke, 284. — which see.

Heresy, laws relative to, ii. 315.

Heretical books, proclamation against,
ii. 566.

Heretics, laws against, i. 38. 40. Arch-
bishop Warham's proceedings against,
44. an act about punishing them, 240.
laws against, revived, ii. 459. consul-
tation about the way of dealing with
them, 463. cruelties exercised on them,
469. 485. 493. 541—544. 566. iii. 81.
340. 361. 384, 385. 390. 393.— See
Protestants.

Herman, archbishop of Cologne, ii. 31.
iii. 249. cited to Rome for heresy, ii.
33. excommunicated and degraded,
81. resigns his dignity, 82.

Heron, Giles, attainted, in absence, i.
580.

Hertford, earl of, marches into Scotland,
i. 531. spoils the country and burns
Leith, 532. appointed lieutenant of
England during the King's absence,
ib. supersedes the Earl of Surrey in
the command of the army, 546. brings
Prince Edward to the Tower, after the
death of his father, ii. 4. appointed
one of King Henry's executors, 5.
chosen Protector, 6. declared lord-
treasurer and earl marshal, 7. knights
King Edward, 12. favours the Refor-

INDEX.

521

mation, 13. defends the destruction of
images, 17. created Duke of Somerset,
23. iii. 277. which see.

Hesse, landgrave of, ii. 31. writes to
King Henry, iii. 174. his character, ii.
32. expostulates with the Emperor, 34.
takes the field against him, 35. sub-
mits, and is imprisoned, 81.

High Commission Court established, ii.
599. 619.

Highlander, anecdote of, ii. 131.

Hill, Richard, writes to Bullinger of the
persecutions in England, iii. 215. of
Cromwell's death, 221. of the excep-
tions in the King's act of grace, 223.
of Dr. Crome, 224.

Hilsey, consecrated bishop of Rochester,
i. 259.

Hilton, Thomas, burnt, i. 266.

Hobby, Sir Philip, favours the Reforma-
tion, i. 523. imprisoned, 524. iii. 278.
his accuser perjured, i. 525, 526. ambas-
sador at the Emperor's court, ii. 164.
209. iii. 278. where he is not suffered to
use the new English service, ii. 164. iii.
289. returns to London and negotiates
between the King and council, ii. 219.
sent to the Tower, iii. 289. again sent
to the Emperor, ii. 222. 349. iii. 289.
his advice to the Protector respecting
the revenues of the church, 287.

Holbeach, Henry, made bishop of Ro-
chester, i. 535. dies, ii. 324.

Ilolgate, Robert, made archbishop of
York, i. 535. sets about a reformation
in his province, ib. a complaint against
him, iii. 296. deprived and imprisoned,
ii. 427. iii. 333. King Philip procures
his liberty, ii. 445. iii. 359.

Kolstein,dukeof, visits Queen Elizabeth,
iii. 410.

Holy-days, on the observance of, ii. 46.
iii. 201. vast number of, ii. 120. an act
concerning, 304.

Holyman, bishop of Bristol, ii. 427.

Homage of the crown of Scotland to Eng-
land, ii. 50.

Home-castle, garrisoned by the English,
ii. 55. taken by the Scots, 132.

Homilies compiled, ii. 42.

Hooper, John, an account of, iii. 299.
offers to dispute with Bishop Gardiner,
2?8. his character of Edward, ib. re-
ports Bonner's sermon to the council,
ii. 194. 197. made bishop of Glouces-
ter, 242. and Worcester, 324. refuses
to wear the episcopal vestments, 243.
which causes a great dispute, ib. iii.
,°>04. conforms and is consecrated, ii.
264. 324. iii. 306. zealously engages
in the reformation of his diocese, 307.
315. obliges Sir Anthony Kingston to
do penance for adultery, 315. sent to
the Fleet, ii. 383. iii. 332. • deprived,

ii. 429. judged and condemned, 467,
468. iii. 361, 362. burnt at Glouces-
ter, ii. 469. iii. 363. reflections on his
death, ii. 472. his letters to Bullinger,
iii. 298. 300. 363, 364.

Hopton, bishop of Norwich, ii. 428. hia
officious zeal for the Queen, 448. 484.

Horn, dean of Duresme, summoned before
the council, iii. 333. flies out of England,
ii. 388. returns, iii. 409. reads the
paper against the Latin service in the
conference, ii. 603. iii. 414. made bi-
shop of Winchester, ii. 623. engages in
the translation of the Bible, 628. writes
to Zurich on the diversities in practice,
iii. 462. prints Bullinger's letter on the
subject, 466. again writes to him, 471.

Horsey, Dr., indicted for the murder of
Hunne, i. 23. brought to a trial, but is
dismissed, 28, 29.

Hospitals surrendered, i. 431. an act re-
specting, 504.

Host, stolen at St. Paul's, ii. 452.

Howard, lord William, ambassador in
France, iii. 232. recalled, 233.

Hublethorn, Sir John, knighted by King
Edward, ii. 12.

Humphreys, president of Magdalen Col-
lege, opposes the use of the vestments,
iii. 462. in conjunction with Sampson,
writes to Bullinger on the subject, 477.

Hungerford, lord, attainted in absence,
i. 580. executed, 581.

Hunne, Richard, persecutedby the clergy,
i. 22. hanged in prison, ib. his dead
body burnt in Smithfield, 23.

Hunter, William, burnt for heresy, ii. 477.

Huntington, earl of, takes the command
of Bulloigne, ii. 222. seizes the Duke
of Suffolk, 418.

Huntley, earl of, ii.52. taken prisoner at
the battle of Pinkey, 54. deprived of
his office of lord chancellor, by the
Queen Dowager, iii. 425. imprisoned
and fined, 426.

Hussy, lord, executed for rebellion, i.377.
573.

IMAGE worship, an account of the pro-
gress of, ii. 14. justified by Dr. Pern,
39.

Images, instructions respecting, i. 348.
publicly broken, 390. removed, ii. 13.
16, 17. 46. 95. by order of the council,
96. cheats in, discovered, iii. 199. re-
stored, ii. 383. Queen Elizabeth in-
clined to retain them in churches> 614.
reasons against it, 615.

Imperialists, in the consistory, press for
a sentence against King Henry, i. 222.

Inclosures of land, tumults in England re-
specting, ii. 181, 182.

Incontinence, of priests, i. 453. of the
Queen, an act respecting, 503, 504.

522

INDEX.

Indies, consequence of the discovery of,

i. 10.

Indulgences, consequences of Luther's

writing against the sale of, i. 48. trade

of, prevented in England, 237. origin

of, ii. 105.

Infant baptism, disputes concerning, ii.

179.
Infanta of Spain, married to Prince Arthur,

i. 54. — See Katherine, Queen.
Injunctions, about religion, i. 363. for the
reading of the Scriptures, 401. of Bon-
ner to his clergy, 506. given to the
visitors of bishopricks, ii. 44. to the
bishops, 45. by Queen Elizabeth, 616.
reflections on these, 617.
Innovations without authority, forbidden,

ii. 94.

Inquisition, ii. 483. proposed to be esta-
blished in England, 539, 540. a great
step made towards, iii. 371, 372.
Institution of a Christian Man, i. 514. iii.

222.

Instructions for the dissolution of monas-
teries, i. 357.

Interim, drawn up, ii. 137. received in
the diet of Augsburg, ib. and published
by the Emperor, 138. disliked by both
Protestants and Papists, ib. Thirleby's
account of it, iii. 277. occasions dis-
tractions in Germany, 299.
Interrogations and sponsions in the new

book of ordinations, ii. y30 — 232.
Invectives against King Henry printed at

Rome, i. 394.

Ipswich, heretics burnt at, ii. 567.
Ireland, affairs of, ii. 324. rebellion in,
107. 325. small progress of the Refor-
mation in, 327. erected into a kingdom
by the Pope, 432. Primate of, poison-
ed, iii. 325.

JAMES IV. of Scotland, killed in the bat-
tle of Flodden Field, i. 9. iii. 25.

James V., character of, i. 438. provokes
King Henry by not meeting him at
York, ib. his confessor favours the Re-
formation, 493. in a parliament de-
clares his zeal for the apostolic see,
495. rejects King Henry's offers, and
marries Magdalen, daughter to Francis
I., 496. and on her death, marries
Mary of Guise, ib. wholly guided by
the clergy, ib. the English make war
upon him, 512. disturbed in his fancy,
513. gives the command of his army to
Oliver Sinclair, ib. who is totally de-
feated at Solway Frith, ib. this disaster
hastens his death, 514.

James VI. born, iii. 489. crowned, 493.
bond of association for his defence, ib.
practices of the house of Guise upon
him, 495. marries a Princess of Den-
mark, 496.

Jane Gray (Lady), married to Guilford
Dulley, ii. 282. 353. her character, ib.
iii. 31 1 . informed of her being to succeed
to the crown, ii. 362. her unwilling
ness to accept of it, 363. is proclaimed
Queen, 364. 367. lays down her title,
370. detained in the Tower, 371. at-
tainted, 398. her preparation for death,
421. message to her father, ib. letter to
Harding, 422. behaviour on the scaffold,
ii. 423. iii. 338.

Jane Seymour, i. 317. married to Henry
VIII., 334. gives birth to Prince Ed-
ward, and dies two days after, 403. ii.
1. iii. 200.

Jerningham, Sir Henry, made captain of
the guard, ii. 389. marches against
Wiat, 418.

Jerome, a priest, i. 474. condemned for
heresy, 476, and burnt, 479.

Jesuits, order of, ii. 509. offended with
Cardinal Pole for refusing to bring
them into England, 510.

Jesus, bowing at the name of, ii. 617, 618.

Jewel, formed by Peter Martyr at Ox-
ford, iii. 402. his great respect for
that Reformer, ib. returns from Zurich,
ib. his letters to Peter Martyr, 409.
412. 414, 415. 433. 436. 440. 442. to
Bullinger, 413. 473, 474. 476. to Sim-
ler, 434. to Gualter, 440. complains
of the want of zeal, 415. large province
assigned for him to preach in, 416. no-
minated to a bishoprick, 417. conse-
crated bishop of Salisbury, ii. 623. iii.
436. his opinion of the disputes con-
cerning the vestments, 434. 473. of the
reduction of the revenues of bishops, ib.
publishes his Apology, 442.

Jewish Rabbins, favour the King's di-
vorce, i. 143.

Joachim, Sieur de Veaux, iii. 83, 84.

Joan Bocher, an anabaptist, ii. 177. burnt,
178.

John of Leyden, ii. 176.

Johnston, Dr. Nathaniel, ii. 94.

Journal of King Edward's Reign, ii. 251.
iii. 262.

Julius II., Pope, complains of the con-
duct of the French King to Henry VIII.
i. 11. sends Henry a golden rose, 30.
summons a council to be held in the
Lateran, ib.

Julius III. when chosen Pope gives his
hat to the keeper of his monkey, ii.
234. engages in a war with France, 299.
calls the council to meet at Trent, ib.
Queen Mary assures him of her filial
obedience, 400. sends Cardinal Pole as
his legate to England, 401. dies, 480.

Judges, sometimes opposed the cruelties
of the popish clergy, i. 43.

Justices of the peace, commission of, ii
19.

INDEX.

523

Justices of the peace, instructed to search
for h eretics, ii. 483. and to observe the
behaviour of the clergy, iii. 149.

Justification, article of, i. 348. 462. de-
fined, 469. ii. 123.

KARNE, Sir Edward, sent to Rome as
excusator for King Henry, i. 195. his
negotiation there, ib. again sent as am-
bassador by Queen Mary, ii. 466. iii.
398. deceived by the Pope, ii. 535. re-
monstrates with him on the recall of
Cardinal Pole, 550. recalled by Queen
Elizabeth, 580. but remains at the
Pope's request, ib.

Katherine of Spain, married to Prince
Arthur, i. 54. after his death, to his
brother Henry, who protests against it,
57. writes to the King on the death of
James IV. of Scotland, iii. 25. engages
her nephew to oppose the King's suit
for a divorce, i. 90. 107. her severe
speech to Wolsey, iii. 64. appears be-
fore the legates, and protests against
them as incompetent judges, i. 115.
a severe charge against her, ib. her
council, iii. 65. her speech to the King,
on appealing the second time before the
legates, i. 117. appeals to Rome, 119.
iii. 69. declared contumax by the le-
gates, ib. continues intractable, i. 171.
212. the Pope writes to the King about
her appeal, 192. sentence of divorce
pronounced by Cranmer, 214. she re-
fuses to submit, 216. her marriage de-
clared good by the consistory at Rome,
222. diesatKimbolton, 309.iii.177. her
character, i. 310. her divorce repealed
by Queen Mary's first parliament, 393.

Katherine Howard, gains the affections of
King Henry, i. 444. iii. 216. to whom
she is married, i.455. 458. accompanies
him to York, 500. her ill life is dis-
covered, ?6. iii. 231. confesses her
guilt, i. 501. an act of attainder passed
against her, 502. her execution, 503.

Katherine Parr, married to King Henry,
i. 523. iii. 248. secretly favours the Re-
formation, ib. government of the king-
dom committed to her in the King's
absence, i. 532. design of the Popish
party against her, 552. defeated, 553,
554. after the King's death, is married
to the Lord Seymour, ii. 85. dies,
154. wrote the "Lamentation of a Sin-
ner," ib.

Kennedy, a young man, burnt for heresy
at Glasgow, i. 498, 499.

Keyser, imprisoned for heresy, discharged
by the judges, i. 44.

Ket, a tanner, heads the rebellion in Nor-
folk, ii. 187. taken and hanged in
chains, 190. his body falls from the
gallows, iii. 371.

King Edward's liturgy reviewed, ii. 606.

King's power under age, ii. 187. 194.

King's supremacy, arguments for, i. 229.
qualification of that supremacy, 233.
sworn by the bishops, 292. and by the
rest of the clergy, 293. except the
Franciscan friars, 294.

Kingston, Sir Anthony, sent to the Tower
for his behaviour in the House of Com-
mons, ii. 504. submits and is dis-
charged, ib. obliged to do penance for
adultery, iii. 315. accused of a design
to raise a rebellion, ii. 504. dies on his
way to London, ib.

Kingston, Sir William, lieutenant of the
Tower, i. 320. his letter to Cromwell
concerning Queen Anne Boleyn, 329.

Kitchen, made bishop of LandafF, i. 535.
takes the oath of supremacy, ii. 612.

Kneeling in the communion, an account
of, ii. 271.

Knight, Dr., sent with instructions to the
Pope respecting King Henry's divorce,
i. 72. 98, 99. iii. 53. obtains a bill for
it, i. 76.

Knight, Stephen, burnt at Maiden, ii. 477.

Knights of St. John of Jerusalem sup-
pressed, i. 442.

Knox, John, one of King Edward's chap-
lains, ii. 273. preaches against the
dissoluteness of the nobility, 360. op-
poses the use of the English Liturgy at
Frankfort, 528. goes to Geneva, ib.
returns, iii. 408. wrote the Scottish
confession of faith confirmed by the par-
liament, ii. 640. effects of his preach-
ing, iii. 416. the Reformation under
his guidance accomplished without
bloodshed, 423. delivers an opinion in
favour of the Queen Dowager's depo-
sition, 429. his zeal against popery, 477.

LADY of Pity in the Pew, iii. 249.

Lady of Walsingham, shrine of, i. 392.

Lady of Worcester, image of, i. 391.
Ltstus introitus, ii. 206.

Lambert, a schoolmaster, questioned for
denying the corporal presence, i. 405.
appeals to the King, 406. and is pub-
licly tried at Westminster, ib. argu-
ments brought against him, 407. he is
condemned and burnt, 408.

" Lamentation of a Sinner," written by
Queen Katherine Parr, ii. 154.

" Lamentation of England," by Ridley,
ii. 360.

Langden, abbot of, anecdote of, i. 308.

Lassells, John, gives Cranmer an ac-
count of Queen Katherine Howard's ill
life, i. 500. burnt in Smithfield, 549.

Lateran, council of the, i. 30.

Latimer, Hugh, accused of heresy, i. 270.
iii. 1 16. articles which he abjures, i 270.
made bishop of Worcester,280. preaches

524

INDEX.

before the convocation, 343. recom-
mends the prior of Great Malverine
to Cromwell, 382. resigns his bishop-
rick, 4-28. forbidden to preach, hi. 225.
discharged of bis imprisonment, ii. 40.
the House of Commons moved to have
him restored to his bishoprick, ib. 154.
but he lives private and employs him-
self in preaching, ib. good effects of,
iii. 294. informs against Bonner, ii.
194. 197. his advice to King Edward
concerning his marriage, 242. inveighs
against the sins of the times, 360. sent
to the Tower, 387. iii. 333. removed to
Oxford to dispute on the corporal pre-
sence, ii. 435, 436. 439. is declared an
obstinate heretic, 440. burnt at Oxford
with Ridley, 494 — 496. his character,
496.

Latin service restored, ii. 383. arguments
for it, 607. against it, 603.

Launder, John, burnt at Steyning, ii. 490.

Laurea, cardinal, sent to Scotland, as the
Pope's nuncio, iii. 487. his account of
King Henry's murder, 489 — 491.

Lawrence, John, burnt at Colchester,
ii. 478.

Laws against heretics, i. 40.

Leaf, John, an apprentice, burnt with
Bradford, ii. 488.

Learning, state of, in Henry VIII. 's
time, i. 17.

Lee, archbishop of York, suspected of
favouring the Pope, iii. 150. 159. he
justifies himself, ib. 162. opposes the
Reformation, i. 346. taken by the
Yorkshire rebels, 369. interposes in
behalf of the monastery at Hexbam,
403. iii. 163. injunctions given by him,
iii. 201. dies, i. 535.

Lee, one of the commissioners for the visi-
tation of monasteries, i. 296. discovers
the authors of the plot against Cranmer,
527, 528. his advice to the Archbishop
of York, iii. 159.

Leechmere, Richard, esq. Bonner's letter
to him, ii. 204.

Legates, write to the Pope, i. 109. pro-
ceedings of, in King Henry's divorce,
iii. 69—72.

Le Grand's (cardinal) letters, iii. 57. 59,
60. 63, 64. 66, 67—75. 87—92. 128.
136.

Leicester, earl of, ii. 646.

Leighton, Dr., advises a general visitation
of monasteries, i. 295. in which he is
employed, 296. iii. 160.

Leith, burnt by the English, i. 531. taken
by the Duke of Somerset, ii. 54. for-
tified by the French, 134. 637. besieg-
ed, 638.
Leith, treaty of, iii. 414, 445. not ratified

by Queen Mary of Scotland, 448*
Lenox, earl of, enters into an agreement

with King Henry, iii. 243. sent into
Scotland to oppose the Governor, i. 521.
is neglected and flies into England, 522.
marries King Henry's niece, ib. accom-
panies an expedition against Scotland,
ii. 133.

Leo X. makes Wolsey a cardinal, and
confers the title of Defender of the
Faith on Henry VIII. i. 31. condemns
the Pragmatic Sanction, iii. 10.

Lent, a bill against eating flesh in, ii. 151.

Lesley's account of religion in Scotland, i.
490. 495. his testimony to the good
conduct of the Reformers, iii. 423.

Letters of Anne Boleyn to Wolsey, i. 88.

Letters-patent to have the force of acts of
parliament, i. 342. form of the bishops',
ii. 346.

Lever, preaches against the dissoluteness
of the times, ii. 360.

Levitical Prohibitions, various opinions
respecting, i. 158 — 167.

Lewes, heretics burnt at, ii. 525. 543.

Lincolnshire, rebellion in, i. 366. quieted,
368.

Linda, town of, rejects the Interim, ii.
138.

Lisle, viscount, one of the King's execu-
tors, ii. 5. created Earl of Warwick, 23.
See Warwick.

Lisle, lord, son of the former, marries the
Duke of Somerset's daughter, ii. 255.

Litanies and processions translated into
English, i. 532. iii. 247.

Litany of the Reformers, ii. 122.

Liturgies of the church, ii. 114. anew one
composed, 115. reflections on, 126.
confirmed by parliament, 148. 606.

Lizet, president of the Sorbonne, iii. 91.
writes an account of the proceedings of
that body in the matter of King Henry's
divorce, 9^. his indecision, 94.

Lollards, severe act against, i. 43. ii. 435.

London, citizens of, cause of their disaf-
fection to the Popish clergy, i. 23. tu-
mult among the clergy of, about the
subsidy, 186. city of, joins the party
formed against the Protector Somerset,
ii. 217.

London, Dr., one of the commissioners for
visitation of monasteries, i. 296. vio-
lence of his proceedings, iii. 198. com-
plaints against him, i. 388. discovers
the secret impostures of the monks, 389.
informs against the Protestants in
Windsor, 523. perjures himself, 525.
set in the pillory and dies soon after,
526.

Longland, bishop of Lincoln, cruelly per-
secutes the Lollards, i. 50. opposes the
Reformation, 282.
Lord's Prayer explained, i. 468.
Lords, House of, oppose the bill against
abuses of the clergy, i. 133. beg leave

INDEX.

525

to try the validity of the King's mar-
riage with Anne of Cleves, 450. the
bishops in, oppose the Reformation,
iii. 412. 414.

Lords of the Articles, ii. 573. allow the
free use of the Scriptures, iii. 419.

Lords of the Congregation, send a petition
to Queen Elizabeth, iii. 423 — 428.
their bond of association, 431. de-
pose the Queen Regent of Scotland, ii.
637. implore assistance from the Queen
of England, 638. which is granted on
conditions, ib, they besiege Leith, 638.
treaty concluded between them and the
French, 640. iii. 444. propose a mar-
riage to Queen Elizabeth with the
Earl of Arran, 445.

Lorrain, duke of, i. 433. his pretended
contract with Anne of Cleve, 4.50, 451.

Lorraine, princes of, govern the councils
of France, ii. 36.

Lorraine, cardinal of, his motives for ne-
gotiating a peace with Spain, ii. 570. iii.
399. resolves to extirpate heresy, 631.
iii. 400. governs all, on the death of
Henry II., ii. 636.

Louis XI. abrogates the Pragmatic Sanc-
tion, iii. 6. title of Most Christian King
conferred upon him, 7.

Louis, King of France, marries Henry
VIII. 's sister, i. 4. dies soon after, ib.

Lunenburg, duke of, ii. 255.

Luther, progress of his doctrine, i. 48.
answers King Henry's book on the
seven sacraments, 51. during the pro-
cess of the King's divorce, no prosecu-
tion of the preachers of his doctrine,
260. his opinion respecting the corporal
presence, ii. 166, 167. and King Hen-
ry's divorce, iii. 169. extract from a
letter of his, 263.

Lutheran divines, condemn the King's
first marriage, but are against a second,
i. 152.

MACKBEE, Dr., flies from Scotland, on
account of religion, i. 495. becomes
chaplain to the King of Denmark, ib.

Mackrall, the monk, executed for rebel-
lion, i. 573.

Magdeburg, refuses to submit to the Em-
peror, ii. 81. 206. is proscribed, 256.
manifesto of the magistrates, ib. Mau-
rice of Saxony takes the command of
the army appointed to reduce it, 257.
surrenders to him, 299.

Maid of Kent, an account of, i. 243. con-
fesses the imposture, 248. is attainted,
with her accomplices, of high treason,
ib. speech at her execution, 249.

Mainvil, Ninian, charges the Bishop of
Duresme with consenting to a conspi-
racy, iii. 307.

Maitland of Lethington, iii. 438. 491.

Mallet, the Lady Mary's chaplain, put in
the Tower, ii. 276.

Malvenda, complains of the proceedings
at Trent, iii. 275. employed in draw-
ing up the Interim, 277.

Manichees, laws against, i. 38.

Mantua, council of, condemns the Prag-
matic Sanction, iii. 5.

Marbeck, John, with others, imprisoned
for heresy, i. 523. his great diligence
and ingenuity, 524. imprisoned, iii.
227. is tried and condemned, but ob-
tains a pardon, i. 525.

Marcellus, cardinal, chosen Pope, ii. 480.
resolves on a reformation, ib. but dies
within a few days after his election, 481 .

March, George, burnt at Chester, ii. 478.

Marches, between England and Scotland,
i. 200.

Marcionites, heresy of, ii. 173.

Marriage, completed by consent, i. 163.
iii. 222. arguments for King Henry's,
i. 167. bill about, rejected, 190. of the
clergy, ii. 79. 306. 430. after divorce,
the grounds on which it is suffered, 90.
laws respecting, 316.

Marriage of the clergy, an act for, ii. 141.
612.

Married clergy, deprived of their bene-
fices, iii. 338, 339.

Marseilles, interview between Francis I.
and the Pope at, i. 219.

Martin V., Pope, writes to the Archbishop
of Canterbury against the statute of
provisors, i. 178. which he annuls, 1 80.
his letters to the King and parliament
on the subject, 181.

Martin, Dr., writes against the marriage
of the clergy, ii. 430. sent with others
to try Cranmer, 514, 515, 516. and to
raze the records of religious houses,
531.

Mary, sister of Henry VIII. marries the
King of France, i. 4. after his death
marries Charles Brandon, duke of Suf-
folk, 14.

Mary of Guise, married to James V. of
Scotland, i. 496. on his death, heads a
faction against the Governor, 520. per-
suades the nobility to offer their young
Queen to the Dauphin, ii. 56. com-
plains of the insolence of the French,
135. goes over to France, 256. on her
return through England is treated with
great respect, 332. persuades the Duke
of Chatelherault to put the government
of Scotland into her hands, 333. pro-
tects the reformed party, who support
her in the regency, 334. engages Scot-
land in a war with England, 552.
breaks her faith with the Protestants,
631. 634, 635. iii. 422 — 428. summons
the reformed preachers to appear at
Stirling, ii. 634. declares them rebels.

52G

INDEX.

after ordering them to return home, ib.
revolt of the people from her, 635. she
demands assistance from France, ib.
forced to agree to a truce, 636. which
she breaks, 637. is deposed, ib. iii. 429.
obtains supplies from France, ii. 637.
dies, 639.

Mary, (afterwards Queen) declared
princess of Wales, i. 57. a marriage pro-
jected between her and the Dauphin,
i. 4. 57. contracted to the emperor
Charles V. 7, 58. her legitimacy ques-
tioned, ib. endeavours a reconciliation
with her father, 334. her submission,
335. ii. 373. restored to favour, i. 336.
offered in marriage to the King of Scot-
land, 496. dissatisfied with the Refor-
mation, ii. 62. denies that her servants
were concerned in the rebellion, iii.
284. continues to have mass said in
her house, ii. 164. which offends the
council, ib. the Emperor intercedes for
her, ib. a marriage proposed for her
with the prince of Portugal, ib. 255.
iii. 278. writes to the council, concern -
ing the new service, ii. 165. continued to
have mass said in her chapel, 273. iii.
289. designs to fly out of England, ii.
274. her chaplain sent to the Tower,
276. a deputation from the council wait
upon her, 277. but she remains intrac-
table, ib. refuses to hear Bishop Ridley
preach, 279. succeeds to the crown, but
is in great danger, 361. retires to Suf-
folk, ib. she writes to the council, ib.
who inform her of the Lady Jane's ac-
cession, 364. many declare for her, 367.
forces ordered to be sent against her, ib.
her party grows strong and the council
turn to her, 369. proclaimed Queen,
370. enters London, 371. had been in
great danger in her father's time, 372.
was preserved by Archbishop Cranmer,
373. declares she will force no man's
conscience, 379. iii. 331. prohibits all
preaching, ii. 380. severity of her pro-
ceedings, iii. 332. requites the service
of the men of Suffolk ill, ii. 381. re-
wards others who served her, 389. is
crowned and discharges all taxes, 390.
her mother s divorce repealed, 384. car-
ries it severely towards the Lady Eliza-
beth, 395. procures a repeal of King
Edward's laws about religion, ib. treats
about a reconciliation with Rome, 399.
writes to the Pope and Cardinal Pole,
400. marriage projected between her
and Philip of Spain. 401. iii. 336. Pole's
advice to her, ii. 403. but Gardiner's
methods are preferred, 405. articles of
the marriage treaty, 415. which is
generally disliked, 416. plots to oppose
it, 417. her behaviour during Wiat's
rebellion, 419,420. writes the first love-

letter to Prince Philip, iii. 310. her
instructions to the bishops, ii. 4<!5. se-
verity of her proceedings against the
married clergy, 426. her regal power
asserted, ii. 431. iii. 338. a new plat-
form of government contrived for her,
which she dislikes, 432. and rejects,
433. married to Prince Philip, 444.
malicious reports respecting her, 448.
iii. 33o. believed to be with child, ii.
454. iii. 357. 359. inclines to violent
courses with the heretics, ii. 466. 468.
iii. 343. sends ambassadors to Rome,
ii. 466. to effect a reconciliation with
the Pope, iii. 343. her reply to Pole's
congratulatory letter, 345. resolves to
surrender all the church lands in her
hands, ii. 479. 492. recommends Car-
dinal Pole to the Popedom, 481. urges
Bonner to proceed with the persecution,
484. her delivery is expected, ib. but
in vain, iii. 366. persons appointed to
carry the news to foreign princes, iii.
365. King Philip leaves her, ii. 485.
which increases the Queen's melan-
choly humour, ib. rebuilds the Francis-
cans' house at Greenwich, 490. orders
Sir Thomas M ore's works to be printed,
491. her directions to the council, 492.
iii. 382 — 384. gives Suffolk Place to
the see of York, ii. 500. discharges the
clergy of tenths and first fruits, ib. en-
dows more religious houses, 530. sets
forward the persecution, 539. jealous
of the French, 547. denounces war
against them, 548. writes to the Pope
in behalf of Cardinal Pole, .550. refuses
to admit Cardinal Peyto the new legate,
551. endeavours in vain to raise money
without a Parliament, 553. deeply af-
fected by the loss of Calais, 559. her
council decline raising an army for its
recovery, 560. her message to Elizabeth
respecting the offer of the King of Swe-
den, 563. her harsh treatment of Eliza-
beth, 564, 565. sends an unfortunate
expedition against France, 569. me-
diates a peace between the Emperor
and the King of France, 570. iii. 377.
her sickness, ii. 574. death, ib. charav
ter, 576. and funeral, 586. a particular
relation of the occasion of her death,
iii. 403. parallel between her reign and
that of Queen Elizabeth, 404. great
progress of superstition during her
reign, 433.

Mary, Queen of Scots, born, i. 514. a
union projected between her and Prince
Edward, 515. 520. sent to France, ii.
131. where a marriage is designed be-
tween her and the Dauphin, 333. mar-
ried, 572. perfidious proceeding of the
court of France in her name, iii. 421.
pretends to the crown of England, ii.

INDEX.

527

581. death of her husband, Francis II.
641. iii. 448. refuses to ratify the treaty
of Leith, iii. 448, 449. returns to Scot-
land, ii. 641. iii. 451. marries the Lord
Darnley, iii. 478. shews more zeal in
her religion, 479. the demands of the
reformed, 480. and her answer to them,

481. other petitions presented to her,

482. divides the nobility into factions,

483. 484. murder of the King her hus-
band, 487.490. birth of her son, 489.
marries the Earl of Bothwell, 487.491.
imprisoned by the nobles in Lochlevin,
491. escapes, 493. obliged to seek
shelter in England, ii. 645. after along
imprisonment, put to death, 646. by her
last testament leaves the crown of
England to Philip of Spain, iii. 492.

Mason, Sir John, negotiates a treaty be-
tween France and England, ii. 235. his
high opinion of Cardinal Pole, iii. 355.
extracts from his letters, 377, 378.

Mass for avoiding sudden death, ii. 101.

Mass-book, corrections made in, i. 473.

Masses put down, ii. 67. on saints' days,
101. special, prohibited, 163. every
where restored, 429.

Master, Richard, teaches the Maid of
Kent to counterfeit trances, i. 245. ap-
prehended, and confesses the impos-
ture, 248. attainted of high treason, ib.
executed, 249.

Masters, Dr., Quaker's letter to him, iii.
409. which he lays before the Queen,
410.

Matrimonial crown, iii. 424.

Matrimony, sacrament of, explained, i.
466.

Maurice of Saxony, ii. 31. his ingratitude
to his kinsman, 34. promised the elec-
torate by the Emperor, ib. ravages
Saxony, but is driven out by the Elec-
tor, 35. invested with the electoral dig-
nity, 80. 137. his subjects refuse the
Interim, 138. will not submit to the
council of Trent, 257. appointed gene-
ral of the empire for the reduction of
Magdeburg, ib. forms a league against
the Emperor, 298. Magdeburg surren-
ders to him, 299. deceives the Empe-
ror's ministers, 335. sends his ambas-
sadors to Trent, 336. takes Augsburg
and other cities, 339. marches to In-
spruch, and nearly surprises the Empe-
ror, 340. secures to the Germans the
free exercise of their religion, ib.

May, Dr., appointed, with others, to exa-
mine Bonner, ii. 195. who is deprived
by them of his bishoprick, 201, 202.
elected archbishop of York, but dies
before his consecration, 624. note, iii.
441.

Mayfield, four heretics burnt at, ii. 526.

Maximilian, Prince, ii. 207.

Maximilian, the emperor, serves in the
English army, i. 4. dies, 5.

Maxwell, lord, raises an army against
the Duke of Norfolk, i. 513. taken pri-
soner at Solway Frith, 514. offers to
the Scottish Parliament the draught of
an act for the free use of the Bible,
iii. 419.

Medici, Catherine de, a marriage pro-
jected between her and the duke of Or-
leans, i. 188. 219.

Mekins, Richard, an illiterate boy, con-
demned and burnt, i. 481.

Melancthon, advises the King to take
another wife, i. 152. gave permission to
the Landgrave of Hesse to have two
wives, ib. note, sent for by the King of
France, iii. 165. his journey stopped,
166. dedicates his Commentary to
King Henry, 167. by whom he is
greatly valued, i. 410. willing to comply
with the Interim, ii. 139. 269. proceeds
towards Trent, 336. his conference
with the Papists, 554.

Melvil, Sir James, references to his
Memoirs, ii. 326. 485. 631. sent to
Scotland by the King of France to as-
certain the cause of the troubles there,
ii. 635, 636.

Mentz, elector of, ii. 137.

Merchant-adventurers, ii. 331.

Merrick, bishop of Bangor, ii. 623.

Meteren's account of Anne Boieyn, iii.
178.

Metropolitical visitation by Cranmer, i.
295.

Metz, taken by the Constable of France,
ii. 340.

Miconius, a German divine, sent to nego-
tiate a religious league with King
Henry, i. 588.

Micronius, a minister of the German
church in London, iii. 305.

Midwives, allowed to baptize, ii. 123.

Mildmay's (Sir Walter) advice respect-
ing the Queen of Scotland, ii. 646.

Mildmay, Sir Henry, appointed to treat
about the sale of the chantry lands, ii.
108.

Mill, Walter, tried for heresy, in Scot-
land, ii. 631. is burnt, 632. which is
much resented by the people, 633.

Ministers of state, seminary projected for,
i. 432.

Miranda, archbishop of Toledo, impri-
soned for heresy, ii. 514.

Monasteries, their suppression first de-
signed by Cardinal Wolsey,i. 32. many
established by King Edgar, 35. bull
obtained for the suppression of some,
90. general visitation of, designed,
294. committed to several commis-
sioners, 296. their instructions, 297.
short history of, 300 — 305. proceedings

INDEX.

of the visitors, 307. several surrender-
ed, 308. an act for the suppression of
the lesser, 311. instructions for the dis-
solution of, 357. which raises great dis-
contents among the people, 359. the
lands sold to the gentry, 360. several
are confirmed anew, ib. 361. new visi-
tation of, 378. depredations on the pro-
perty of, 380. a great number resigned
to the King, 381. confessions of horrid
crimes in several, ib. form of most
surrenders, 383. superstition and cheats
of these houses discovered, 389. an act
for the suppression of the greater, 418.
final dissolution of, 430. sold or given
away, 432. revenue of, ib* the former
records concerning them are razed, ii.
530.

Monastic orders, view of the rise and pro-
gress of, in England, i. 300.

Monks, oppose the restoration of learn-
ing, i. 35. inflame the people against
the Reformation in England, 290. their
seditious behaviour, iii. 16'2. arts for
enriching their houses, i. 302. become
generally corrupted, 304. their com-
plaints on the suppression of the mo-
nasteries, 359. an act against, ii. 71.

Monluc, bishop of Valence, sent from
France to be chancellor of Scotland, ii.
135. his character, ib. is not well re-
ceived, and returns, 136. sent to Ire-
land to observe the strength of the re-
bels there, 325. instance of his furious
temper and licentiousness, 3'26. sent
ambassador to Queen Elizabeth, 639.

Montacute, lord, attainted, i. 425. tried,
575. and executed, 576.

Montacute, viscount, sent ambassador to
Rome, ii. 466. 482, 483.

Montague, Sir Edward, lord chief justice,
one of King Henry's executors, ii. 5.
opposes King Edward's settlement of
the crown, 353. but is induced to con-
sent, 354. sent to the Tower, 371. and
turned out of his place, 384.

Monte, cardinal de, chosen Pope, ii. 234.

Montmorency, constable of France, op-
poses the union of the Dauphin with
the Queen of Scotland, ii. 33.S. takes
Metz and other towns, 340. over-
reached by Dr. Wotton, 547, defeated
and taken at St. Quintin, 548. advises
the sending of Melvil to ascertain the
cause of the troubles in Scotland, 635.
disgraced, 636. 642.

More, Sir Thomas, speaker of the House
of Commons, i. 15. procures a license
for keeping and reading heretical books,
some of which he answers, 52. is
made lord-chancellor, 1£9. presses the
King to prosecute heretics, 260. an-
swers the Supplication of the Beggars,
262. attempts to defame Bilney the

martyr, 266. his cruelty to the reformed,
269. replies to Frith's book against the
corporal presence, 273. lays down his
office, 202. implicated in the business
of the Maid of Kent, 213. iii. 152. ro
fuses to take the oath relative to the
succession to the crown, i. 254. foi
which he is committed to the Towe*,
256. attainted, 258. his trial, 569.
death, ib. and character, 570. iii. 47.
259. Queen Mary oiders his works to be
printed, ii. 491. but his letter about the
Nun of Kent is left out, ib. his thoughts
concerning religion in his Utopia, iii.
43—47.

Morgan, bishop of St. David's, ii. 427.
condemns and burns his predecessor
Bishop Ferrar, 478.

Morgan, judge, who pronounced sen-
tence on Lady Jane Giay, falls mad, ii.
423.

Morice, Cranmer's secretary, anecdote
of, i. 427.

Morinus's account of the ancient rituals,
ii. 229.

Morison, Sir Richard, sent ambassador
to the Emperor, ii. 349.

Morone, cardinal, imprisoned by Pope
Paul IV. ii. 509. iii. 398. his letter to
Cardinal Pole, iii. 350. goes to Augs-
burg, 377.

Mortgages, invention of, ii. 308.

Mount, Christopher, employed by King
Henry to prevent Melancthon's jour-
ney into France, iii. 165, 166. nego-
tiates with the German princes, 232.
244. 250. 407. his account of the In-
terim, 299.

Mountjoy, lord, informs Queen Kathe-
rine of her divorce, i. 216. protests
against an act for the advancement of
religion, 518.

Mulburg, battle of, ii. 80.

Murray, earl of, repels the English who
invaded Fifeshire, ii. 132. sent, with
others, to treat about the articles of the
marriage between the young Queen of
Scotland, and the Dauphin of France,
553. is present at the marriage, 572.
poisoned on his return, but recovers,
ib. appointed to carry the matrimonial
crown into France, 573. mediates be-
tween the Queen Regent and the Pro-
testant lords, 635. his message to
Queen Elizabeth, iii. 445. Queen
Mary's jealousy of him, 450. declared
Regent of Scotland during the mino-
-ity of James VI., 493. bond of asso-
ciation for the support of his authority,
494.

Musgrave and Tilby, raise an insurrection,
i. 376. repulsed at Carlisle, ib. routed
and taken by the Duke of Noifolk, ib.
are hanged, *'/).

INDEX.

529

NAO'S HEAD, fable of, confuted, ii. 624.

National synod, proceedings in, iii. 387,
388.

Navarre, King of, joins the Protestants,
ii. 571. declared regent of Fiance, 643.
killed at the siege of Rouen, ib.

Navarre, Queen of, presses Francis I. to
send for Melancthon, iii. 167. joins the
Protestants, ii. 571.

Neale, one of Bonner's chaplains, author
of the Nag's-Head fable, ii. 624.

Necessary Erudition of a Christian Man,
i. 459. 586. iii. 230. 239.

Netherlands, resigned by the Emperor
Charles to his son Philip, ii. 206. civil
wars of the, ii. 644.

Nevill, Sir Edward, sent to the Tower, i.
575. tried and executed for a conspi-
racy, 577.

New Testament, translated into English
by Tindal, i. 51. is prohibited, 52.
grounds of the King's divorce in, 159.

Newbury, heretics burnt at, ii. 525.

Nix, bishop of Norwich, condemned in a
premunire, but pardoned, iii. 164. op-
poses the Reformation, i. 346. his
death, ib.

Nobility of England send an address to
the Pope, respectingthe King's divorce,
i. 155.

Non-age of princes, provision made against
acts passed in, i. 332.

Non-residence of the clergy, an act
against, i. 342. iii. 115, 116.

Norfolk, duke of, continued in his office
of lord-treasurer by Henry VIII. i. 3.
defeats the Scots in Flodden Field, 9.
iii. 25. opposed in the council by Fox,
bishop of Winchester, i. 10. his cha-
racter, 13, 14. his enmity to Cardinal
Wolsey, iii. 68. opposes the Reforma-
tion, i. 28. sent ambassador to France,
iii. 110. his letter to Montmorency,
133. examines Queen Anne in the
Tower, i. 320. lord high steward on her
trial, 325. sent against the northern
rebels, 370. breaks them by delays,
371. sent to them with a general par-
don, 372, 373. defeats Musgrave and
Tilby who had raised a fresh insurrec-
tion, and hangs them at Carlisle, 376.
by his great vigilance quells other at-
tempts, 377. is accused by Lord Darcy
of encouraging the rebels, which he
denies, ib. publishes an amnesty over
all the north by the King's order, ib.
proposes the Six Articles to the House
of Lords, 412. quarrels with the Lord
Cromwell, 4'26. whom he arrests, 443.
persecutes the Protestants, 473. his
credit at court, 485. makes an inroad
into Scotland, 512. excuses the design
of the Popish party against Cranmer,
552. cause of his disgrace, 554. iii. 251.
VOL. III.

his letter to the lords of the council,
252 — 255. his submission to the King,
i. 556. is attainted, 558. his execution
prevented by the King's death, ib. re-
marks on this, 559. desired the King
to settle all his lands on Prince Edward,
ii. 10. motion for his discharge on the
Duke of Somerset's fall, 221. but soon
laid aside, ib. obtains his liberty on
Queen Mary's accession, 372. lord high
steward on the Duke of Northumber-
land's trial, 375. his attainder declared
void, 398. marches against Wiat, but
his men desert and he is forced to re-
treat, 418. sent to guard the marches,
553. defeats the Kers, ib. treats with
the lords of the congregation, 638. leads
an army into Scotland, iii. 431. sends
troops to the assistance of Lord Gray,
ii. 639.

Norfolk, rebellion in, ii. 187. instructions
to the justices of the peace in, 483.

Norris, Henry, i. 318. accused of intimacy
with Queen Anne and committed to the
Tower, 319. is tried and condemned,
325. nobly rejects an offer of his life, if
he would accuse the Queen, 331. iii.
178.

North, lord, enjoined to torture obstinate
heretics at discretion, iii. 365. employ-
ed on a business that gives suspicion of
ill designs, 367.

Northern rebellion, i. 368—377.

Northampton, marquis of, sues a divorce
for adultery, ii. 89. marries again, be-
fore the delegates gave sentence on his
case, 90. parted from his new wife, ib.
but his marriage is confirmed, 93. 306.
sent against the Norfolk rebels, 187.
marches to Norwich, which he is forced
to abandon, 190. joins the party formed
against the Protector, 216. appointed
one of the governors of the King's per-
son, 220. carries the order of the Garter
to the King of France, 282. is imprison-
ed on Queen Mary's accession, 371.
tried and found guilty, 376. his second
marriage is annulled, 397. restored in
blood, 434.

Northumberland, earl of, attaches Cardi-
nal Wolsey for high treason, i. 131. de-
nies any pre-contract to Anne Boleyn,
327. iii. 180. dies without issue, ii. 284.

Northumberland, duke of, one of the judges
on the Duke of Somerset's trial, ii. 286.
288. whose death he was believed to
have contrived, 297. promised to in-
tercede for him, iii. 314. is ever after
hated by the people, ii. 297. 310. fails
in procuring the attainder of the Bishop
of Duresme, 311. his revenge on Lord
Paget, 329. attempts to frame a par-
liament to his mind, 330. temporally
of the bishoprick of Duresme given to
2 M

530

INDEX.

him, 313. procures from parliament a
declaration of their dislike of the Duke
of Somerset's proceedings, 344. mar-
riage of Lis two daughters, 353. per-
suades the King to leave the crown to
the Lady Jane Gray, ib. his rage at the
opposition of the judges, 354. the
people's jealousy of him, 356. gets the
council to write for the King's sisters,
ib. suspected of having poisoned the
King, 3.59. 367. informs the Lady Jane
of her accession, 362. marches against
Queen Mary, 368. makes the vice-chan-
cellor of Cambridge preach for the Lady
Jane's title, 369. proclaims Queen
Mary, 370. but is arrested and sent to
the Tower, 371. is tried, 375. and con-
demned with several others, 376. begs
his life, but in vain, iii. 334. at his death
professes he had been always a papist,
ib. ii. 376. his character, 377.

Norwich, heretics burnt at, ii. 566, 567.
fraud practised on the dean and chapter
of, iii. 32.5, 326.

Nottingham, earl of, ii. 625.

Nottingham, uncommon thunder-storm
near, 569. a heretic burnt at, ii. 526.

Nowel's Catechism, ii. 348.

Nowell, Dr., declared eligible to sit in the
House of Commons, ii. 391,392. chosen
prolocutor of the convocation, in the
beginning of Elizabeth's reign, iii. 452.

OAK of Reformation, ii. 187.

Oath, of the clergy to the Pope, i. 200. to
the King, 201. about the succession to
the crown, 238. which is generally
sworn, 252. of the French King dis-
pensed with by the Pope, iii. 386.

Oath of supremacy, ii. 612. explained,
617, 618.

Observant Friars, insolence of, to King
Henry, i. 247. removed out of their
houses, 250.

Ochinus, Bernardinus, ii. 8-1. made a
canon of Canterbury, 85.

CEcolampadius, writes in favour of the
King's divorce, i. 150.

Offices of the church examined, ii. 88. re-
formed, 114. 121. 223.

Officers of the church, laws relative to,
ii. 319.

Oglethorp, Dr., complaints against him, ii.
258. complies with the new service, ib.
disputes with Cranrner on the corporal
presence, 437. crowus Queen Elizabeth,
589. refuses the oath of supremacy,
612.

Oil, on the anointing with, ii. 127, 128.

Old Testament, the King's divorce ground-
ed on the prohibitions contained in, i.
158.

Oldcastle, Sir John, i. 43.

Omnibonus, Thomas, writes for the King's

cause, i. 143. threatened by the Em-
peror's ambassador, 144.
Order, decree of, iii. 271.
Orders, sacrament of, explained, i. 466.
585. injunctions respecting, ii. 46. 48.
Ordination, book of, ii. 607.
Ordinations, a new office for, ii. 2^3. an
act about the form of, 225. 228. histo-
rical account of, 228 — 230. additions
made by the church of Rome, 229. in-
terrogations and sponsions in the new
book, 230 — 232.

Oren, bishop of, complains of the proceed-
ings of the Council of Trent, iii. 275.
Orkney, bishop of, ii. 553. poisoned, 572.
Orleans, determination of the University

of, i. 148. iii. 109.
Organs, use of, objected to, iii. 454. 472.

477.

Orleans, duke of, marries Katherine de
Medicis, iii. 105. i. 188. observations
on this union, 220. — See Henry JI.
Orleans, duke of, a marriage projected
between him and the Lady Mary, iii.
232. promised to declare himself a
protestant, 237. dies of the plague, 239.
Ormaneto, Cardinal Pole's confidant, ii.
463. visits the Universities of Cam-
bridge, 537. and Oxford, 538. account
of his audience of the Emperor, iii.
350. his intolerable insolence, 394.
Osiander, publishes a book about inces-
tuous marriages, i. 149. which is pro-
hibited, ib. approves of the King's suit
of divorce, 151, 152.
Otto, professor, iii. 408.
Oxford, earl of, sends several heretics to
Bonner, ii. 486. assists at their execu-
tion, ib. iii. 364. receives the thanks
of the council, 366.

Oxford, proceedings in the University of,
respecting the King's divorce, i. 13H.
iii. 97 — 100. determines against the
Pope's jurisdiction in England, 293.
iii. 140. bishoprick of, founded, 482.
disputation at, ii. 436. visitation of the
University, 538.

PACE, dean of St. Paul's, iii. 29. writes
to the King respecting his divorce, 53.
his conversation with Charles V., 182.

Packington, an English merchant, pro-
cures the faulty copies of Tindal's New
Testament, for Bishop Tonstal, i. 261.

Padua, determination of the University
of, i. 148. in the matter of King Henry's
divorce, iii. 100.

Paget, Sir William, clerk of the signet,
iii. 143. sent to the northern courts, ib,
instructions given to him, ib. his nego-
tiations in Germany, 147. sent ambas-
sador to France, 233. account of his
conversation with the Admiral, t'5.
made secretary of state, ii. 9. de daves

INDEX.

531

to the council King Henry's promises,
ib. remonstrates with Lord Seymour on
his ambitious designs, 87. sent ambas-
sador extraordinary to the Emperor,
16t. his advice about foreign affairs,
208. again sent to treat with the Empe-
ror, 209. conference with the Empe-
ror's ministers, 210. 212. reproves the
Protector, iii. 285. remains firm to his
•interests, ii. 214. 217. negotiates a
treaty between France and England,
235. is sent to the Tower, 285. severely
fined, and degraded from being a
knight of the garter, 329. sent to Queen
Mary, 370. conducts Cardinal Pole to
England, iii. 356.

Pall, origin and use of, ii. 529.

Pallavicini's history of the council of
Trent, ii. 338. his singular defence of
their proceedings, 339.

Palm-Sunday, carrying of palms on, for-
bidden, ii. 94.

Palmer, Sir Thomas, defeated near Had-
ingtoun, ii. 132. secretly ruins the
Uuke of Somerset, 284. his evidence
against him, 285. 297. lives afterward
in friendship with the Duke of North-
umberland, 296. is sent to the Tower,
371. tried and condemned, 376. his
execution, 377. iii. 335.

Papacy, Wolsey's intrigues for, i. 101.
the encroachments of, 173. iii. 1. laws
made to restrain, i. 174. schism in,
iii. 2.

Papal schism, i. 178. iii. 2.

Papal usurpations, progress of, iii. 1.

Papal provisions in Queen Mary's reign,
iii. 398.

Paper-office, origin of, ii. 192.

Pare, George Van, accused of heresy, and
'burnt, ii. 179.

Parfew, bishop of Hereford, ii. 427.

Paris, bishop of, prevails with King
Henry to submit his cause to the Pope,
iii. 131. sent to Rome, ib. 135. but
fails in making up the breach, ib. 136.
138.

Paris, faculty of canon law at, determine
against the dispensing power of the
Pope, i. 148.

Parker, Dr., i. 212. his relation of Bil-
ney's sufferings, 267. preaches to the
Norfolk rebels, ii. 187. his funeral
sermon for Martin Bucer, 261. esti-
mate of the deprived clergymen, 430.
designed to be archbishop of Canter-
bury, iii. 339- ii. 586. 620. reluctantly
accepts of that high dignity, 620 — 622.
his consecration, 623. consecrates bi-
shops to other sees, ib. 624. care of
the northern bishopricks, iii. 441. ex-
horts the convocation to make a tho-
rough reformation, 452- enjoined by
the Queen to bring all to an uniformity,

460. orders set out to that effect, ib.
461.

Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich, iii. 440.
returns to England, 437. translates
part of the Apocrypha, ii. 629. his let-
ters on the state of religion, iii. 475.
account of the death of Signior David,
485.

Parliament, subserviency of, to Henry
VIII. i. 11. 15. summoned on the fall
of Cardinal Wolsey, 132. the King's
divorce laid before them, 172. pass an
act for taking away the Pope's power
in England, 235. for suppressing the
lesser monasteries, 311. law of the Six
Articles passed, 412 — 417. act about
religion, 454. attaint Queen Katherine
Howard and others, 502. pass the act
of succession, 237. 338. 529. for pay-
ing the King's debts, 531. repeal seve-
ral severe laws, ii. 63. an act for the
marriage of the clergy, 141. against
tumultuary assemblies, 223. Queen
Mary's first parliament, 391. repeal
King Edward's laws, 395. desire to be
reconciled to the see of Rome, 454.
meeting of.onElizabeth's accession,590.
acts passed respecting religion, 596.

Parliament of Paris, oppose the esta-
blishment of the Concordat, iii. IV.
publish it with a protestation, 16. ex-
ceptions to it, 17. still judged by the
Pragmatic Sanction, 21. authority of,
lessened, 22.

Parliament of Scotland, beginnings of the
Reformation in, iii. 418.

Parliamentary abbots, i. 412.

Partridge, Sir Miles, imprisoned, ii. 284.
his trial and execution, 290.

Passaw, edict of, ii. 340.

Pates, bishop of Worcester, ii. 503. re-
fuses the oath of supremacy, 612. leaves
England, 614.

Paul III., Pope, his behaviour on Queen
Anne Boleyn's death, iii. 182. endea-
vours a reconciliation with King Henry,
i, 340. but in vain, ib. iii. 1 84. cites him
to appear at a general council,!. 353.
publishes a bull of deposition, 395.
and inflames the Kings of France and
Scotland against him, 399. opens the
council of Trent, ii. 32. publishes his
league with the Emperor, ib. his na-
tural son killed, 83. dies, 233.

Paul IV. chosen Pope, ii. 481. English
ambassadors enter Rome on the day
of his election, 482. erects Ireland into
a kingdom, ib. iii. 369. pardons the na-
tion, but presses the restoring of the
church lands, ib. his haughty temper,
483. 511. 533. enmity to Cardinal Pole,
488. 508. iii. 398. imprisons Cardinal
Morone, ii. 509. threatens to depose
Ferdinand, King of (he Romans, 51 1.
M 2

532

INDEX.

and refuses to acknowledge him when
elected Emperor, 513. breaks the truce
between France and Spain, absolving
the French King from his oath, 53 I.
iii. 386. deceives the English ambas-
sador, ii. 53.7. begins the war, by impri-
soning the Spanish cardinals and am-
bassador, 536. raises troops among the
Orisons, i/». his territories invaded by
the Duke of Alva, ib. is offended with
Cardinal Pole, 519. and recalls his le-
gatine powers, 550. sends Cardinal
Peyto to England, as legate, ib. Pole
appeases him by his submission, 551.
a peace made between him and the
King of Spain, ib. his behaviour on the
news of Queen Elizabeth's accession,
579.
Paul, father, writes the history of the

council of Trent, ii. 338, 339.
Pavia, battle of, i. 7.
Pawlet, lord-treasurer, made marquis of

Winchester, ii. 284.
Peace, prayer for, ii. 206.
Peers, creation of, ii. 23. 284. eldest sons
of, were not members of the House of
Commons, 228.

Pembroke, earl of, ii. 284. marriage of
his son to the Lady Katherine Gray,
353. declares for Queen Mary, 369,
370. one of the chief mourners at King
Edward's funeral, 378. gathers a body
of men against Sir Thomas Wiat, 419.
joins the Spanish army before St. Quin-
tin, 548.
Penance, i. 347. 465. co-simulation of,

ii. 104.

Pensions given to the Scottish nobles, i 10.
Pern, Dr., justifies the worship of images,
ii. 39. recants, ib. one of King Edward's
chaplains, 273. preaches at the burning
of the bodies of Bucer and Fagius, 538.
Persecution of the Protestants resolved
on, ii. 466. disliked by the nation, 473.
iii. 394. a petition against, ii. 474. de-
fence of, 476. set forward more vigor-
ously, 539. 566. method of, 568.— See
Heretics.

Peter Martyr, brought over to England,
ii. 84. iii. 288. some account of, ii. 84.
disputes on the corporal presence, lr>8,
1 69. on the fall of the Duke of Somer-
set, writes him a consolatory letter,
221. his letters to Bullinger, iii. 310.
313. employed in revising the eccle-
siastical laws, 31.1. opinion of the epis-
copal vestments, ii. 243. iii. 305. sor-
sow for Martin Burer's death, ii. 261.
obliged to leave Oxford, 384. sent out
of England, 387. his wife's body raised,
and buried in a dunghill, 538, 539.
singular respect with which he was
treated, iii. 408. his advice to Grindul,
417

Peterborough, bishoprick of, founded, i.
482.

Petre, Dr., (afterwards secretary,) de-
puted under Cromwell, for receiving the
probates of wills, i. 293. sent ambas-
sador to the Emperor, iii. 249. made
secretary of state, i. 532. joins the
party formed against the Protector, ii.
215. negotiates a treaty between France
and England, 235. presses the judges
to draw Kin^r Edward's settlement of

o

the crown, 354.

Petrus Aloisius, the natural son of Pope
Paul III. killed, ii. 83.

Pexall, Sir Richard, imprisoned for not
burning a heretic, ii. 568.

Peyto, friar, denounces judgments upon
King Henry, i. 247. is attainted in ab-
sence, 577. his attainder is repealed,
and he becomes Queen Mary's confes-
sor, ii. 490. insulted by the Londoners,
ib. made a cardinal and legate, 550.
not allowed to exercise his power in
England, 551. dies, ib.

Pflugius, Julius, proposes the condemna-
tion of the heresy of Zuinglius, ii. 554.

Philip of Spain, resignation of the Nether-
lands to him, ii. 206. marriage designed
between him and Queen Mary, 401. iii.
336. whom he dislikes, ib. lands at
Southampton, ii. 444. and is married
to the Queen, ib. brings a great trea-
sure with him to England, 445. act of
favour done by him, ib. he preserves
the Lady Elizabeth, 446. 565. is little
beloved by the English, 447. praises
bestowed on him by Gardiner, ib. li-
belled, iii 357. the cruelties exercised
on the Protestants imputed to him, ii.
474. urges Bonner to proceed with the
persecution, 484. leaves England, 485*
bis father resigns his hereditary domi-
nions to him, 512. concludes a truce
with France, 533. which is broken, 534.
studies to engage the English to his
assistance, 546. defeats the French at
St. Quintin, 548. his war with the
Pope, 536. whom he reduces, 551.
peace made between them, ib. adver-
tises Queen Mary of the designs on
Calais, 553. presses the English to
raise an army for its recovery, 560. on
Mary's death, sends proposals of mar-
riage to Queen Elizabeth, 580. burns
the heretics in Spain, iii. 382.
Philips, dean of Rochester, ii. 407.
Philips, Thomas, his sufferings, i. 278.
complains to the House of Commons
against the Bishop of London, ib.
Philpot, archdeacon of Winchester, ii.
407. disputes with the papists concern-
ing the sacrament, 408— 414. his im-
prisonment, 510. and martyrdom, 511.
iii. 379.

INDEX.

533

Phrygion, Faulus, his o[iinion of the pro-
hibitory degrees of marriage, i. 150.

Pickering, Sir William, iii 413. ii. 349.

Piercv, lord, his attachment to Anne
Boleyu, i. 71. is opposed by Cardinal
Wolsey, ib. — See Northumberland, earl
of.

Pierson, Andrew, engages in the trans-
lation of the Scriptures, ii. 628.

Pigot, William, burnt at Braintree, ii. 477.

Pilgrimage of grace, i. 368.

Pilkington, consecrated bishop of Du-
resme, ii. 624. iii. 442. his account of
Gardiner's death, iii. 374. letter to
Gualter on the dispute about the vest-
ments, 475.

Pinkey, battle of, ii. 54.

Pius IV. invites Queen Elizabeth to join
herself to the Roman see, ii. 645.

Plague breaks out in London, i. 200. 202.

Plays and interludes acted, i. 510.

Plough Mondays suppressed, ii. 94.

Poinet, made bishop of Rochester, ii. 247.
iii. 238. translated to Winchester, ii.
264. falsely accused of having joined
Wiat's rebellion, 420. deprived of his
see, 429.

Pole, cardinal, opposes the King's pro-
ceedings, i. 355. iii. 186, 187. King
Henry's kindness to him, 186. writes
his book, De Unitate Ecclesiastica,
against him, i. 356. 399. made a car-
dinal, iii. 194. correspondence with
him prohibited by King Henry, i. 399.
his vindication of himself, iii. 194.
obliged to leave France, 197. one of the
legates at the council of Trent, i. 5-16.
endeavours to form a league against
England, 504. proceedings against
his friends, 575. is attainted, 577.
elected Pope, ii. 233. but his coldness
disgusting the Italians, Cardinal de
Monte is chosen in his stead, 234. sent
Legate lo England, 401. iii. 344. writes
to the Queen, 345. his first powers,
346. stopped in his journey by the
Emperor, ii. 401. iii. 348. by Queen
Mary, ii. 402. his advice to her, 403.
fuller powers sent to him, iii. 348. rea-
son of the delays, 350 — 355. much es-
teemed by the English ambassador,
355. writes to King Philip, ib. allowed
to come into England, ii. 452. iii. 356.
his attainder repealed, ii. 453. arrives
in London, ib. makes a speech to the
parliament, 454. his reply to their peti-
tion, 455. grants them absolution, ib.
carries his powers beyond the limits set
him, iii. 358. his confirmation of the
church-lands not satisfactory, ii. 462.
deputes the bishops to reconcile all
persons to the church, iii. 360. writes
to Cranmer, 368. his national synod,
387, 388. suspected of favouring the

Protestants, ii. 463. is for moderate
courses with the heretics, 464. proposes
a reformation of the clergy, ih. his di-
rections to the bishops, 466. the Queen
recommends him to the popedorn, 481.
afraid to hinder the persecution of the
Protestants, 488, 489. 508. persecutes
tliem himself, iii. 393. makes canons
for reforming the clergy, ii. 504. the
heads of his reformation, 505 — 508.
refuses to bring the Jesuits into Eng-
land, 509, 510. is made archbishop of
Canterbury, 529. sends visitors to the
universities, 537, 533. iii. 394. pre-
vents the execution of several heretics,
ii. 542. iii. 393. the Pope is offended
with him, ii. 549. and recalls his lega-
tine powers, 550. appeases the Pope,

551. and is restored, 552. his death,
574, and character, 575.

Pole, Sir Geofrey, discovers Cardinal
Pole's plot against King Henry, i. 575.
577.

Polley, Margery, burnt at Tunbridge, ii.
489.

Pollicilation, obtained from the Pope, for
King Henry's divorce, i. 106.

Polydore Virgil, i. 17. signs the articles
of religion agreed to by the convoca-
tion, 350. leaves England, ii. 246.

Pomfret castle, taken by the rebels, i.
369.

Pontius, Constantine, condemned for he-
resy, iii. 381.

Poole, bishop of Peterborough, ii. 508.
refuses the oath of supremacy, 612.

Poor, an act for the relief of, ii. 305.

Pope. Sir Thomas, sent to Elizabeth with
the proposals of the King of Sweden,
ii. 5o3.

Popes, decisions of, respecting the Levi-
tical prohibitions, i. 159. their power
in England much disputed, 223. neces-
sity of extirpating it, 234. act passed
for taking it away, 235. 340. their au-
thority renounced by the convocation,
iii. 139. power of deposing kings, i.
361.

Popish bishops proceed against those who
desire a reformation, iii. 158. oppose
Elizabeth's supremacy, ii. 598. refuse
to take the oath, 612. oppose1 tae Re-
forruation in the House of Lords, iii.
412. made great alienatious in the
churcb. lands, 441.

Popish ceremonies, new significations j.ut
on, iii. 2jU.

Popish party, great compliances of the,
i. 403. gain ground at court, 409. their
designs against Cranmer, 458. 550.
persecute the Protestants, 473. design
to suppress the English Bible, 505.
their plot against Queen Kntherine,

552. the Kind's severities against tiiej.».

534

INDEX.

563. oppose any further reformation,
ii. :>9. much lifted up on Uie fall of the
Duke of Somerset, 221. but their hopes
soon vanish, 222. iii. 288. compliance
of the clergy, ii. 258. 620. their designs
on Queen Mary's accession, 374.
changes made by them, 583. their cru-
elty, 474. Queen Elizabeth's proceed-
ings against them, 647.

Portsmouth, destruction of images at, ii.
17.

Portugal, marriage proposed between the
Prince of, and the Lady Mary, ii. 164,
165.

Poverty of the clergy, disorders occasioned
thereby, ii. 323.

Pragmatic Sanction, made in France,
iii. 4. its effects, ib. condemned by the
Pope, 5. abrogated by Louis XL, 6.
the parliament of Paris interpose in fa-
vour of it, 7. re-established, 10. con-
demned by the council in the Lateran,
11. the Concordat put instead of it, ib.
various attempts made to restore it,
21—24.

Prayer, extemporary, not brought under
consideration at the Reformation, ii.
115. forms of, retained, 116.

Prayers, an order for the bidding of, iii.
141.

Prayers for the dead, i. 470.

Preachers, restraints put upon, ii. 96.
128. 380. regulations for, 316.

Preaching, manner of, in the reign of
Henry VIII. i. 508—510. inhibited by
Queen Mary, ii. 380. by King Edward's
council, iii. 293. an order for, 142.
prohibited, 163.

Precedency, act of, i. 424.

Pre-contracts of marriage, i. 450, 451.
455.

Predestinarians, excepted in King Hen-
ry's act of grace, iii. 223.

Predestination, doctrine of,abused,ii.l80.

Premunire, the whole clergy sued in a,
i. 172. statute of, 176.

Prerogative of the king, in ecclesiastical
affairs, i. 18. 173.

Pretension of the crown of England to
homage from the Scottish kings, i. 511 .

Priests, an act against affronting, ii. 396.

Priests' garments, ii. 120. 243.

Priories of most cathedrals converted into
deaneries, i. 483.

Private masses, i. 413, 414. put down,
ii. 67.

Privy-council, regulation of, ii. 341.

Piiuli, Cardinal Pole's confidant, ii. 463.
574.

Proclamations, an act about the obedience
due to them, i. 423. 518. ii. 40.

Prophecies, an act against, ii. 224.

Protector, debate about choosing one,
after King Henry's death, ii. 6.

Protestant nobles, in Scotland, associate
for defence of the true religion, ii. 633.
their petition to the Queen Regent, ib.
support the reformed preachers, 634,
635. take St. Johnstoun, and pull down
monasteries,636. obtain assistance from
England, and oblige the Queen Regent
to agree to a truce, ib. — See Lords of the
Congregation.

Protestant princes of Germany, ii. 32.
meet at Frankfort, 32. are divided by
the Emperor's artifices, 34.

Protestants, persecution of, i. 473. 523.
the Emperor's designs against them,
559. ii. 83. laws against, 459. cruelties
exercised upon them, 469. 485. 511.
much censured, 472, 473. have a con-
ference with the Papists in Germany,

553. who raise divisions among them,

554. are persecuted in France, 554.
643. their numbers increase, 571. con-
ference with the Papists in England,
600. Bishops consecrated, 623. scan-
dals given by many, iii. 296. 327. much,
lamented by the Reformers, 328. provi-
dence of God towards, 330.

Protestation of Lord Mountjoy, i. 518.

Providellus, a great canonist, pleads
King Henry's cause at Rome, i. 196.

Provincial synods designed by Cranmer,
iii. 322.

Provisors, statute of, i. 174.

Psalmody, an edict against, ii. 571.

Psalms of David, translated into verse,
ii.150. on the singing of, ib. at Paul's
Cross, iii. 437.

Public preaching, i. 346. restrained, ii.
128.

Purgation, form of, ii. 318.

Purgatory, i. 349.

Puritans, steps of Queen Elizabeth's pro-
ceedings against, ii. 647.

RASTAL, judge, publishes Sir T. More's
works, ii. 491.

Ravenna, cardinal of, corrupted by bribes,
i. 196. is promised the bishoprick of
Chester, 198.

Reading, abbot of, attainted of high trea-
son, i. 384. his difference with the
Bishop of Salisbury, 386. relics of ido-
latry in the abbey of, 389.

Rebellions, in Lincolnshire, i. 336. in the
north, 368. attainders after they were
quieted, 573.

Redmayn, Dr., writes a treatise on faith,
i. 461. his opinion on the marriage of
the clergy, ii. 147. sermon on the death
of Martin Bucer, 261.

Reformation, first beginning of, in Eng-
land, i. 37. 223. progress of, 260. pro-
moted by Queen Anne, 279. by Cran-
mer, 280. 516. by Cromwell, 281.
opposed by the Duke of Norfolk and

INDEX.

535

Gardiner,28 1 . reasons for and against it,
282. its progress stopped by Cromwell's
death, 458. 485. articles of religion
explained, 459 — 470. and published,
471. persecution of Protestants, 473.
523. an act for the advancement of,
i. 516. a new design for, 546. further
reformation under King Edward, ii.
37 — 80. 93 — 107. 166. 227. iii 279.
of all theoffices of the church, ii. 114. of
ecclesiastical courts, considered, 312.
King Edward's laws repealed, and
the old rites established, 429. but it
spreads notwithstanding the Marian
persecution, 527. consultations respect-
ing it, on Elizabeth's accession, 582.
method proposed, 582, 583. the for-
wardness of many, 586. King Ed-
ward's laws revived, 596. 606. and the
Reformation established by Elizabeth,
630. though opposed by the Popish
bishops, iii. 412. continuation of the
history of, 458.

Reformation in Ireland, ii. 327.

Reformation in Scotland, i. 489. ii. 631.
settled by Parliament, 640. iii. 418 —
420. 422. accomplished without blood-
shed, 423.

Reformation in Spain, stifled by the
Inquisition, iii. 381, 382.

Reformed bishops, turned out by Queen
Mary, ii. 426, 427. consecration of, in
Elizabeth's reign, 623.

Reformers, cruel proceedings against, i.
265. severities of the law relaxed, 279.
favoured by Queen Anne, ib. church-
preferments given to, 535. consultation
among, on Queen Mary's accession, ii.
382. their declaration against an oral
disputation, 442. lament the bad lives
of those who professed the gospel,
iii. 328. return from Zurich, 408. well
received by Queen Elizabeth, 409. raise
a controversy about the use of things
indifferent, 459.

Regal power of the Queen asserted, ii.
431 . secret reasons for this, ib.

Religion, articles of, agreed to by the
Convocation, i- 346. 583. published
by the King, 394. an act respecting,
454. 516. commission appointed to
examine, 459. articles of, in King
Edward's reign, ii. 265—268. in Queen
Elizabeth's, 626—628.

Religious houses, injunctions for, i. 299.

Resby, John, burnt for heresy in Scot-
land, i. 489.

Rich, Sir Richard, ii. 5. raised to the
peerage, 23. lord chancellor, 156, 157.
joins the party formed against the
Duke of Somerset, 216. his interview
with the Lady Mary, 277. the seals
are taken from him, 290. ordered to
proceed against heretics, iii. 341. 364,

365. 395. receives the thanks of the
council for assisting at their execution,
ii. 486. iii. 566.

Richmond, duke of, natural son of Henry
VIII. dies, i. 15.

Richmond, countess of, her character, i.
10.

Ridley, Dr., preaches against images, ii.
17. Gardiner's letter to him on that
occasion, 18. disputes against the cor-
poral presence, 170. with Cranmer
carefully examines that subject, ib.
endeavours to persuade Joan of Kent
to recant, but in vain, 178. appointed
one of the visitors of the university o.
Cambridge, 191. refuses to concur in
the designs of the other visitors, ib.
appointed with others to examine Bon-
ner, 195. made bishop of London, 238.
iii. 286. justifies the use of the episco-
pal vestments, ii. 243. iii. 304. visits
his diocese, ii. 251. orders all altars
to be turned to tables for the commu-
nion, 252. prepares the articles of re-
ligion, 265. his letter to Cheek respect-
ing a prebend in St. Paul's, iii. 296.
the Lady Mary refuses to hear him
preach, ii. 279. was named to be
bishop of Duresme, 343. preaches be-
fore the King at Whitehall, 351. effects
of his sermon, 352. writes the " La-
mentation of England," 360. preaches
for the Lady Jane's title, 369. by which
he incurs Queen Mary's displeasure,
371. imprisoned, 408. removed from
his see, 429. sent to Oxford, 435. to
dispute on the corporal presence, 436.
438. is declared an obstinate heretic,
440. his letters while in prison, 441.
burnt at Oxford with Latimer, 494 —
496. his character, 496.

Rochester, heretics burnt at, ii. 524.

Rochford, lord, Queen Anne Boleyn's
brother, i. 318. committed to the
Tower on her account, 319. iii. 178.
his trial, i. 325. is condemned, 327.
and beheaded, 331. iii. 180.

Rochford, lady, prejudices the King
against Queen Anne Boleyn, i. 318.
an accomplice in the guilt of Katherine
Howard, 501. attainted, 502. and exe-
cuted, 503.

Rogers, stills the tumult at St. Paul's
Cross, ii.379. imprisoned, 408. brought
before the council, 466. refuses to
comply, 467. is judged and condemned,
468. his martyrdom, 469.

Rome, taken by the Imperialists, i. 7.
stormed by the Duke of Bourbon, 8.
iii. 51.

Rome, cruelties of the church of, i. 38.
43. payment of annates to the court
of, restrained, 191. an act against
appeals to, 206. invectives against

530

INDEX.

King Henry printed at, 394. laws
against the see of, repealed, 456. re-
conciliation with designed, iii. 543.
Rood of Grace, i. 390.
Rothes, earl of, ii. 553. poisoned, 573.

Rough, John, leaves St. Andrew's-castle,
from the licentiousness of the soldiers,
i. 542. instructs the Protestants during
the Marian persecution, ii. 527. is
burnt in Smithfield, 544. iii. 397.

Rouse, Richard, attainted for poisoning,
i. 18. boiled to death, ib.

Roxburgh, fortified by the English, ii. 55.

Russel, Sir John, his account of the trial
and execution of the abbot of Glaston-
bury, i. 385.

Russel, lord, sent against the rebels in
Devonshire, ii. 183. sends their com-
plaints to the council, 284. raises the
siege of Exeter, and defeats the rebels,
189. joins the party formed against the
Protector, 2)8. appointed one of the
governors of the King's person, 220.
negotiates a treaty between France and
England, 235. created Earl of Bedford,
284.— See Bedford.

Russel, Sir Francis, ii. 228.

Russel, a friar, burnt for heresv, i. 498,
499.

Rutland, earl of, makes an inroad into
Scotland, and supplies Hadingtoun, ii.
205.

SACRAMENT of the altar, i. 348. examin-
ed, ii. 98. disputes concerning, 407 —
414.

Sacramentaries, persecuted by King
Henry, i. 405. excepted in his act of
grace, iii. 223.

Sacraments, debates upon them in the
Convocation, i. 345. different opinions
respecting, ii. 166. answers to the que-
ries, iii. 230.

Saints, honouring of, i. 349. praying
to, ib.

Saints' days, masses on, ii. 101. number
of, 120.

Salisbury, countess of, attainted in ab-
sence, i. 425. 578. beheaded, 579. 581.

Salviati, the Pope's favourite, i. 108. his
prevarication, 115.

Sampson, bishop, translated to Coventry
and Litchfield, i. 535. injunctions he
gave to his clergy, iii. 203. excepted
in the King's general pardon, 224.
published an explanation of the first
fifty psalms, 226. sent to the Tower,
i. 581. submits and is pardoned, 581.
dies, ii. 429.

Sampson, informs Calvin of the firmness
of the Reformers, when tried by Gar-
diner, iii. 361. his exceptions at being
made a bishop, 438. writes to Peter
Martyr, ib. 439. refuses a bishoprick,

440. opposes the use of the vestments,
462. writes to Zurich on the subject,
464. 466. 473. 477.

Sanctorum Quatuor, the cardinal, the
business of King Henry's divorce com-
municated to him, i. 76.
Sanders's account of Anne Boleyn, i. 65.

examined and refuted, 66. ii. 491.
Sanders, burnt at Coventry, ii. 470.
Sands, Dr., preaches for the Lady Jane's
title, ii. 369. is sent to the Tower,
371. flies out of England, 388. returns,
iii. 409. preaches throughout the north-
ern counties, 416. complains of the
bill for the married clergy being laid
aside, ii. 611. joined in the first high
commission, 619. offended at the
image in the Queen's chapel, 437.
laments the dispute concerning the
vestments, 476.

Sandys, consecrated bishop of Worcester,
ii. 623. engages in the translation of
the Bible, 628.
Sark, island of, taken by the French, ii.

559. retaken by a stratagem, ib.
Sautre, William, the first that was put to

death for heresy in England, i. 41.
Saxony, John Frederick,duke of.dissuades
the marriage of Anne of Cleves with
King Henry, i. 436. iii. 217. his em-
bassy to the King, 559. ill opinion of
him, iii. 244. 250. solicits aid against
the Emperor, ii. 30. character of, 32.
writes to King Henry, iii. 174. ingra-
titude of his kinsman Maurice, ii. 34.
raises an army against the Emperor, 35.
is proscribed, ib. repulses Maurice, who
was ravaging Saxony, ib. defeated and
taken prisoner, 80. Maurice invested
with his dignity, 137. refuses to depart
from the Augsburg Confession, 138.
obtains his liberty on the Emperor's
flight from Inspruch, 340.
Scambler, remains in England during the
persecution, ii. 527. bishop of Peter-
borough, ii. 623.

Scarborough-castle, gallantly defended by

Sir Ralph Evers, i. 369. seized on by

Stafford, ii. 547. reduced by the Earl

of Westmoreland, ib.

Schoolmen, opinions of, respecting the

Levitical prohibitions, i. 162.
Scipperus hired to carry the Lady Mary

out of England, ii. 274.
Scory, bishop, preaches at the burning of
Joan of Kent, ii. 178. made bishop of
Rochester, 264. promulgates Cran-
mer's declaration, 386. is deprived,
428. after renouncing his wife and ob-
taining absolution, flies out of England,
ib. returns, 611. assists at the conse-
cration of Archbishop Parker, 623.
made bishop of Hereford, 624.
Scot, bishop of Chester, visits the univer-

INDEX.

537

sity of Cambridge, ii. 537. 533. refuses
the oath of supremacy, 612. goes be-
yond sea, 614.

Scotland, affairs of, i. 9. 489. ii. 11. 129.
255. 332. 552. iii. 476. 478. beginnings
of learning there, i. 489. and of the
Reformation, ib. 495. ignorance and
cruelty of the clergy, 490 — 494. war
with England, 511. 513. influence of
the French party, 521. ii. 131. expedi-
tion against, ii. 48. whether a free king-
dom or subject to England, 49. tax laid
on the clergy and laity, iii. 424.

Scotland, reformation in,ii. 631. iii. 418 —
420. free use of the Scriptures allowed,
420.

Scottish lords, taken prisoners at Solway
Frith, i. 514. obtain correct notions of
the Reformation, 515. promise to
effect a union between the Prince of
Wales and their young Queen, ib. re-
turn to Scotland, leaving hostages, ib.
fail in their promises, 522. Henry ge-
nerously sends the hostages home, ib.
corrupted by France, ii. 131. oblige the
Queen Mother to recall D'Oisel, who
had been sent against England, 552.

Scriptures, to be the standard of faith in
England, i, 237. free use of, granted
by the Scottish parliament, iii. 420.
—See Bible.

Seal used for ecclesiastical matters, iii.
294.

Seaton, the King of Scotland's confessor,
favours the Reformation, i. 493. offends
the Archbishop of St. Andrew's, ib. flies
into England, 494. becomes the Duke
of Suffolk's chaplain, ih.

Second Commandment altered by the
Papists, i. 467.

Secular employments not allowed to the
clergy, ii. 291, 292. consequences of
engaging in them, 293.

Secular men had ecclesiastical dignities,
ii. 12.

Seditious words, an act against, ii. 460.

Selden's Titles of Honour, mistake in,
i. 424.

Seminary for ministers of state project-
ed, i. 432.

Sermons, great contradictions in, ii. 93.
on working-days forbidden, 254.

Seven Sacraments, King Henry's book in
defence of, i. 51. iii. 26. explained, i.
464. a great occasion of flattery, iii.
258.

Severus, has his tongue cut out, i. 38.
Seymour, Sir Thomas, created Lord Sey-
mour, ii. 23. and lord admiral, 85.
marries the Queen Dowager, ih. his am-
bitious designs, 86. produce a breach
with his brother, the Protector. 87.
threatened by the council, 88. submits,
ib. commands an expedition against

Scotland, 132. defeated by the Earl of
Murray, ib. and by Erskine of Dun,
133. returns with disgrace, ib. on the
death of the Queen Dowager courts
the Lady Elizabeth, 154. iii. 285. his
treasonable designs, for which he is
sent to the Tower, ii. 155. charges
against him, 1 56. the matter referred
to the Parliament, 157. is attainted,
158. beheaded, 159.

Sforza, Francis, duke of Milan, joins the
Clementine league, i. 8. is restored to
his duchy, 136.

Sharington, Sir W. attainted for a conspi-
racy, ii. 155.

Shaxton, promoted to the bishoprick of
Salisbury, i. 280. promotes the Refor-
mation, 344. his expostulatory letter to
Cromwell, 386. injunctions he gave to
his clergy, iii. 203. forbidden to preach,
225. resigns his bishoprick, 428. apos-
tatizes, 546. preaches at the burning of
Anne Askew, 547. 549. made suffra-
gan to the bishop of Ely, ii. 493.

Sheffield, lord, killed, ii. 190.

Sherburn, of Chichester, resigns his bi-
shoprick, i. 346.

Shrewsbury, earl of, makes head against
the northern rebels, i. 369. joined by
the Duke of Norfolk, 370. hindered by
the rain from engaging in a pitched
battle with them, 371. commands an ex-
pedition against Scotland, ii. 133. re-
lieves Hadingtoun, ib. appointed pre-
sident of the North, ii. 346. his instruc-
tions, ib. one of the principal mourners
at King Edward's funeral, 378. joined
in the first high commission, 619.

Sick, anointing of, ii. 123.

Sidonius, Michael, assists in drawing up
the Interim, ii. 137.

Simony, practised in England, ii. 38. re-
marks on, 47. an act against, 307.

Simpson, Cuthbert, cruel sufferings of,
ii. 566.

Sinclair, Oliver, appointed to command
the Scottish army, i. 513. which dis-
gusts the nobility, ib. taken prisoner at
Solway Frith, 514.

Singing of Psalms, ii. 150. 571.

Six Articles, proposed to the House of
Lords, i. 412. reasons against them,
413. an act passed for them, 416.
which is variously censured, 417. iii.
213. proceedings upon that act, i. 428.
iii. 226. qualified, 530. repealed, if. 63,
64.

Sixtus V-.- Pope, ii. 645, 646.

Skinner's objections to the assertion of
the Queen's regal power, ii. 431.

Skipton-castle, defended by the Earl of

Cumberland, i. 369.
Smalcald, league of, i. 434. iii. 169.
Smeton, Mark, a musician, i. 318. com-

538

INDEX.

mitted to the Tower, on account of
Queen Anne, 319. his confession on his
trial, doubtful, 325, note. iii. 178. is
hanged, i. 325, 331.

Smith, Sir Thomas, defends the true pro-
nunciation of Greek, ii. 193. appointed
with others to examine Bonner, 195.
who protests against him, 196. 200.
remains firm to the Protector, '214. 217.
is imprisoned, 219. and sent to the
Tower, 220. is fined and discharged,
238. sent to Cambridge, 599.
Smith, Dr., opposes Peter Martyr, on the
corporal presence, ii. 168. his submis-
sion and recantation, 169. 258, 259.
writes against the marriage of the
clergy, 430. disputes with Ridley on
the corporal presence, 438. preaches at
his execution, 495. again abjures on
Elizabeth's accession, iii. 433.
Smithfield, burnings in, i. 447. 549. ii.
469.477. 485. 488. 510. 524, 525. 54'2.
544. 566.
Solifidians, i. 460.
Solway Frith, defeat of the Scots at, i.

513, 514.

Somerset, duke of, ii. 23. holds his office
of Protector by patent, 27. goes into
Scotland, 48. his arrangements during
his absence, 51. his offers to the Scots,
52. rejected, 53. gains the battle of
Pinkey, 54. takes Leith, and other
towns, ib. returns to England, 55. his
letter to the Lady Mary, 62. is lifted
up with prosperity, 63. breach between
him and his brother, 85 — 87. is recon-
ciled to him, 88. writes to Cranmer to
remove all images from churches, 96.
proposes a truce with Scotland, 130.
difficulty of his situation, ib. sends a I
fleet against Scotland, 132. his conduct '
during the attainder of his brother,
155 — 159. signs the warrant for his
execution, 159. opposes the oppression
of landlords, 182. and favours the com-
mons, 183. iii. 285. procures a general
pardon for the rebels, ii. 191. reproves
Ridley for refusing to concur with the
other visitors of the University of Cam-
bridge, 192. a faction formed against
him, 208. 213. complaints of his ene-
mies, 213. most of the ceuncil separate
from him, 215. removes the King from
Hampton-court to Windsor, 216. offers
to treat and submit, 217. accused and
sent to the Tower, 220. confesses the
articles charged against him, 225. is
fined and loses his goods and offices,
226. on his humble submission, is par-
doned, ib. again sworn of the privy-
council, ib. his daughter married to the
Earl of Warwick's eldest son, 255. a
conspiracy against him, 283. is appre-
hended and sent to the Tower, 284.

the King is prepossessed against him,
285. 289. he is brought to trial, 286.
iii. 314. acquitted of treason, but found
guilty of felony, ii. 288. his speech on
the scaffold, 294. death and character,
296. the entail of his estate repealed,
309.
Somerset, duchess of, ii. 87. sent to the

Tower, 284. is liberated, 372.
Sorbonne, proceedings of the, in the mat-
ter of King Henry's divorce, iii. 87.
great heat in their debates, 88. their
decision, 90. i. 148. an attempt to make
a contrary decree, iii. 92.
Soto, a monk, corrupts the universities,

iii. 413.

Soul-masses examined, ii. 21.
Southampton, earl of, brings Anne of

Cleves over to England, i. 437.
Southampton, earl of, lord-chancellor, re-
moved from his office, ii. 24 — 26. 155.
brought into the council, 213. forms a
party against the Protector, ib. leaves
the court, 223. dies soon after, ib.
Southampton, designed for a mart by

King Edward, ii. 332.
Southwark, burning of heretics in, ii. 542.
Southwell, Sir Richard, i. 556. iii. 255.

imprisoned, ii. 238.
Southwell, Sir Robert, ii. 24. iii. 255.
Spanish match, disliked by the English, ii.
405. who are jealous of their power, 433.
Speeches in Parliament, began with a

text of Scripture, i. 13.
Spelman's account of the fall of Queen

Anne Boleyn, i. 317, 318.
Spire, diet held at, ii. 30.
Spirit of the Wall, an imposture, ii. 424.

iii. 343.

Spotswood, archbishop, censures the

opinion delivered by the Reformers for

the deposition of the Queen Dowager,

iii. 429. 500.

St. Alban's, depredations on the property

of the abbey, i. 380.

St. Andrew's, archbishop of. — See Hamil-
ton.

St. Andrew's, prior of, placed at the head
of the reformed party in Scotland, ii.
334. supports the Queen-Mother in her
government, ib. — See Murray, earl of.
St. Andrew's, in Northampton, confes-
sion of the Prior and Benedictines of,
i. 381.

St. Andrew's castle, Cardinal Beaton
slain in, i. 540. besieged, 541. sur-
rendered and rased, 542.
St. Andrew's university founded, i. 489.
St. Chrysostom's letter respecting the
manner of Christ's presence in the sa-
crament, ii. 173, 174. brought to Eng-
land, iii. 284.

St. Edmundsbury, abbot of, i. 380. relics
in the abbey of, 390.

INDEX.

539

St. George, legend of, ii. 327.

St. Germains, persecution of the Pro-
testants at, ii. 554. their numbers in-
crease, 571.

St. John of Jerusalem, origin of the knights
of, i. 442. suppressed, 443.

St. John, lord, one of King Henry's
executors, ii. 5. has the great seal
given to him, 26. requires the Lord
Admiral to answer the articles exhi-
bited against him, 156. joins the party
formed against the Duke of Somerset,
215. appointed one of the governors
of the King's person, 220. and lord
treasurer, 223. created Earl of Wilt-
shire, ib. — See Wiltshire.

St. Johnstoun, revolt at, ii. 634. the j
Queen Regent puts a garrison in it,
635. taken by the Protestant lords, 636.

St. Leiger, Sir Anthony, deputy of Ire-
land, ii. 325. recalled, ib. returns
again to his office, 327. charges against
him by the Archbishop of Dublin, 329.
from which he is cleared, ib,

St. Martin's, images removed from the
church of, ii. 13.

St. Paul's, the Bible set up in, i. 48 6.

St. Paul's Cross, sermons at, i. 474, 475.
ii. 37. tumult at, 379.

St. Quintin, battle of, ii. 548. iii. 395,
396.

St. Romain, attorney general, defends
the Pragmatic Sanction, iii. 8. is turned
out, ib. restored, 9.

St. Thomas's Hospital surrendered, i.
431. endowed by King Edward, ii.
352.

Stafford, with other English fugitives,
seizes on Scarborough-castle, ii. 546.
taken by the Earl of Westmoreland, and
executed. 547.

Standish, Dr., argues against the immu-
nity of ecclesiastics, i. 21. summoned
before the convocation, 24. the articles
objected to him, 25. his defence, 26.
is dismissed, 291.

Stanhope, Sir Michael, imprisoned, ii.
219. "sent to the Tower, 220. fined and
discharged, 238. again imprisoned, '284.
his trial and execution, 290.

Staphileus, sent to Rome, with instruc-
tions respecting the divorce, i. 80.
Wolsey's letters by him, 81.
Statute of provisors, i. 174.
Still-yard, merchants, their origin, pri-
vileges, and wealth, ii. 230. their char-
ter broken, 331.

Stillingfleet, bishop, procures a transla-
tion of Vargas's letters, iii. 264.
Stokesley, bishop of London, sent ambas-
sador to the Pope and Emperor, i. 141.
his instructions to Dr. Crooke, 142.
breaks the statute of provisors, but is
pardoned, iii. 164. opposes the trans-

lation of the Bible, 240. quarrels with
his clergy about the subsidy, i. 186.
protests against Cranmer's visitation
of his diocese, 296. his remark on the
suppression of the lesser monasteries,
312. opposes Alesse's opinion about
the sacrament, 345. writes in vindi-
cation of the King's proceedings, 357.
a pardon granted him for suing out
bulls from Rome, 404. his argument
against Lambert, 407. dies, 411.
Story, a member of the House of Com-
mons, ii. 501.
Story, and others, sent to try Cranmer, ii.

514, 515.
Stourton, lord, hanged for murder, ii.

544 — 546. iii. 391.
Straiton, David, burnt in Scotland for

heresy, i. 494.
Stratford-le-Bow, thirteen persons burnt

in one fire at, ii. 525.
Strype's character of Cardinal Pope, iii.

394.

Subsidy granted by the Convocation, i.
33. by the Parliament, 258. by the
clergy, 455. 561. iii. 376. and laity,
i. 456. 515. 542. ii. 161. 561. 611.
Succession to the crown, an act respect-
ing, i. 237. 338. 529. oath about it,
238. the act confirmed, 256.
Sudden death, mass for avoiding, ii. 101.
Suffolk, duke of, marries the Lady Mary,
sister to Henry VIII. i. 14. his charac-
ter, ib. 534. offended at the adjourn-
ment of the suit of divorce, 125. iii. 68.
quarrels with Wolsey, 73. persuades
the King to have the matter discussed
among the learned reformers, i. 149.
suppresses the rebellion in Lincoln-
shire, 366, 367. his death, 534. ac-
count of his marriages, ii. 281. death
of his two sons, ib. iii. 311.
Suffolk, duke of, ii. 282. 284. his daughter,
the Lady Jane, married to Guilford
Dudley, ib. 353. marriage of his other
daughters, 353. informs the Lady Jane
of her accession to the throne, 362. a
proposal to send him with the forces
against Queen Mary, 367. but he is
excused, 368. delivers up the Tower,
370. is imprisoned, but soon after set
at liberty, 371. conspires against the
Queen, 416. but is apprehended and
sent to the Tower, 418. his execution,
423.
Suffolk, duchess of, leaves England, ii.

502. iii. 373. persecuted, ib.
Suffragan bishops, provision made for,

i. 257.
Superstition, great progress of, during

Mary's reign, iii. 433.
Superstitions of the Romish church, ii.

117.
Supplication of the Beggars, i. 262.

540

INDEX.

Suppression of the lesser monasteries, i.
311. of the greater, 418. 430. of the
knights of St. John, 442.

Supremacy of the Pope disputed in Eng-
land, i. 223. the arguments upon
which it was rejected, 224. necessity of
extirpating it, 234.

Supremacy of the King, arguments for,
i. 229. iii. 78. limitation added to it,
79. declared, i. 256. severities against
those who denied it, 564, 565. ii. 612.

Supreme head of the church, ii. 590. 597.

Surplice. — See Habits.

Surrender of monasteries, i. 308. form of,
383.

Surrey, earl of, defeats the Scots in Flod-
den Field, i. 9. — See Norfolk, duke of.

Surrey, earl of, commands the English
forces in France, i. 546. recalled, ib.
causes of his disgrace, 5 VI. iii. 251.
tried and executed, i. 556.

Sussex, earl of, raises forces and joins
Queen Mary on her accession, ii. 367.
an unusual honour conferred upon him,
389. the Queen's letter to him on the
elections for Parliament, iii. 344. his
zeal for popery, 371. 389. proposes to
proceed against heretics by martial law,
389. dies, 394.

Sussex, countess of, ii. 502. has her join-
ture taken from her, 562. sent to the
Fleet, iii. 392.

Sussex, pretended plots in, iii. 368.

Sweating sickness, ii. 281. iii. 59.

Sweden, King of, proposes marriage to
Queen Elizabeth, ii. 562. iii. 433. which
she rejects, ii. 563.

Switzerland, opinion of the reformers
there respecting the sacrament, ii. 166.

Symonds, an informer, perjures himself,
i. 525. is set in the pillory, 526.

TAYLOR, Dr., i. 405. carries Lambert's
arguments against the corporal presence
to Cranmer, 406. made bishop of Lin-
coln, ii. 324. thrust out for not worship-
ping the mass, 391. 429.

Taylor, of Hadley, imprisoned, ii. 387. iii.
341. brought before Gardiner, ii. 470.
burnt, 471.

Ten Commandments explained, i. 467. to
be pronounced before the communion,
ii. 271.

Tenterden, condemnation of heretics at,
i. 46.

Tenths and first-fruits, resigned by Queen
Mary, ii. 500. restored to Elizabeth,
593.

Tewksbury, abbot of, i. 380. suppression
of the abbey of, 431.

Tewksbury, John, burnt in Smithfield, i.
269.

Thpntines, an order of monks, set up by
Cardinal Caraifa, ii. 481.

Themse, a member of the House of Com-
mons moves for bringing Queen Katha-
rine to court, i. 199.

Thermes, M. de, assumes the command
of the French troops in Scotland, ii,
135. takes Broughty-castle, 205. be-
sieges Lander, 206. defeated at Grave-
ling, 571.

Thevet, a Franciscan friar, writes an ac-
count of Anne Boleyn, iii. 181.

Tholose, university of, determines against
the lawfulness of King Henry's mar-
riage, i. 149.

Thomas, William, clerk of the council, his
advice about foreign affairs, ii. 208.

Thomkins, Thomas, burnt in Smithfield,
ii. 477.

Thornton, suffragan of Dover, engages in
a plot against Cranmer, i. 528. sets up
the mass at Canterbury, ii. 386. perse-
cutes the heretics, 488, 489. 542.

Thornton monastery turned into a colle-
giate church, i. 487.

Thirleby , Thomas, surrenders St. Thomas's
Hospital, i. 431. sent ambassador to
the Emperor, iii. 249. his letter on the
disgrace of the Duke of Norfolk, 25?.
his account of the Interim, 277. recall-
ed, 278. made bishop of Norwich, ii.
239. iii. 286. translated to Ely, ii 428.
sent on an embassy to Rome, '166. re-
turns with a bull confirming the King
and Queen's title to Ireland, 504. sent
to Oxford to degrade Cranmer, 517.
treats a peace with France, 570. refuses
the oath of supremacy, 612. lives at
Lambeth with Parker after his depriva-
tion, 613.

Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas, tried for a
conspiracy, and acquitted, ii. 424. his
brother, Sir John, condemned on the
same evidence, ib. Queen Elizabeth's
ambassador in France, iii. 448. his let-
ters to the Queen, ib. 449.

Thynn, Sir John, ii. 238.

Tindal, William, translates the New Tes-
tament into English, i. 51. 260. writes
other books which are prohibited, 52.
260. the remaining copies of his New
Testament bought up and burnt by
Bishop Tonstal, 261. prints a second
edition, ib.

Tirrel, Sir Henry, receives the thanks of
the council for assisting at the execution
of heretics, iii. 366.

Toledo, address of Charles V. to the city
of, on his resignation, iii. 379.

Toledo, archbishop of, ii. 336.

Tonnage and poundage, bill of, ii. 39-'.
611.

Tonstal, bishop of London, sent ambassa-
dor to Spain, iii. 48. his great modera-
tion, i. 53. translated to the see of Du-
resme, 141. his letter to Cromwell, iii

INDEX.

541

160. buys up and burns the remaining
copies of Tindal's New Testament, i.
261. answers Pole's book against the
King, 357. iii. 190. his letter to the
King on the death of Queen Jane, iii.
' 200. sets forth Pole's ingratitude, 226.
bis arguments against Lambert the sa-
cramentary, i. 407. opposes a further
reformation, ii. 39. meets the Scotch
commissioners, 50. charged with trea-
son, iii. 307. the Commons refuse to
attaint him, ii. 310. deprived of his
bishoprick and imprisoned, 344. iii. 309.
restored by Queen Mary, ii. 382. dis-
liked her violent courses, 598. refuses
the oath of supremacy, 612. lives in
Lambeth with Parker after his depriva-
tion, 613.

Tooley, hanged for a robbery, afterwards
burnt for heresy, ii. 486.

Torture of heretics ordered at discretion,
iii. 365.

Tourney, taken by Henry VIII., i. 4.
restored, on the peace with France, ib.

Tracy's Testament, complaints of, i. 27 1.
iii. 81. his body dug up and burnt, 115.

Trade, increase of, in Edward Vlth's
reign, ii. 330.

Tradition, the authority of, i. 166.

Traheron's account of King Edward, iii.
304.

Translation of the Bible. — See Bible.

Transubstantiation, belief of, ii. 100.

Treason, sundry things declared, i. 257.
an act concerning, ii. 303. 4£0. laws
of, moderated, 392.

Tremellius, the learned Jew, ii. 233. 463.

Trent, council of, opened, ii. 32. proceed-
ings at, 83. translated to Bologna, 84.
returns to Trent, 299. proceedings
there, 299 — 301. 336. history of, by
Father Paul, 333. by Pallavicini, ib.
Vargas's letters concerning, 263. the
fraud, insolence, 266, 267. and pride
of the legate, 268. no good to be ex-
pected from the council, 268. 270. 272.
a decree secretly amended after it was
passed, 269. that concerning the Pope's
authority proposed, but not passed , 27 1.
no liberty in the council, 273. the le-
gate's way of correcting abuses, 274.
Malvenda's complaints of it, 275.

Trentals, ii. 101.

Tresham, Dr., disputes with Cranmeron
the corporal presence, ii. 437. made
Prior of St. John of Jerusalem, 561.
Trinity, image of the, ii. 95.
Trinity College, Cambridge, founded by

King Henry, i. 562.
Trudge-over, condemned for treason, ii.

543. iii. 395.

True Obedience, book of, written by Gar-
diner, i. 357. reprinted, ii. 465.
Trumball, Mr. William, iii. 264.

Turberville, bishop, refuses the oath of

supremacy, ii. 612.
Tumultuary assemblies, an act against, ii.

223. 396.
Turks, raise the siege of Vienna, i. 137.

invade Hungary, 189.
Turretin, Alphonsus, character of, iii. 408,

409.

ULMIS, John ab, writes an account of the

Duke of Somerset's fall, iii. 314.
Unction of the sick, ii. \tj,
Uniformity, act of, ii. 606, 607.
Uuitate Ecclesiastica, written by Cai

dinal Pole, i. 356.
Universities, consulted about the divorce,

i. 137, 138. 147, 148, 149. rights of,

confirmed, 545.
Unlawful assemblies, an act against, ii.

223.

Usury, an act against, ii. 307.
Utopia, Sir Thomas More's, extracts from,

iii. '13—47.

VAGABONDS, an act against, ii. 71. 22-1.
Vane, Sir Ralph, apprehended, ii. 284.

his trial and execution, '<i90.
Vannes, Peter, sent to the Pope with new
overtures relative to the King's suit of
divorce, i. 96. is recalled, 99. the
Pope's discourse with him, 112. signs
the articles of religion agreed to by the
convocation, 350.

Vargas's letters concerning the council of

Trent, iii. 263 — 276. translated into

English by Dr. Geddes, 264. into

French by Le Vassor, 265.

Vassor, Monsieur le, translates Vargas's

letters into French, iii. 265.
Vassy, duke of, begins a persecution of

the Protestants in France, ii. 643.
Venice, proceedings of Dr. Crooke at, to
obtain subscriptions in favour of the
King's divorce, i. 142. the senate re-
solve to be neutral, 144.
Verdun, bishop of, iii. 270. 276.
Vestments. — See Habits.
Veysey, Dr., his opinion respecting the
immunity of ecclesiastics, i. 25, 26.
made bishop of Exeter, ii. 247. resigns,
264. restored to his bishoprick, 415.
Vicar-general, and vicegerent, remarks

on these titles, i. 342, 343.
Vienna, siege of, raised by the Turks, i.

137.

Visitation, of monasteries, begun, i. 296.
instructions given to the commissioners,
297. new visitation appointed, 378.
of bishopricks, made over England, ii.
41. 57. articles and injunctions for, 44.
another visitation appointed, 161. for
the church-plate, 344. by Bonner, 448.
of the Universities, 537. commission
for a royal, 619.

542

INDEX.

Visitors of the monasteries, i. 296. their
proceedings, 307. of the bishopricks,
ii. 43. 57.

Vows of chastity, examined, ii. 1 45 — 1 47.

WAKF.FIELD, Dr., writes in favour of King
Henry's divorce, iii. 53, 51.

Wakes suppressed, ii. 94.

Wales, heir-apparent of the crown not
always prince of, i. 16.

Wallop, Sir John, iii. 166.

Walsingham's letter concerning Queen
Elizabeth's proceedings both against
papists and puritans, ii. 647.

War between England and Scotland, i.
511. ii. 51.

Wardlaw, archbishop, founded the uni-
versity of St. Andrew's, i. 489.

Wards, a bill concerning, rejected by the
Commons, i. 190.

Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, lord-
chancellor to Henry VIII. i. 11. 13.
129. opposes the encroachments of
Cardinal Wolsey, iii. 35. i. 31. his pro-
ceedings against heretics, 44. 266. de-
poses against the marriage of Henry
with his brother's widow, 55. bis death
and character, 207. iii. 121. singular
protestation made by him, iii. 121.

Warne, John, burnt in Smith field, ii. 485.

Warner, imprisoned for heresy, dis-
charged by the judges, i. 44.

Warwick, earl of, appointed lord-lieute-
nant of the north, ii. 51. acquired great
honour in the battle of Pinkey, 55, 56.
left to treat with the Scots, 56. his
character, ib. disperses the Norfolk re-
bels, 190. opposes the Protector in the
council, 213. most of the council join
with him, 215. they write to the King
against the Protector, 216. 218. in-
crease of the party, 218. proceed to
Windsor, and are kindly received by
the King, 219. he is appointed one of
the governors of the King's person,
220. promotes the Reformation, 222,
223. discovers a plot laid against him
Dy the Earl of Southampton, 223. go-
verns King Edward's council, 237. his
son marries the Duke of Somerset's
daughter, 255. 353. his ambitious pro-
jects, 280. the Lady Jane Gray mar-
ried to his fourth son, 282. proposes a
marriage for the King, with the French
King's daughter, ib. created duke of
Northumberland, 284. — See 'Northum-
berland.

Warwick, earl of, sent to the Tower, ii.
371. tried and found guilty, 376.

Wast, Joan, a blind woman, burnt at
Derby, ii. 526.

VVatson, bishop of Lincoln, visits the uni-
versity of Cambridge, ii. 537. his sin-
gular sermon, 538. sent to the Tower,

605. refuses the oath of supremacy,
612. detained in prison, il/. 613.

Wauchop, bishop of Armagh, ii. 326.

Weidner, one of the Zurich divines, iii.
415.

Wentworth, lord, joins the party formed
against the Duke of Somerset, ii. 218.
appointed one of the governors of the
King's person, 220. governor of Calais,
where he is besieged by the Duke 01
Guise, 555. forced to surrender, 556.
tried and acquitted, 593.

Wentworth, Sir John, ordered to proceed
against heretics, iii. 341.

Westminster abbey, founded by Edward
the Confessor, i. 302. converted into a
bishop's see, 482. but is afterward re-
united to the see of London, ii. 307.
iii. 286.

Westmoreland, earl of, invested with the
order of the Garter, ii. 3<!8. reduces
Scarborough-castle, 547.

Weston, dean of Westminster, prolocutor
of the lower house of convocation, ii.
407 — 414. iii. 335. sent to Oxford
to dispute with Cranmer, Latimer, and
Ridley, ii. 435 — 439. iii. 341. passes
sentence on them, ii. 440. refuses to
deliver Cranmer's petition to the coun-
cil, 441.

White, bishop of Lincoln, ii. 427. sent to
Oxford to condemn Ridley, 494. ex-
horts him to recant, in vain, ib. re-
moved to Winchester, 537. his cruelty
to the Protestants, 542. preaches Queen
Mary's funeral sermon, 586. iii. 409.
sent to the Tower, ii. 605. refuses the
oath of supremacy, 612. detained in
prison, 613. dies, iii. 427.

White, Rawlins, burnt at Cardiff, ii. 478.

Wiat, Sir Thomas, ambassador in Spain,
iii. 169. in Germany, 198. raises an
insurrection against Queen Mary, ii.

417. 564. iii. 337. his principles, iii.
337. the Londoners desert to him, ii.

418. his demands, ib. comes to South-
wark, 419. crosses the Thames at
Kingston, ib. but is defeated, ih. and
taken, 420. beheaded, 423.

Wickliffe, first begins the Reformation
in England, i. 37. dies in peace, but
his body was afterward burnt, ib. tran s-
lated the Bible into English, ib. his
followers numerous, 40.

Williams, a mariner, apprehended for
having conveyed Bishop Barlow out of
England, iii. 341.

Williams, Sir John, created Lord Wil-
liams, ii. :189. the Lady Elizabeth com-
mitted to his custody, 444. superintends
the execution of Ridley and Latimer,
496.

Willock, one of the Scottish divines, gives
an opinion in favour of the Queen-

INDEX.

543

Dowager's deposition, iii. 420. attends
her on her death-bed, ii. 639.

Wiltshire, earl of, sent ambassador to the
court of the Pope and Emperor, i. 141.
refuses to kiss the Pope's foot, 154.

Wiltshire, earl of.— See St. John, lord.

Wiltshire, rebellion in, suppressed by Sir
William Herbert, ii. 182.

Winchelcomb, abbot of, opposes the re-
straints on the immunity of the clergy,
i. 20. is sent to the council of the La-
teran, 30.

Winchester, marquis of, ii. 284. is lord
steward on the Duke of Somerset's trial,
286. declares for Queen Mary, 369,
370. one of the principal mourners at
King Edward's funeral, 378. is con-
tinued lord-treasurer by Queen Eliza-
beth, 611. his singular good fortune, ib.

Windsor, persecution of heretics at, i. 523.

Wingfield, lady, her evidence against
Queen Anne Boleyn, i. 318.

Wirtle, a priest, with six others, burnt in
Siuithfield, ii. 524.

Wishart's sufferings in Scotland,!. 535. his
trial, 538. and execution, 539.

Wittemberg, duke of, sends ambassadors
to the council of Trent, ii. 301.

Wolsey, cardinal, governs King Henry's
counsels, i. 6. 11. sent to the Emperor
Charles V. iii. 27. promised the papacy
by him, i. 6. disappointed, 7. persuades
the King to unite with Francis I. ib. 9.
concludes a treaty with him, iii. 52. an
account of his rising, i. 11. iii. 25. cha-
racter, power, and preferments, i. 12,
13. dissatisfied with the House of Com-
mons, 15. made a cardinal by LeoX.,
31. iii. 25. his proceedings as legate, 33.
his insolence to Archbishop Warham,
34. who opposes him, i. 31. hated
by the clergy, ih. 34. procures a bull
for their reformation, 31. his great
pride, ib. publishes Leo's bull against
Luther, iii. 38. his letter to the Ambas-
sadors in Spain, 50. to the Pope, 52.
designs the suppression of monasteries,
i. 32. summons the convocation of Can-
terbury to meet before him, 33. iii. 36.
his colleges at Oxford and Ipswich, i.
36. is averse to the prosecution of he-
retics, 52. examines Bilney and Arthur,
53. insists on Lord Percy renouncing
his pretensions to Anne Boleyn, 71.
his letters to the Pope respecting the
King's divorce, 81. 83. 105. to John
Cassali, 85. to Cardinal Campegio, 86,
87. finishes his colleges. 90. obtains a

bull for the suppression of monasteries,
ib. and for examining King Henry's
marriage, iii. 55. endeavours to have
the decretal bull for trying the validity
of the King's marriage shewn to the
council, i. 94. his intrigues for the
papacy, i. 101. 105. iii. 28, 29. ear-
nestness in the suit of divorce, i. 105,
106. 155. his bulls for the bishoprick
of Winchester, 107. proceeds with the
suit of divorce in England, as legate,
115. 119. 123. iii. 69 — 72. vindicated
by the King from being the chief mover
of it, i. 118. his credit is shaken, iii.
67. the Dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk
his enemies, 68. 73. his danger on the
adjournment of the court, i. 125. his
fall, 129. iii. 74. the meanness of his
temper, i. ISO. still favoured by the
King, 131. all his goods seized on, iii.
75. his good conduct in his diocese, ib.
is attached for high treason, i. 131.
his death and character, 132. iii. 32.

Wooburn, prior of, attainted, i. 384.

Worcester and Gloucester, united into
one bishoprick, ii. 324.

Wotton, Dr., sent ambassador to the Em-
peror, ii. 275. overreaches the Con-
stable Montmorency, 547. treats a
peace with France, 570. sent with
Cecil into Scotland, 639. iii. 444.

Wriothesley, lord, made lord chancellor,
i. 532. iii. 243. his cruelty to Anne
Askew, 549- obtains a warrant from
the King against Queen Katherine
Parr, 553. his attempt to execute it
prevented, 554. signifies King Henry's
death to the parliament, 563. ap-
pointed one of his executors, ii. 5. op-
poses the choice of a Protector after
Henry's death, 6. heads the Popish
party, 7. created earl of Southampton,
23. — See Southampton.

YOUNG, chanter of St. David's, ii. 408.
made bishop of that see, 623. after-
wards archbishop of York, 624. iii. 442.

York, visit of King Henry to, i. 488. pro-
ceedings in the convocation at, iii. 120.

Yorkshire, rebellion in, i. 368. 375. ii.
188.

ZUINGLIUS, writes in favour of the King's

divorce, i. 151. his doctrines proposed

to be condemned, ii. 554.
Zurich, iii. 299. singular law in, 302.

letters from, 303. 361. 408. return of

the Reformers from, 408.

END OF VOL. III.

Printed by A. SWEETING, 15, Bartletfs Buildings.

DIRECTIONS FOR PLACING THE PLATES.

VOLUME I.

BISHOP BURNET to face Engraved Title

King Henry VIII .... page 1

Cardinal Wolsey 11

Thomas More 52

Katherine of Arragon 56

Anne Boleyn 68

Stephen Gardiner 86

Thomas Cranmer 128

Thomas Cromwell 281

Cardinal Pole 255

VOLUME II.

King Edward VI 1

Duke of Somerset 7

Nicholas Ridley 238

Hugh Latimer 242

Queen Mary 1 361

Jane Gray , 362

Queen Elizabeth 578

Lord Burghley 583

Matthew Parker 586

Nicholas Bacon 5S8

Francis Walsingham . 647

VOLUME III.

Bishop Jewel , . . . 408

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