Contents

Pag*

Introduction

The American Ultras :B

Reveille in Glen view

Who Are the Ultras? ll

The Brass Btrchers l9

Camouflage Strategy 24

Penetrating the Community 2R

U]tracising the Schools . ■*'*

Tarring the Churches '* s

Lining Up the Public 43
Ultra Publications

The Ultras and the Corporations 5i '

Racism. Politics and the Ultras ^'
A Democratic Antidote ■■ 60"

acknowledgements

I owe thanks to Jamas Burnett, Michael Harrington and Tom
O'HanUm for their invaluable aid in researching: and writing this
pamphlet. Many readers of New America Were kind cnou«h to send.
dippings and other materials and I am grateful to each of them. My
wife, Sally, was immensely helpful and gave me constant encourage-
ment. Finally, I am deeply grateful to Norman Thomaa fur the
Inspiring help and advice which he b«t* throughout tho writing of
this document,

Irwin Suall is National Secretary of the Socialist Party-Social Demo-
cratic Federation. He U a graduate of Raskin College, Oxford, where
he received the Oxford Universily Itiplomu in Economic and Politic ll
Science. Before coming <« work for the Socialist Party. Mr. Suall was
an active trade unionist, lirst in the Seafarers' International Inion.
AFL-CIO and then In the International Ladies Garment Workers
Union, AFL-CIO.

Quantity rates on this pamphlet are available on request.

Write to New America, 1182 Broadway, New York, N. Y.

Cover design by Eujjjene Gl.alrermflh

First printing, January, 11)02
Second revised edition; March, 1362

American
Ultras

the extreme right and the
military-industrial complex

Irwin Suall

published by

New America

1182 Broadway

New York, New York

The American Ultras

Introduction

Because I hud so little to do with the hard detailed work which
went into the preparation, of this pamphlet, I can praise it objectively
with very good conscience. Irwin Suall and his helpers have done a
remarkable job in -dealing - with an extreme, ultra right conservatism
or reaction which is on the march in America.

This reaction Is born of fear which seeks a simple explanation of
what is to be feared. That fear expresses itself in an indiscriminate
hatred of communism. For a great many Americans, communism has
taken the place which religious fundamentalists have ascribed to the
devil. Ft is something not to be analysed but to be utterly hated and
totally rejected. It is most dangerous when it wears the garb of an
M gal ut light, Social reforms which commend themselves to a great
many Americans are somehow proof of communist interpenetration !

This latter ab01irdlt7 * s immediately useful to a great many power-
ful capitalist interests which hove not been slow to subsidize these

irrational groups very generously. But in the long run it is communism
Itself which is likely to be the winner if every social reform is to be
attributed to its influence. That theory by the way, beautifully il-
lustrated in that inaccurate and! misleading document, "Communism on
the Map," would bring even the Pope and Vatican City under the
deepest suspicion in view of the generally radical nature of large parts
of the now famous papal encyclical, Mater et Magistra.

The contents of our pamphlet have been submitted to the proper
agencies of government, to President Kennedy, for example, and to
Governor Rockefeller of New York, for appropriate action. But our
main appeal on the basis of this sober presentation of facts is to the
mind and conscience of the American people, heirs to a gTeat tradition

of freedom which these reactionaries neither understand nor accept.
Some of them argue, ridiculously, that the danger to our country
which they so greatly fear Is from within and not from without; that
our best protection would be a more diligent witchhunt at home.
Actually they are building up the ill-informed hate and acceptance
of violence which can only make war, even the terrible war of the
nuclear age, more likely. It is precisely the countries where democracy

and freedom are the most healthy, where there are strong democratic

socialist parties, and democratic unions, that have the least reason to
cower before communism within or without. A great part of the price
of peace is clear understanding. It is this which the tactics of the
John Birch Society, et al, make impossible.

Norman Thomas

Radjcal reaction is on the march in the "United States.
High-ranking military leaders and corporate executives are
leading a crusade which has found support in thousands of
communities across the land. In the name of "Total Victory," they
urge a policy which leads straight toward World War III and
nuclear holocaust.

Indeed, one must now speak of the American Ultras.

It was Senator Fulbright who first suggested the analogy
between the radical right in the United States and the French
Generals—the Ultras — -who attempted to overthrow the DeGaulIe
Government because of their opposition to Algerian independence,
Fulbright correctly pointed out that one cannot simply equate the
French plotters with the American right wing, particularly the mili-
tary. But he went on to say, "Nevertheless, military officers, French
or American, have some common characteristics arising from their
profession and there are numerous military 'fingers on the trigger'
throughout the world."

Fulbrlght's concern had been arou&ed by one of the most impor-
tant aspects of the development of the American Ultras: Generals
and Admirals utilizing the Armed Services for the dissemination
of extreme right-wing propaganda.

This is not to suggest a plot theory of malevolent reaction.
On the contrary, the problem of the American Ultras is extremely
serious precisely because one here confronts, not a handful of fringe
fanatics, but significant social forces in American society moving
toward the politics of radical reaction.

The American Ultras have strong connections with the leaders
of powerful corporations; their activists are high in the military;
and they can summon up community support across the nation from
every know-nothing, bigoted and anti-democratic tendency in the land.

Indeed, it was Dwight D. Eisenhower who focused attention
upon the massive social basis of the American Ultras. In his last
address as President, Eisenhower pointed to an enormous danger
to democratic freedoms: the military-industrial complex. With the
CoEd War dominating American life, an entire section of the econ-
omy has been given over to war production. The military dispenses
billions of dollars of contracts; it is u powerful voice in the formu-
lation of foreign policy; it has become much more of a power in
American society than ever before.

As Waldemar A. Nielson of the Ford Foundation put it in a
New York Times article, "The military services operate a far-flung
international broadcasting network. Defense exchange-of-persons
programs are much larger than those of the civilian agencies.

27130(5

Defense officials, civilian and 1n uniform, make several times as
many speeches and write several times as many articles bearing
on foreign policy as officials of the Department of State. And
through its links with a battalion of national organizations, the
Defense Department has a built-in system of communication with
the American people unequaled in scale by anything available to
other Federal agencies."

This new military intervention in the civilian life of the nation
has brought generals and admirals into a close relation -with the
commanding heights of corporate power. For example, large cor-
porations more and more find it necessary to hire retired military
leaders at the top levels of executive responsibility. In short, two
of the most powerful bureaucracies in society have a certain con-
vergence of interest, a web of professional and social ties, a tendency
toward a common outlook.

Not every General is an Ultra; neither is every corporate
executive. What this report shows is that there is a significant,
and most dangerous, tendency for an important section of the
military-industrial complex to put its enormous power behind right
wing extremism.

The source of this development is in the Cold War. Broadly.
there are two types of response to the threat of Communist
totalitarianism. On the one hand, there are those who see the Com-
munists as capturing and perverting a basically progressive social
revolution, particularly in the colonial movements for national liber-
ation. From this point of view, the struggle against Communism
is the fight to develop democratic alternatives for the revolutionary
movements of our time. This, to one degree or another, is the
approach of American liberalism, of the most responsible leaders
of the major churches, of the socially conscious trade unionists, of
the civil rights movement.

The other response to the Communist challenge grows out of
a mood of frustration and desperation. It is a form of political
paranoia. The problem is defined as one of evil conspiracies. If only
the handful of Communist plotters, people who have infiltrated every
Government on the face of the earth, could be rooted out, then
there would be peace and order.

This warped version of reality has roots in both corporate and
military life- Executives and military men have a common interest
in preserving the cold-war economy, a twentieth century phenome-
non which has provided the United States with an easy solution to
the problem posed by an undirected economy. The S400 billion spent
in the past nine years on defense needs has also provided much of
the capital which American business has needed in a new age of
technology. Any attempt to cut military budgets or to shift spending
from one phase of the "defense industry"' to another, is met by
mournful forecasts from those with vested interests.

4

The officer class sees questioning of military spending as lest
than patriotic The expansion of the military influence over the
past decade has been commensurate with the increase in military
spending, At no time in American history has a professional corps
of officers had so much influence on public opinion. Whether on
Berlin, Latin America, Southeast Asia or neutralism, military men
are listened to, and are given public forums in the press of this
nation, so that the "hard line" of military thinking is often the
daily fare of newspaper readers. The adulation of military heroes
is not an American phenomenon but military leaders are not slew
to take advantage of the aura of infallibility with which they are
now draped in the national press.

The slogan which big business and the military have adopted
to preserve their pre-eminence, solidify their common interests, and
extract support from the public, is "total victory". Thus, any
attempt to modify the social structure is classified as irrelevant in
time of "war". Increased spending in the critical areas of health
and education is publicized as a plot to undermine the moral fibre
of Americans. Talk of negotiation, suggestions that all men have a
vital interest in self-preservation, even a hint that compromise on
certain matters is possible— such talk is anathema to the Ultras of
the brass and big business.

To the military men the notion that Communist advances result
from basic social discontent is incomprehensible. For them the
problem is one of logistics. If the Communists advance through the
use of guerilla warfare, as in Southeast Asia, then we must train
guerilla fighters. Consequently Mao Tse Tung and Che Guevara are
being furiously studied in the US Army today. But, of course,
guerilla warfare without a political program that corresponds with
the deep felt yearnings of the native population is nothing but
gangsterism in uniform and it must fail. It is this that the military
men do not and cannot understand.

It is significant that the French military Ultras in Algeria too
have taken to studying Mao on guerilla warfare. But the French
officers have gone a step further. They learned through experience
that the techniques alone, without a revolutionary political mission
were useless. So they developed the mission, which, not surprisingly
took on a fascist coloration.

General Edwin Walker, in hia statement of resignation from
the Army, offered another, and more basic, clue to the problem.
He talked of the "soldiers on the frontline outposts, continuously
manned night and day, year after year . . ," The cold war after
all, has been with us for a long time. And for the men who have
been in the armed forces throughout, as have most of the top mili-
tary leaders, this has meant incessant tension and strain. Moreover
to that strain has been added the bewilderment that stemmed from
our losses. Not only have they always believed, as do all Americans

that this nation la invincible, that we simply do not lose wars, but
they have witnessed setbacks in the face of US military superiority.
Our stockpile of bombs is larger than the Russians, we have more
airbasea than they do, our industrial capacity is superior to theirs.
How then explain our constant posture of defensivenesa and actual
aeries of defeats, one after the other: Eastern Europe, China,
Korea, Cuba, Laos?

The explanation of course lies in that area in which most of
the generals are hopelessly uninformed: politics. They neither know
nor care about the passionate aspirations of some peasant in China
or student in Cuba. Consequently they do not even begin to under-
stand the problem of Communism which is winning because of its
counterfeit identification with the world revolution while American
democracy carries the albatross of capitalism and the status quo
around its neck.

Given this lack of understanding, the next step 1n the thinking
of so many of the generals is almost inevitable. If we are mili-
tarily stronger than the Russians but it is they who keep gaining
the victories, then it must be that we are being* betrayed. And since
"everyone knows" that the chief, if not only, method of operation
of Communists is "subversion", that must be the answer to the
mystery. Indeed, this is how General Walker sees the problem. He
was out there fighting and getting shot at all those years; World
War II, Greece, China, Korea, while at home the Communists were
subverting all over the place. And of course it is the "politicians"
who are to blame. Here is how he states it: "We are at war. We are
infiltrated. We are losing that war every day. Are our hands tied,
yours and mine? We need a substitute for defeat. If it is- not within
the power of this Congress to provide it — then the people of these
United States are not truly represented." And further, "They (the
Communists) long ago have infiltrated our government so that a
scheme of subversion can be traced through three decades."

Once this reactionary definition of reality ie made, politics be-
comes the police activity of ferreting out spies, dupes, and traitors.
Every movement of dissent and of protest becomes suspect because
these are seen as the natural arena of Communist agents. Insofar
as this point of view gains strength, every attempt of the people
to better their life or to express their ideas is seen as the work of
foreign agents or their native accomplices. Trade unionists, Negroes
in the civil rights movement, courageous churchmen, idealistic
students, are under a cloud.

In the process the American Ultras set a vicious circle int"
motion. They first develop their devil-theory politics out of a violent.

irrational, desperate response to the complexities of the world power
struggle. Then, basing themselves on significant social forces in this
society, particularly on the military-industrial complex, they are
able to influence American political life. The more strength they

o"

gain, the leas is the nation able to develop an effective democratic
alternative to Communist totalitarianism. The Ultra sees the Com-
munist in the guiae of spy or agent, but not as a totalitarian
seeking, and sometimes winning, the leadership of dynamic and
historic movements for social change. This aids the Communist and
it increases the frustration of the Ultras. Desperation breeds des-
peration; the politics of paranoia create a situation in which the

paranoid fantasy finds it confirmation.

The power of the American Ultras cannot be detailed in depth.
It can only be measured by those who can penetrate behind the
doors of corporate and military offices. Yet there are already alarm-
ing, visible signs of the growth of Ultra influence and power in the
military-industrial complex.

This pamphlet ia a documentation of the growing menace of
the American Ultras.

Reveille in Glenview

". . . You know what our national objective iff ... f Yok wouldn't
believe it. 1V& 'world peaee through enforceable laiv\ In other words,
some of our leader* seem to have a- surrender complex." — Admiral
Chfffyr Ward (wmL)' t I-nxi.ibif-* far American Sirat-effy.

Residents in the Chicago area received mail stamped ''Official
Business" from the Glenview Naval Air Base in the summer
of 1960. The envelopes contained invitations to attend a 5 day
conference at the base to "motivate an active force against moral
decay . . . and to bring an awareness of the ominous hammer and
sickle."

The military and civilians from Illinois who attended that
conference may have thought that a local patriotic group was per-
forming a community service, or that Frank Vignola, the Forest
Park furniture dealer, was after more members for his anti-Com-
munist organization, Education for American Security, Inc.

In actual fact, the Glenview conference was the result of a
Pentagon campaign to tell Americans what they should, and should
not, think about the Cold War and Communism.

From Seattle to Pensacola, the military, with the assistance of
a dozen or more anti-Communist right wing groups, had given

thousands of lectures, promoted films, books and journals of opinion
favoring their point of view. Admiral Ward, a leader in the cam-
paign to brainwash America, and a former Judge Advocate General,
was sufficiently enthused by the success of the program that, in
June 1961, he felt Americans were thinking "with their guts". This
non-cerebral process is described by Admiral Ward as follows:

"Americans are tired of defeats. They are tired of surrenders
covered up as 'negotiated settlements'. They are, indeed, tired of so
much talk and so little action by our leaders. For the first time in
sixteen years of the cold war, a demand for victory is beginning
to roll into Washington."

The Glenview conference Undoubtedly helped the demand, for at

that 5 day session the "big guns" of the far right were brought
in to direct their fire at influential leaders around the Chicago area.
Along w£th the base commander. Captain Isaiah Hampton, who is
a key figure in the "demand for victory" movement, these men took
part: Frank Barnett, former Rhodes Scholar, who is Program Di-
rector for the Institute for American Strategy and the Richardson
Foundation; Dr. Fred Schwara, founder and the head of the Chris-
tian Anti-Co mmunism Crusade, who describes his crusade as "the
'unorganized army' for the Republic of the United States . . .";
E. Merrill Root, member of the Committee of Endorsers of the John

Birch Society and author of "Brainwashing in the High Schools"
and "Collectivism on the Campus"; Richard Arens, ex-staff director
of the House UnAraerican Activities Committee, also a "specialist"
for the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade in "Ferreting Out Com-
munists in Government": Herbert Philbrick, ex-Communist, author
of "I Led Three Lives"; Dr. Herbert Niemeyer, Notre Dame Uni-
versity, who is a member of the Institute for American Strategy
"Education Committee"; Dr. Anthony Bouscaren, former faculty
member, National War College, Associate Professor of Political '
Science at Le Moyne College, Syracuse, N. Y., and another "spe-
cialist" for the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade-
Three officers from the Glenview base also spoke during - the
5 day conference and three other officers, Rear Admiral W. Mc-
Keehnie, Major William Mayer and Vice Admiral Robert Gold-
thwnite traveled to bolster the military point of view.

The "enemies! slain" at the Glenview base that week, according
to the Christian Century, included "liberals, modernists, John Dewey P
Harvard students, high school students, the San Francisco Chamber
of Commerce, textbooks, the American Friends Service Committee,
pacifists, the New York Times and Herald Tribune, the National
Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, naive ministers. The heroes
lauded by the speakers were conservatism, Senator Barry Gold water,
conservative Baptists, J. B. Matthews and the nuclear bomb."

Those who attended were assured that they "will acquire the
experience, poise and know-how which we hope will germinate into

1

discussion groups being organized in every community of the mid-
west." But Captain Hampton and his men were reluctant to allow
civilians off the base without a "hard sell". In « leaflet entitled

"Information Sheet on anti-Communist Seminar" it was stated that

"a specific attempt will be made to encourage attendees to join such
anti-Communist organizations as the Christian anti- Communist Cru-
sade, the Cardinal Mindszenty Foundation, and Education for Amer-
ican Security."

This bSatant attempt by military officers to indoctrinate the
civilian population and to bludgeon them into joining 1 selected or-
ganizations with the "correct" point of view was indefensible. The
American Civil Liberties Union took up the matter with the then
Secretary of the Navy who reported that he had ordered the Glen-
view base to cease official sponsorship of such activities. However,
on November 30, Dr. Schwarz was back again heading up a pro-
gram which featured an "Action Report" and Captain Hampton,
undeterred by the ban, commenced a blitz on the surrounding com-
munities by sending out groups of men to convert the fainthearted.

On February 23, 1961, three Glenview men in uniform lectured

400 civilians at the American Legion Hall in Fox Lake, Illinois. For
four hours these people were told how to write letters to TV spon-
sors, how to disseminate anti -Communist literature and how to
develop a "challenging program of individual action". "Progressive
education" was ridiculed because, said a Glenview man "the enemy
cannot be dofeated by throwing basketballs and footballs at them."

Trios of experts were also sent to Waukegan, Peoria and North
Chicago where a IX Commander Charles Bigler spoke on "the
problems faced by President Kennedy and Congress in dealing with
Khrushchev."

Undaunted by the fact that the Glenview affair had involved
military men who were second guessing the President and Congress,
Captain Hampton travelled to Chicago where he spoke for "We the
People", another in the lengthening list of "anti-Communist" groups
organized to brainwash the public. The affair took place in the
Sheraton Towers Hotel on March 24 and Captain Hampton took
the platform along with BEtly James Hargis, William K, Lamble
of the American Security Council and others to encourage firm
opposition to "higher debt and taxes", "government controls" and
"socialism".

Despite warnings and directives from Government departments
forbidding more Glenviews, the pro-blue brainwashing to persuade
Americans that a victory in World War III is possible continues.
On August 9th, Westbrook Pegler announced that Der Tag was
dawning. Detecting "a remarkably intelligent and determined rising
of unacquainted but sympathetic Americans everywhere", Pegler
announced that "It may be the first outcry in a grand revolution —
led by not a general but by a hundred of the best generals and

admirals that the country has yet produced,"

In Washington, Senator Fulbright suggested that the White
House and the Defense Department should "begin the process of
formulating directives which will bring such military activities
under effective civilian control". Despite the complaints arriving in
Washington, the Pentagon merely "admonished" General Walker,
forbade the use of one film "Communism on the Map" and relegated
another, "Operation Abolition" to a "when-asked-for-basis". Mild
steps indeed in face of Pegler's "Grand Revolt".

It seems obvious that the massive dose of military propaganda
which the public has received since 1958 has taken effect and that
any attempt to steer the generals, admirals and lesser minions back
into the ranks will be received with suspicion by many. For three
years they have been told that that is exactly the kind of ruse that
Communists specialize in- More than a dozen "anti-Communist'
groups have paraded soldiers onto platforms of alerts, alarms,
forums and strategy sessions to tell the people that the war is on.
It's a peculiar kind of war, fought with words instead of bullets,
full of subversion, treason, appeasement, welfarism, socialism, red
ministers, spies, tampered textbooks, Pugwash professors, egghead
showoffs and newspapers that are telling the people far too much
about everything.

This hysteria was promoted in 1958 by a top secret directive
issued by the President, implemented by the Pentagon, elaborated
by the dozens of anti-Communist groups throughout the country
and financed, produced and directed by foundations, millionaires
with patriotic instincts, fraternal bands, Chambers of Commerce and
Catholic, Baptist, Fundamentalist, and Christian Crusades. The sheer
volume nf thin propaganda spewed from hundreds of platforms,
books, films and do-it-yourself pamphlets for those who want to
catch their very own Communist, has had an effect opposite to that
intended. Instead of strengthening the moral fibre of the nation,
broadening understanding of Communism, untangling the complexi-
ties of Cold War policy and finding common ground with other
democratic countries, the Ultras indulge in a masochistic, xeno-
phobic search for spies under the roof of the garrison. Distrust
everybody, check with me before you aign, better dead than red,
he's on the list, that's a commie paper, they've already taken over —
these are slogans taken seriously by those who have been innocu-
lated by the needle of fear.

10

VT*Z?u \" Who Are the Ultras?

THE JOHN BIRCH SOCIETY — / ^ Oo ^BSi^ $*?/

IT WAS in the Spring of 1961 that the nation first began to realize
that a new wave of rightism had begun to descend on the land.
Newspapers began to Carry stories about a John Birch society
that had mushroomed forth in one community after the other,
spreading a gospe! of hate and fear. Its founder and leader, Robert
Welch, a retired candy manufacturer in Belmont, Massachusetts,
was touring the country speaking to overflow audiences in one
community after the other. His message, delivered In tones that
combined lowbrow scholarliness with door-to-door salesmanship,
sounded reactionary but odd, The first reaction to it of most
moderates was one of puzzlement and a momentary hesitation; as
if not knowing whether to laugh or be angry. For Welch's theme
went as follows: Communism has all but conquered the entire world
and the United States is already 40 to 60 percent Communist domi-
nated. He also maintained that the countries of Western Europe,
and especially those with Social Democratic governments, were
really Communist controlled; that all of Asia was lost, including
India, whose Prime Minister Nehru was a "Marxist": that the
Middle East and Africa had been taken over under the leadership
of those out and out "Communists" Nasser and Nkrumah; and that
Latin America had been subverted, not only by Castro but even
more so by Romulo Betancourt of Venezuela and Victor Paz Estans-
aoro of Bolivia. These claim* seemed wild enough in view of the
fact that every one of them was simply the opposite of the truth,
but Welch did not stop there.

It was when he got to the United States that he really seemed
to become frenzied. He claimed that just about every nationally
respected leader in both major parties was a hidden Communist:
Chester Bowles, Charles E. Bohlen, Arthur H. Dean, the late John
Foster Dulles., Allen Dulles, Milton Eisenhower, Walter Reuther,
Maxwell Itabb, Eleanor Roosevelt, Harry Truman; it was hard to
think of a name, other than that of Dwight D. Eisenhower, whom
Welch didn't literally call a Communist. But then some enterprising
newspaperman dug up a manuscript written by Welch, entitled "The
Politician", and there it was: Dwight D. Eisenhower was a "card
carrying'' Communist.

The rest of Welch's basic doctrine was a similar brew of reac-
tion and arrationalism. "Democracy Is a perennial fraud" and
America is not and was never intended to be a democracy, but only
a republic; the U.N. is an "intended Communist International" and

11

ought to be destroyed; civil rights is a Communist notion and is
for them "an exact parallel to the slogan 'agrarian reform' by
"which they conquered China"; Chief Justice Warren is a "Com-
munist" and should be impeached. The income tax ought to be
abolished. Finally Welch unveiled his own unique contribution to
the understanding of history, his answer to the Marxian dialetic:
the principle of "reversal." According to this principle everyone
else has failed to understand the Communists because they thought
they meant what they said, while the actual truth of the matter is
that the Communists really mean the very opposite of what they
say. Thus, if Khrushchev bangs has shoe on the desk and shouts
"Hammerskjold must go," he really wants Hammerskjold to stay.
Or if the Communists denounce U.S. foreign aid as an instrumen-
tality of American imperialism, they really want the U.S. to extend
aid to underdeveloped countries. Until we understand this funda-
mental principle, says Welch, we will continue to play into the hands
of the Communists.

These bewildering ideas seem ridiculous, and indeed they are.
Yet, with them the Birch Society has grown into a powerful organi-
zation, as we shall see. And paradoxically their growth has been due,
in part, to their program. First, the startling quality of the ideas
proved to be tailor-made for publicity. As one newspaperman said,
"Anyone who calls Eisenhower a Communist is certain to get pub-
licity." Second, with few exceptions, each major point in the Welch
program appealed to a sector of the right-of-center community.

In sum, the Society successfully appeals to a wide grouping
that is funnelled into its ranks and that in turn goes out to spread
the special Birch Society brand of character assassination, national-
istic xenophobia, and out and out hatred of democracy.

FRED SCHWARZ' CRUSADE

Competing with the John Birch Society for the honor of being
the mainstream of the Ultra-right is the Christian Anti-Communism
Crusade. The Crusade is led by Dr. Fred Schwarz, an Australian
who, in 1953, Sanded here with $10 in his pocket, some experience
as & lay Baptist preacher, and a grandiose scheme for a crusade
against Communism. Eight years later* Schwarz had a booming busi-
ness, grossing $1 million a year; a staff of lecturers who took to
the lecture circuit with the zeal of a Billy Sunday; and a reputa-
tion, among right wingers, as the most knowledgablc man on Com-
munism in the United States.

Schwarz differs from Welch in many ways. He is a much more
fiery and aggressive speaker, he is more of a showman, his entire
operation has more of an evangelistic air about it. Yet, oddly
enough, where Welch seems at times to be straining his wits to
think of startling and radical things to say, Schwarz' tactic is to
play it close to the vest. His every word seems calculated to fit a

carefully designed formula: say enough to whip the audlcnco up
into a frenzy, but never so much that you leave yourself open to
attack. And although Schwarz has been here only eight years, he
knows his America. He realizes that so long as he sticks with the
theme of "anti-Communism", no matter how much he distorts and
lies, he's safe from attack. For example, one of his favorite themes
is that in Communist countries they practice a form of "animal
husbandry" on human beings in order to breed a race of supermen.
In one of the Crusade's beat selling items, a comic book on Com-
munism for the kiddies, he shows brutish looking Communist guards
shoving the aged and the crippled into a concentration camp. The
text says that these pitiful looking people are to be slaughtered as
part of the Communist theory of breeding supermen by getting rid
of the weak and the maim. Actually this charge is rubbish. There
simply is no such theory or practice in Russia. But what is more
important, what kind of a man would create- such a sadistic fable
out of whole cloth and then decide to turn it into a comic book
for children? Yet this is typical of the Schwarz technique. For who
is there, especially in the world of the mass media, who will charge
him with exaggerating the evils of Communism?

Much, but not all, of the Crusade's program conforms to this
pattern. Some of it is true; after all Communism 5s an inhuman
system that deserves to be criticized and attacked. But still other
parts of Schwarz' program ha\*e nothing whatever to do with anti-
Communism and indeed reveal the extreme rightist basis of his
thinking. Occasionally the Doctor allows a card to be seen, both in
what his Crusade says and what it does.

A favorite theme of the ultra right is that American educa-
tional institutions are centers of subversion. As we have seen,
"Collectivism on the Campus" and "Brainwashing in the High
Schools" are the names of two right wing best sellers by E. Merrill
Root. Schwarz, it seems, fully shares this thesis. "'University of
Murder" is the title of a Crusade pamphlet which states, "Many
people today are confusing freedom with license . , . under the guise
of academic freedom, anti-American ideologies are being propagated
such as pacifism, surrender, and even free love.*" Schwarz' close
associate and regular lecturer for the Crusade, Herbert Philbrick,
selects one particular university, Princeton, as his fantastic target.
Princeton, says Philbrick, refuses to allow any anti-Communists to
lecture on its campus.

Actually there is method in this madness. After bombarding
the public with this kind of propaganda, local right wing groups
then make demands upon Boards of Education for a review of text-
books and course outlines to make certain that they are 100 per cent
"Americanist". And in a number of states they have succeeded.
including states like Texas in which Schwarz has been especially
active.

13

"Treason in high places" is virtually the anthem of the radical
right And the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade doesn't shirk
from joining the chorus. ""The Supreme Court" says one of the
Crusade's booklets, is guilty of ruling in 1957 "that subversion is
now protected under the First Amendment of the Constitution."
Then in the pamphlet "Hangman's Noose" Schwarz finds the nation
being choked by treason. "Haven't our international policies since

World War II helped build an exhausted and impoverished Com-
munist bloc of nations into the greatest menace in world history?",
asks the Doctor rhetorically. "Are the people who made these poli-
cies—and continue to do so— traitors or just ignorant of the Com-
munist aspirations? An answer to these questions must be found
almost immediately/' (emphasis added)

BILLY HARGIS

Billy James Hargis is a fundamentalist preacher with a powerful
bent toward politics and business. He specializes in smiting not
the devil, but in his own words, "modernists", 'leftists", "socialists"
and "Communists". Hargis is a young man of 86 who looks very
much like a fat rock and roll musician. From hia appearance it
would seem that he weighs about 300 pounds. Yet, he's an energetic
man. He's constantly on the go, criss-crossing the country address-
ing rallies that are often bedecked with huge banners proclaiming,
"For Christ! Against Communism!"

Hargis is a graduate of the Ozark Bible School ("a little col-
lege of some 20 students, no longer there") and his oratory shows
St. Although he started out practicing the old time religion, he soon
discovered that the market was more suited to political rather
than religious primitivism. But he didn't drop religion altogether;
instead ho decided to make a blend of the two. He also plays poli-
tics within the field of religious organizations, being the leader of
a fundamentalist faction whose main aim is the destruction of the
National Council of Churches, the main coordinating body of the
Protestant Churches in America. One of his booklets Is entitled
"The National Council of Churches indicts itself on 50 Counts of
Treason to God and Country." Hargis claims that 7,000 Protestant
Ministers are Communists, although when challenged to prove it he
offers only a mouldy mixture of innuendo and half truths.

Billy James heads two organizations, the Christian Crusade
and We the People! He himself was the founder of the Crusade and
it is still his main arena of operation. Headquartered in Tulsa,
Oklahoma, with its own building and a staff of 85, the Crusade
claims tax exemption as a religious organization, although its ob-
jectives appear primarily political. Each year the Crusade holds
a "Summit Meeting" of about a thousand stalwarts. At the 1961
Summit the main speaker was Robert Welch who announced his
essay contest for high school students on "Why Chief Justice War-

U

ren Should bo Impeached." Welch and Hargts are extremely close;
the latter is a member of the Committee of Endorsers of the John
Birch Society. But Hargis operates much less secretively and his
religious veneer seems to give courage to prominent persons who
might avoid public association with Welch. Thus the following politi-
cal figures have endorsed or praised Hargis* work publicly: Gov.
Orvil Faubus of Arkansas; Congressman Noah Mason, (R. of 1110;
Congressman James C. Davia, <D. of Georgia); Congressman Dale
Alford, (D. of Arkansas), The Christian Crusade operates a full scale
program of propaganda activities, reaching millions each year. It
skillfully uses every medium of communication: books, pamphlets,
magazines, films, tapes, radio, TV, and revivalist meetings. A by-
product of the organization is "Nutri-Bio", a food supplement which
is sold at ?24 for a six months supply. Hargis says that "glowing
good health can be yours", if you take it regularly. Asked why a
Minister of God should be peddling drug products, Billy James
replied that healthy bodies are as important as healthy minds in
the fight against Communism. Thousands of his agents sell Nutri-
Bio, at a commission, in the United States and Canada. They can
often be seen, especially in rural areas, with black and bright green
Nutri-Bio bumper strips on their cars.

A major activity of the Christian Crusade is to make available
to ""selected" organizations and individuals information on "thou-
sands of clergymen and educators who have chosen to affiliate with
Communist front organizations over the years." The information is
from its files ("the largest and most extensive private anti-Com-
munist files in America today") acquired from Allen A. Zoll. ZolVs
organization, American Patriots, Inc., was listed as "fascist" by
U.S. Attorney General Tom Clark.

Hargis is the President of We the People!, but lie didn't found
it. Organized several years ago by Harry Everingham, who is still
its Executive Vice President, Hargis was brought in recently to give
it glamour and go. This he has done. From its head office in Chi-
cago, We the People 1 has taken on an importance that it never had
before Hargis joined it. Originally it seemed to be a smallish ultra
right propaganda league that specialized in midwestem corn belt
politics. For a long time its members were divided between those
who wanted to operate within the right wing of the Republican
Party and those sectarian elements who looked toward the formation
of a new third party. When Hargis took over the organization, that
question was settled: We the People! now operates in and around
the Republican Party. Like the Birch Society and others of the same
stripe, its hero, although not without some misgivings, is Senator
Barry Goldwater.

We the People! issues two publications, "Free Enterprise" and
"Action News for Anti-Communists." The June, 1961 issue of the
former recommended as suitable reading material for real Ameri-

1B

cans several outright fascist and race hate magazines, including
Gerald L. K. Smith's "The Cross and the Flag" and "Common Sense,"
published in Union, N. J. The racist overtones of We the People! arc
also evident in an article in the September, 1960 issue of "Free Enter-
prise" by Kevilo P. Oliver, a Birch Society leader who teaches at
the University of Illinois. "The Batista Government in Cuba was
not, to be sure, a perfect government," said Oliver, "but it was
probably as good a government as one could reasonably expect to
find in an island largely populated by mongrels." Winding up, Oliver
warned against, "the tentacles of conspiracy (reaching) into- your
home town, where the puppets are promoting fluoridation, 'mental
health', and innumerable other plans to accustom us to gradually in-
creased slavery and intimidation."

Interestingly, Hargis travels around in a huge Greyhound bus
which he acquired recently and remade into & headquarters on
wheels. The bus boasts sleeping" accommodations, a sort of com-
bination conference-living* room, and a work room complete with
office equipment. In his bus he rolls into towns throughout the South
and West addressing rallies with his revivalist-style sermons of hate
and fear. Overhead the banners blaze forth, "For Christ! Against
Communism V

THE SEARCY COMPLEX

One of the most enterprising figures on the extreme right is
Dr. George S. Benson, who has taken the little-known town of Searcy
in central Arkansas and turned it into a beehive of ultra activities.
Benson is the President of Harding College, a fundamentalist insti-
tution which he took over in 1936 and converted from a sleepy, run
down campus into a snappy,, business-like educational factory. Rut
the curriculum aft Harding is somewhat different from that at most
colleges, including denominational ones. In addition to turning out
loyal followers of the Church of Christ, the sect that operates the
school, he also instills in his students a militant faith in "free enter-
prise" and "100 per cent Americanism," Benson style.

The school's physical improvement and the message it imparts
are not unrelated. Whether Benson decided first to "Americanize" the
curriculum and then went after big business contributions as an
afterthought, or whether the two were part of his plan from the
start 5s not known, But Harding has been the recipient of generous
donations from men and businesses who would not ordinarily look
to central Arkansas for colleges to endow.

In 1949, Benson got $300,000 from the late Alfred P. Sloan,
President of General Motors. Charles R. Hook, then chairman of
the Board of Armco Steel gave some more, as did the executives of a
significant group of other wealthy business organizations. By May,
1961, when Cabell Phillips of the New York Times visited Searcy,

16

f

the campus boasted 10 attractive now buildings, an eleventh in prog-
ress, and an endowment fund of $6,000,000, "virtually all of it from
industrial donor*/'

This record of progress was not due solely to the work done on
Harding' students. From the beginning Dr. Benson sought larger
horizons by radiating his propaganda throughout the state, region,
and finally the entire country- Until several years ago his message
was rather simple; what's good for big business is good for the
country. He vigorously opposed the New Deal and all welfare legisla-
tion, attacked unionism as "monopolistic," championed "Right to
Work" proposals, and attacked anything that smacked of "socialism,"
i.e. liberalism. All this he did in radio broadcasts that were offered
free to any station willing to take them, canned newspaper columns
that could also be had for the asking, and endless speeches before
American Legion Posts, Chambers of Commerce and similar groups.

Then, in 1949, Benson took a step upwards toward the big time.
With the $300,000 contributed by Sloan he organized the National
Education Program, with himself as President, and began to produce
a series of films designed to pack a greater wallop than mere lectures.

To the films was added still another National Education Program
project, the organization of Freedom Forums throughout the country.
These are a sort of three day patriotic encampment with fees ranging
from $80 to $100 a person.

Along with these new techniques came an ominous shift in pro-
gram. If in the old days Benson's message was of the common garden
reactionary variety it is now distinctly of a radical rightist stripe. A
full fledged chapter of the John Birch Society has been organized in
Searcy and the proceedings of one of its meetings was described in
a recent issue of the National Education Program's Newsletter,
Welch, in turn, has lavished praise on Dr. .Benson and his work in the
Bulletin of the Birch Society. The new "line" is graphically repre-
sented in the N.E.P. film "Communism on the Map," undoubtedly
Benson's most sensational accomplishment to date. The film will be
discussed at greater length later, but its message can be quickly
summarized: 1. Communism has already conquered the entire world,
except for West Germany, Formosa, Switzerland and the United
States 2. The main danger we face is that of internal subversion
which has already made deep inroads in labor, Government, and com-
munications 3. Liberalism equals socialism equals communism.

If this sounds like Birchisni, it's no accident. The film was pro-
duced by one of Benson's assistants, Glenn A. Green, who boasts of

his membership in the Birch Society. Whole sections of the film are
virtually identical, word for word, with the Blue Book of the John
Birch Society.

These then are some of the main organizations of the ultra right.
There are others; hundreds of them, large and small, rich and poor,
crackpot and cynically shrewd. We shall discuss some of them at a

17

later point, but here let ua consider the meaning of the organizations

■we have described.

Extreme right ism is not a new phenomenon in America- This
country has always had its reactionary wing, and sooner or later the
rightist threats have died down, to be succeeded by a new "wave at a
later point. In the thirties we had a burgeoning of out and out fascist
organizations, but the New Deal mobilized the overwhelming majority,
and the rightists were never able to snatch the ball away from Roose-
velt, the CIO, and the moderate left. More recently we experienced
the McCarthy era: witchhunting In the schools, In Government, in the
entertainment industry, almost everywhere. That too passed, although
not because it was defeated by a popular anti-McCarthy movement.
Actually it is questionable whether McCarthyism died or went into
hibernation, McCarthy himself was vanquished from above, by the
Army and the Administration. The Senator died a short while later.
But did his followers who numbered in the millions, actually change
their minds, their attitudes? Did a new wave of genuine tolerance for
dissent and respect for due process vanquish witehhunting and the
witchhunters? That is doubtful.

Nevertheless, what we are experiencing today is not merely the
revival of McCarthyism. McCarthy had a huge following, but he did
not have an organization. Those who shared his fears and hates were
never actually mobilized to go out and do battle. Furthermore, the
mood that prevailed in this nation was not then so desperate as now.
There was not so intense a feeling that the nation was battling for its
life. Global war did not seem so imminent; there was no comparable
frenzied rush to build fallout shelters. The nation as a whole was not
then so close to the "moment of truth," that decisive point in world
history that would determine America's future as the leading world
power.

Today we appear to be on the very brink of that moment. Yet,

where there should be the calm determination that cornea from sure-
neas of purpose, there ia instead a growing mood of doubt that even
shows signs at the edges of turning into irrational panic. The cries
increase for a showdown of force: "Better dead than red."

It ia in this atmosphere that the appearance of new ultra right
secma so dangerous. They have organization and a large, active rank
and file membership. They appeal to the growing mood of desperation
and in turn feed that mood. They have established important ties with
the ruling political party in America, the Repuhlican-Dixiecrat coali-
tion. They have made deep inroads into the military-industrial com-
plex, the most decisive single center of power in the nation.

This is the context in which the significance of the new right
must be viewed. And it is In this context that the Fulbright-
atcNamara-Thurmond affair must be considered.

18

The Brass Birchers

THE American press has made frequent references to the Fulbright
memorandum, but no newspaper has carried a detailed account
of that important document. Originally sent to Secretary of De-
fense MeNamara in the Summer of 1961, its publication sounded a
warning to the Ultras that the carte blanche which the 1958 directive
had given them in propagandizing the nation was being seriously ques-
tioned in the Kennedy cabinet.

Speaking on the floor of the Senate, Fulbright said: "There has
been a strong tradition in this country that it is not the function of
the military to educate the public on political issues. Military officers
are not elected by the people and they have no responsibility for the
formulation of policies other than military policies. Their function is
to carry out policies formulated by officials who are responsible to the
electorate. This tradition is rooted in the constitutional principle that
the President is the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces and
that, therefore, military personnel are not to participate in activities
which undermine his policies."

The reaction of the Ultras to this mild rebuke indicated that
within three years, they considered their position so entrenched with
the public that they felt public opinion would rally to the right.
Dixiecrat Senator Strom Thurmond, a reserve General, Senator Gold-
water, an Air Force Reserve General and other legislators led the
attack on Fulbright in Washington, In Arkansas, Fulbright's home
state, Dr. George Benson and his staff at Harding College began a
campaign aimed at defeating the Senator's bid for re-election in V3QZ.
Conservative newspapers reported the fracas in Washington as another
attempt to "muzzle patriots."

The complete text of the Fulbright memorandum was printed in
the Congressional Record. Yet, however much the publication of
the memorandum may have pained the Ultras, the fact is that the
document was not an attempt to catalogue the misdeeds of the military.
This chapter, and the mass of material in this pamphlet makes clear
that the memorandum merely reported events that had attracted the
attention of the national press, and did not attempt a comprehensive
study of Ultra-right activities in the military.

Moreover the Memorandum avoided important details of many of
the events that it reported. For example* point 8 of the 11 rightist
"alerts" and "seminars" cited merely stated that "Dr. Fred Schwarz
held a seminar at Headquarters 8th Naval District, New Orleans,
which was endorsed by Rear Adm. W. G, Schindler, Commandant."
But for a more rounded picture of Schwarz' visit, consider the follow-
ing letter which was received by New America, the Socialist Party's

IS

newspaper. The author'.* name is known to the editors, but for obvious
reasons he has asked that it not be used in this public report.

November 10, 1&61
Editor, New America
1182 Broadway
New York, New York
Dear Sirs:

your excellent article "Rightist Fred Schwarz Humbles Life
Magazine," which appeared in the November 30 issue of New America,
recatiad to my mind a hot August in 1959 when the Naval Station
and Eighth Naval J&istriet Headquarter* in New Orleans were sub-
jected to Mr. Sehwars' "brainwashing" for two days.

Mr* Schwarz' visit wag coordinated through the Chaplain's Of'
fice r Eighth Naval District. Hea-oy pressure was exerted from the
Commandant on down, making it nearly mandatory far the entire of-
ficer corps o/ the Headquarters and Naval Station to attend at least
part of tfic sessions. The inducement for the enlisted men was the
opportunity to vary routine by skipping regular work for the movies
and lectures of Mr. Schwarz, This "sc-mitiar" was held in the audi-
torium-movte theatre, which is a. navai building. Naval equipment,
such as projectors, etc, wag freely used by Mr, Sehwars, and naval
personnel ran these machines.

Make no -mistake, Mr. Schwarz gave a. first rata performance.
He is a very able speaker and knoios just what he is about. He
warned us against anything left of McCarthy. The auditorium was
generally filled. The Commandant officially introduced Mr. Schwarz,
and the "seminar" was as official as it could possibly be.

The speaker impressed me as being long on conclusions and very
short on fasts backing them up. However, the gene-rat crusade atmos-
phere conjured up by him created an enthusiasm which left little
room for analytic judgment on the part of the audience.

Afr* Sehwars was equally effeetive in separating the sailor from
his cash. He had a variety of books, pamphlets, subscriptions, mem-
berships, etc. for sa-tc and I was amazed at the response.

The two day visit of Mr. Schwar* to the Naval Station did not
and his influence on the Eighth Naval District. His speeches were
recorded by nacy machines on navy tapes by naval technicians.
Copies of these tapes were distributed by the Chaplain's Office, SND,
to the various reserve components throughout the Eighth Naval
District, For example, listening to these tapes was required of alt
tha officers in the Naval Reserve Intelligence Program, SND, Hence
the number of naval officers and -men who listened to the- speeches
of Mr. Schwarz numbered well into the thousands.

You can eea, then, why I was interested in your artielOr I've seen
Mr. Sehwars in action and can testify from experience that he is a
powerful influence against liberal thought.

Sincerely,

A former naval officer stationed

at U£.N.S„ New Orleans

Some months after the Fulbright Memo was submitted to Defense
Secretary McNamara, during the week of September 22, 1963, Army

Reservists in San Antonio, Texas received a communication from Lt.
Col. Ira L. Beard informing them that an "Americanism Seminar"
would be held at the Municipal Auditorium. The seminar was endorsed

20

by the Junior Chamber of Commerce and the U.S. Fourth Army, The
Lt. Colonel's letter stated, "Personnel from this office will be available
at the Municipal Auditorium to assist individual reservists in pre-
paring D.A. Form 1380 for the award of point credit" and asked the
reservists to give the program "wide publicity".

The featured speakers at the seminar were Senator Strom Thur-
mond, General Albert C. Wedemeyer, contributing editor of the Birch
Society journal "American Opinion", W. Cleon Skousen, of the Amer-
ican Security Council and Christian An ti -Communism Crusade, Col.
R. B. Thieme, a frequent speaker for the National Education Program
of Searcy, Arkansas, and Dr. Gerhart Nicmeyer.

A hot controversy over the program developed among" citizens of
San Antonio. The Local N.A-A.C.P- denounced the seminar and de-
scribed Thurmond as a "race-baiter" and the other speakers as "either
members of the Birch Society or sympathetic thereto". The Texas Ob-
server quoted a local Negro leader as stating the seminar would
feature a "Birch, Thurmond, Eastland" philosophy, and called Thur-
mond "the worst race-baiter that anyone knows". But the official pub-
lication of the South Texas Chamber of Commerce, the "South Texan,"
said, "It is time for the American people to decide who is going to run

this country — patriots or pinks".

When Arthur Sylvester, Assistant Secretary of Defense, was

contacted about this affair by La Prensa, an English-Spanish news-
paper, he said the Fourth Army is 'lending administrative assistance,

not co-sponsoring the seminar", but the public information officer of
the Fourth Army, Lt. Col. John Thisler, saw it differently. According

to the Texas Observer, when asked "if the Fourth Army was co-
sponsoring* the program or merely giving assistance to it," Thisler
replied, "Either way you want it — co-sponsoring or supporting — it
means the same thing." The seminar was held as scheduled.

Other military misdeeds not reported in the Fulbright Memo,
though they occurred before the Memo was written, were the follow-
ing events.

1. "Attention, all hands", read the Jan. 9, 1961 notice from Com-
mander J. H. Allen to the men of the U.S. Navy Electronics Laboratory
in San Diego. Calif. Officers and sailors were urged to attend a San
Diego "Freedom Forum", produced by the National Education Pro-
gram and held at the U.S. Grant Hotel. Included in Commander
Allen's notice was a copy of the program and a coupon for attendance
at the Forum.

The program featured two top active military leaders and a host
of extreme rightist civilians. The military spokesmen were Vice
Admiral E. C. Ekstrom, U.S.N. COMNAVAIRPAC, and Rear Ad-
miral H. L. Miller U.S.N. Chief of Staff, COMNAVAIRPAC. The
civilians were Glen A. Green, then of the National Education Program
and now a full time coordinator for the John Birch Society, Dr.
George S. Benson, President of the National Education Program and

Ml

Harding College, Dr. Clifton Ganua of Harding College, Edward Peter-
son, billed as a "former naval intelligence officer," who spoke on "How
Communism is Financed by the Sale of Narcotics in the U.S.", Dr.
William E. Fort, Education Director of the extremist California Free
Enterprise Association, Dr. Kenneth D. Wells, President of Freedoms
Foundation of Valley Forge, Pa., an ultra-rightist organization, and
Chief Inspector William C. Sullivan of the F.B.I, who also graces, the
platforms of the Institute for American Strategy.

For audio-visual entertainment the sailors were shown "Com-
munism on the Map".

2. California's Point Mugu Naval Base and Oxnard Air Force
Base are physically adjacent to each other. They also appear to be led
by officers who share right wing political views. On June 4, 1961
the San Francisco Chronicle reported that Lieutenant Stephen Huf-
faker, Oxnard's Information Officer had "given 65 talks on the Com-
munist threat, to civic, veteran and church groups" in a five month
period. "In one oration almost two hours long," the Chronicle re-
ported, "he attacked American schools, churches, and newspapers for
being soft on Communism." He also denounced "Governor Brown for
criticizing the ultra -conservative John Birch Society." The Chronicle
reported that the Lieutenant "implied at one point that his views were
shared by his own superior Col. Lee Lambert, the Oxnard Base Com-
mander and by Rear Admiral Jack P. Monroe at nearby Point Mugu."

When interviewed by the Chronicle, Admiral Monroe "said he
admired Dr. Fred C. Schwarz, who heads the Christian Anti-Com-
munism School at Long Beach." He also termed "unfortunate 11 the
Defense Department's withdrawal of "Communism on the Map" for
use by the military.

3. The National War College, in addition to operating Strategy
Seminars with the Institute for American Strategy, regularly uses
extreme right wing lecturers. These include Dr. Fred Schwarz, Frank
It- Barnett, James Burnham, of the rightist magazine National Re-
view, and Dr. Richard Walker, who was reported by the Atlanta
Journal of March 11, 1961 to have publicly charged Under Secretary
of State Chester Bowles with "doing a grave disservice to his Country"

by advocating modification of U.S. policy on China. Dr. Schwarz also
has lectured to the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Central Intelligence
Agency according to publicity material of his Christian Anti-Com-
munism Crusade.

Another of the Crusade's stalwarts, Constantino Baldyreff, is
described in their printed literature as a "lecturer in the Psychological
Warfare Program cf the U.S. Air Force." Baldyreff, a top figure of a
Russian fascist and anti-semitIc exile organization known as the
Solidarists (NTS), gained notoriety in the forties by his claim that
he could overthrow the Soviet regime if President Truman gave him
1100,000,000. Significantly, rumor has it among democratic, anti-Com-
munist Russian exiles, that the Solidarists are now actually subsidized

23

by the U.S. Air Force. Inquiry of Secretary of the Air Force, Eugene
Zuckert, as to whether Baldyroff actually lectures for them brought
an evasive reply, neither affirming nor denying the charge.

4. General Edwin Walker was transferred and rebuked for his
rightist activities. Yet at least one top military officer has been equally,
if not more, militant in indoctrinating his men with extremist views.
Vice Admiral Goldthwaite, former Chief of Naval Air Training and
Commandant of the Naval Air Station at Pensacola, Fla- has con-
ducted a virtual one man crusade for right wing extremism from
coast to coast He works closely with the National Education Program
and Harding College of Searcy, Arkansas. The following are some of
Admiral Goldthwaite's activities:

Item — -Together with a group of subordinates, the Admiral made
a flying visit to the headquarters of the N.E.P. in Searcy. On his
return he wrote a letter on his official stationary dated March 4, I960*
thanking Birchite Glen Green of the N.E.P. "for the wonderful re-
ception and inspiring presentation that you gave me and my group
at Searcy." "You and your organisation," he continued, "arc to be
commended for the exceptionally effective work that you are doing in
sponsoring education in, and appreciation for, the American way of
life. We will continue to do all that we can to carry this message to
the personnel of the Naval Air Training Command, and to the civilian
communities with which we have contact."

Item— In pursuit of this objective, Goldthwaite was the organizer
of Project Alert in Pensacola, which was designed "to alert military
and civilian personnel to the problems of Communist infiltration."
Project Alert used N.E.P. officers Clifton Ganus and Glen Green in its
programs,. The entire Community was flooded with N.E.P. propaganda*
including the ftlm "Communism on the Map" and various printed
materials.

Item— Under Admiral Goldthwaite's leadership, the Pensacola
base organized an interstate conference which carried Project Alert
into Georgia and South Carolina.

Item— When Capt. Kenneth J. Sanger, Commander of Sands Point
Naval Air Station in Seattle was under attack for his rightist activi-
ties, he produced written evidence of support by Admiral Goldthwaite.
Item — The Admiral was a featured speaker on Nov. 11, 1960 at
the Corpus Christ!, Texas Naval Air Station's "Workshop for Amer-
ican Strategy", which was reported in Senator Fulbright's Memo. The
program was attended by 450 civilians and finft military personnel.
Adm3ral Goldthwaite spoke on "the Dual Challenge."

Item — When the Glenview Naval Air Base in Glenview, Illinois
sponsored its "Ant i -Communist" seminar on August 28-Sept 2, I960,
the program did not include Admiral Goldthwaite. The Fulbright
Memo, which gives a summary of the Glenview program, therefore did
not mention Goldthwaite in this connection. However a photograph of
the Admiral taken at the conference, appeared in the Oct. 1960 issue

of the Newsletter of the Christiiin Anti-Communism Crusade. Stand-
ing beside him in the photograph were Fred Schw&rz, Rear Admiral
W. McKeehnte, Chief of Naval Air Reserve Training, Major William
Mayer, U.S.A.F. and Commander Isaiah Hampton of the Glenview
Station.

Item — The newspaper "Free Enterprise" is published by Rev.
Billy James Hargis* extreme rightist organization, We the People I In
the May, 1961 issue of "Free Enterprise" there appeared a letter from
a sailor at the Pensaco-la Naval Air Station, of which Admiral Gold-
thwaite was Commandant, stating that the leadership school of his sta-
tion lists. We the People! "as a source of material in the fight against
communism".

Camouflage Strategy

PERHAPS the single most important center that brings together the
moguls of the military-industrial complex and the high priests
of the UJtra right fe the Institute for American Strategy. One

Would not expect to And an actual institution that formally served this

purpose, and the greater part of their contact undoubtedly remains
informal and behind closed doors, yet the IAS does exist and does
carry on some of its functions in public. The Fulbrlght memorandum
reports on some of them, particularly the Institute's taking over of
some of the political training functions of the National War College,
But Senator Fulbright did not report other important activities of
the IAS, nor does he do justice to the true rightist aroma that per-
vades the organization.

The Institute for American Strategy was formed in 1958 by
"educators, industrialists, scientists, and senior officers from all
branches of the armed forces". The key man in the organization was
and still is Frank Rockwell Barnett, a graduate of the University of
Illinois, a former Rhodes scholar, and a very sophisticated and ener-
getic individual with a penchant for devising new schemes for intensi-
fying the cold war. Recently, for example, he came up with a proposal,
which has been put forward in the Senate but not yet acted upon,
for the organization of a cold war strategy center with the dual pur-
pose of devising paramilitary techniques and intensifying cold war
fervor at home. Barnett thinks politically. His politics are reactionary.

It was Bamett who hatched the idea of the Institute for Amer-
ican Strategy and it was through him that the funds became avail-
able. He was then, as he is now. Research Director of the Richardson

Foundation, the organization that put up the money for the formation
of the IAS and its principal source of funds to this day. *

The Institute carries on a variety of activities although it has
but one aim: the intensification of the arms race with the objective
of total American victory, by force of nuclear weapons if necessary.
It sees all negotiation toward disarmament, disengagement or nuclear
teat bans as "defeatism". Instead it proposes a more energetic pursuit
of the cold war, with special emphasis on "fourth dimensional war-
fare," which in essence means aggressive action on the "enemy's"
territory by paramilitary methods. Barnett defines fourth dimensional
warfare as a "tough minded" approach embracing "diverse forms of
coercion and violence, including strikes and riots, economic sanctions,
subsidies for guerilla or proxy warfare, and when necessary kid-
napping or assassination of enemy elites."

To further these objectives the IAS brings together top industrial
executives, admirals, generals, and other influential members of the
power elite whom it mobilizes to act as its motor force for putting
its program into effect And it works. The very year after the Insti-
tute was founded it was invited in by the Joint Chiefs of Staff to
take over some of the key functions of the National War College. The
alarming thing about this, of course, is that it reveals a vacuum, a
bankruptcy of ideas in top US military circles and, what's worse, a
willingness on the part of the Joint Chiefs to completely defy Admin-
istration policy. For at the very moment that the IAS was teaching
the officers at the National War College that negotiation with the
Russians was "defeatism", the Government of the United States was
engaged in negotiation toward an inspected ban on bomb tests.

At the same time the IAS was. doing its utmost to light a fire
under the administration by mobilizing public sentiment against U.S.
foreign policy. At a Regional Strategy Seminar of the IAS in Chicago
on September 23 and 24, 1960, before an audience of 1200 persons.
Rear Admiral Chester Ward, USN (ret), thundered, "So what is
their (the Communists') strategy of conquest? They sell us on ideal-
istic over-optimistic escape solutions, each one of which cumulatively
weakens our strength, our resolve, our will to resist, Disarmament.

•The RloJiardaon Foundation, which is headquartered In Nerth Carolina.
hnd assets of over 133,000.000 In 195S. It derives Its money from (he Vtek Cheml-
aal Company. The Foundation la prominently featured In Senator Fulbrlght's
Memo on rightist activities in the armed forcea. It Is also the major contribu-
tor to the Foreign Policy Research Institute of the University Of Pennsylvania.
a "lel'a sot toush" School hoaded by Robert Strnumt-TTupe. Stefan T. Posaony
and Major William R. Kfntner. In 1968, 1959 and 19S0. the Foundation con-
tributed J163.8S0 to th>- Foreign Policy Research Institute, 1108,000 to the Insti-
tute of American Strategy, «-nd mi -additional IBQ.DvQ to both, to finance the
19C9 NatLonol War College Seminar operated by the I.JLS, the F.P.R.J, and the
.armed forcoa.

Othcr organizations financed by the Richardson Foundation Include the
right wing American Enterprise Association, the Navy League and tho Robert
El Lee Memorial Foundation. Tn 19.59. £26,000 wag contributed to a South Afri-
can leadership exchange program In Johannesburg to bring over -white apolo-
gists for tho racial apartheid jsyatcin,

-'.;

u

Nuclear test ban negotiations. The United Nations. World pence
through world Jaw. Each one at beat a diversion; at worst a fatal
trap."

Referring to the Geneva negotiation? for an inspected ban on
nuclear tests, which were then going on, Admiral Ward continued,
"The patently phony character of the reasons our "trust- the- Com-
munists, agreement-at-any-price, understand-the-Bussian-fears* boys
have pushed off on our public and the White House makes it incredible
that bad judgment alone is responsible for this suicidal negotiation
by the United States."

Winding up the Admiral demanded a national objective of "victory
over Communism". Then he said, "Instead, you know what our na-
tional objective is . t . f You wouldn't believe it Xt*s world peace
through enforceable law. In other words, some of our leaders seem to
have a surrender complex,"

Among the co-sponsors of the rally at which Admiral Ward spoke
these words were the 5th "U.S. Army, the 9th U.S. Naval District, the
Naval Air Reserve Training Command, the 10th U.S. Air Force, the
9th Marine Corps and Recruitment District and a host of civilian
organizations including the Illinois Manufacturers Association, the
Illinois Chamber of Commerce, the American Legion, the VFW, the
American Security Council and the Chicago Press Club. The title of
the meeting was "Peace is War".

Again, on April 15, 1961, the IAS was behind a regional confer-
ence in Pittsburgh. Admiral Ward was billed as the feature speaker
and according to the newspaper, Pittsburgh Press, he attacked Pres-
ident Kennedy and Ambassador Adlai Stevenson for pursuing "ap-
peasement" and "surrender" policies. The official program of the con-
ference advised participants to "Be on the alert for Communist sym-
pathizers in your community." and "Identify public officiate and
policies displaying softness toward Communism."

"Assistance and support" was given to the above conference, ac-
cording to the official program, by Lt. General Ridgely Gaither, Com-
manding General, 2nd U.S. Army, and his staff, and Maj. General
Ralph C. Cooper, Commanding General, XXI U.S. Army Corps, and
his staff.

With this line, it is not surprising that Frank Bamett 3s a regular
speaker for Fred Schwarz' Christian Anti -Communism Crusade. Nor
that he is an opponent of social welfare programs at home. "If the
American people do not do their homework on Mao, Lenin, and Clause-
witz," warns the IAS Director in an article in the March, 1961 issue
of "Military Review", "they are likely to put pressure on Washington
for more social welfare."

What is surprising is that he allows a rank amateur like Col-
Gunther Hartell to run his affiliated group in New York State. Hartell
is the Director of American Strategy, Inc. whose letterhead states,
"Associated with the Institute for American Strategy." But the job

26

that he docs in Now York doesn't compare with Harnett's in sophisti-
cation. As a matter of fact, it might even be called "crackpot", al-
though that has not prevented Hartell from enjoying some successes.
His "line" is this: Communism's major weapon for undermining the
United States is debauchery. By corrupting our morals, says Hartell,
they sap our vitality. And by sapping- our vitality they soften us up
for conquest

This vital message the Colonel hammers at by spoken and written
word throughout the Empire State. Speaking at a Freedom Forum
of the National Education Program in Briarcliff Manor, N* Y, on
May 12, 1961, the Ossining Citizen Register reported that he decried
"the Soviet technique of 'emotionalizing' American social ills until
they become major national problems, such as integration" and "the
use of sex themes and pornography in books, films, the theater and
television, by Communist writers and producers to debauch basic
American decency."

An example of this debauchery is the play "Three Penny Opera",
says the American Strategy pamphlet "He Tinkered with Men's
Minds". The play brings "Marxian dialectics" to the stage, and is
"morally, sexually, ethically, and physiologically depraved." It is dis-
turbing says the pamphlet, that "Americans do not fully comprehend
how the enemy is working to deceive us and undermine us socially
and morally,"

For further reading, Kartell issues a reading list entitled "Com-
batting Communism". Featured in it are the rightist magazines
Human Events, Counterattack and National Review. He also recom-
mends the Bookmailer in New York as a good source of reading
materials. The Bookmailer is the leading distributor in the East of
the Blue Book of the John Birch Society.

In spite of this program, or maybe because of it, Hartell has
scored. On May 21, 19G1 the New York Times reported that the New
York State Division of Military and Naval Affairs invited American
Strategy, Inc. to conduct seminars to "alert New Yorkers to the
dangers of Communism." The story, under an Albany byline, stated
further that "at the request of Major General Almerin C. O'Hara,
Chief of Staff to Gov. Rockefeller, a representative of American
Strategy addressed a briefing session conducted by the Military and
Naval Affairs Division here." The representative was Col. Hartell, As
a result of that meeting American Strategy has been conducting
seminars for New York units of the National Guard and they receive
official credits for participating in these meetings.

To sum up, the Institute for American Strategy is a powerful
institution within the military-industrial complex. It mobilizes sup-
port from the highest echelons of the military, including the Joint
Chiefs of Staff who have shown a willingness to assign vital tasks to
it The Institute enjoys impressive ties to big business, which is rep-
resented on Its Board of Directors and participates actively in its

£?

conferences,* Its major aim la to fan the flames of the cold war and

to oppose policies that might load toward a detente.

It avoids, it is true, the kind of Birchite nonsense that claims that
the income tax and fluoridation lead to Communism. Yet by its em-
phasis on total national mobilization for Total Victory, it lends its
very considerable weight to the trend toward a garrison state and
World War III.

Penetrating the Community

", . . perhaps the ff mates t danger of all for Americana would be
a rising national mood of self-indu6cd frustration, an attitude from-
which there are only two exits: belligerence or defeatism."

Harlan Cleveland, Ass't Sect'y of State
for International Organization Affairs,
speech quoted in New York Times
November &, 19(51

Thb long range staying power of the "Ultras depends upon their
infiltration of the military and of the corporations. But their po-
litical importance is a function of their ability to bring thousands
and tens of thousands, of people into an extraordinary reactionary
movement which masks itself under the simple and appealing - slogan
of "Anti-Communism".

In this section of this report, the emphasis 5s upon the "mass
work" of the "Ultras: their community impact, their attacks upon the
schools and churches, their letter writing network, their curious blend
of Madison Avenue hucksterism and fundamentalist demagogy.

There are no accurate figures on the number of Americana caught

•Military and buelncee I e Ad era who aro either on tho Board of IAS or
active In Ita conferoncoa lire: Rear Admiral Tlawson Bennett. USN, Chief of
Naval RoaG&reh. Lt General Leslie R. Grovw (r«-), now vie* President of
Remington hand. Lt General B. C. l4«dinor„ Chief of Engineer*. Dept- of tho
Army, Rear Admiral H. Arnold Xaro, Lt- General George W, Mundy, USAP,
Commandant of the Industrial Coll euro of the Armed Force*, and General E. W.
RftTTllngfl, USAF (Pet.) now E*ccu-tbwo Vice President e-f General Mills, Ine.
Alno Edwin A. Loclco, Jr., president of Union Tank Car Co. and Chairman of
the Executive Committee of the Institute for American Strategy, Fred. M.
Gil Ilea, Chairman of Acme Steel Co.. Merrill C. Moles. Vice President of the
Hearet Corp™ Gordon W. Reed, Chulrraan of the Hoard of the Texas Oulf Pro-
ducing- Co., Robert B. Wood, former Chairman of the Board of Sears. Roebuck
and Co., Lemuel R. Boulware, former vice Proaldont- of General Electric Co.
and originator of tho Boulwnre formula for breaking- union*. Robert S. TnEor-
aoll. Preftidont of Dors-Warner Corp., Edward C. Logelln, vice President of
the U.S. Steel Corp.. and Jomoe B. Rutherford. Vice President of tin; Pruden-
tial Insurance Company of America.

£8

up in the web of the radical right. Yet It 1b safe to say that dues

paying members of one or the other organisations number in the hun-
dreds of thousands and that camp followers number in the millions.
The American Coalition of Patriotic Societies, a sort of right wing
clearing house, claims a membership of 3 million, according to Ells-
worth and Harris in their Fund for the Republic Report "The Ameri-
can Right Wing". But we may take it that this figure is inflated for
political and public relations purposes. The Birch Society's member-
ship goal is 1 million ; informed estimates are that they now have
$0,000. But membership in the Birch Society represents a high degree
of commitment: Dues are ?12 a year for women and $24 for men.
Fred Schwarz' Christian Anti-Communism Crusade claims to have a
thousands organized chapters throughout the country, although they
are not all known by that name. The Crusade's official manual of
organization advises them to "Select a name such as 'Northside Study
Group*, 'The Christian Cell', 'Patrick Henry Brigade*, etc." because
"a stigma is being attached to the term 'Anti-Communism' today."
Schwarz' announced goal is 10,000 such study groups, which would
constitute what he calls his "unorganized army for the Republic of
the United States." Billy James Hargis does not give membership
figures, but he boasts that the Christian Crusade's monthly magazine
has 100,000 paid subscribers. And besides the main organizations

there are hundreds upon hundreds of smaller ones, each with its
special "message" revolving around a leader possessed of some degree
of charisma.

To judge by attendance at the rallies and "schools" of the various
organizations, their following is large and it is growing. Schwarz has
packed in 17,600 in Los Angeles, 10,000 in Shrcveport and Phoenix,
and he has hired Madison Square Garden for his New York rally in
the Spring uf 1982. He has consistently drawn attendance in the thou-
sands at the various cities he's hit: Indianapolis, San Diego, St. Louis,
Miami. San Francisco, Dallas, Milwaukee, Philadelphia, Columbus and
New Orleans, plus the ones mentioned above.

Welch doesn't do as well aa Schwarz largely because he doesn't
put on the same kind of show, but also because the public rally doesn't
play that big a role in his conception of the purposes of the Birch
Society. Yet, he too gets thousands to his meetings in some parts of
the country and he has steadily been invading new territory. He jams
them in in Texas and California, pulled out 3,000 in Milwaukee, and
at his first stab at Long Island he drew an enthusiastic audience of
l r 400, the largest non-recreational gathering held in that neck of the
woods in years.

At all of these gatherings, the message of the right is hammered
home again and again: Communism in the guise of liberalism menaces
the American Way of Life, we are the victims of a plot to disarm
America under the guise of the "welfare state" and "one worldism",
we must flush out and expose the traitors in our midst, among our

SSf

neighbors, in our communities, churches, schools, and Above all in the
Federal Government in Washington.

By way of illustration of just what happens when extremism sets
in, here is a letter which tells of the impact of the ultras in a small
town in Connecticut:

Trumbull, Connecticut
24 July 1961
SP-SDF

1182 Broadway, New York, N. Y.
Dear Irwin Snail:

Operation Abolition mas shown at tho regular unit meeting of
the Parent Teachers Association in Brook field. Conn, on June 6. I
had been, elected to the executive committee of the PTA that May;
plans for the June meeting had already been set when 1 protested that
the controversy over the film warranted exposition of the opposing
point of view. We decided that no change in ike structure of tho
meeting could be made, and I wrote a letter to the Danbury News-
Times stating that there was controversy over the film and citing a-
few of the organisation* which had warned against it.

Doctor Carlton Campbell, a surgeon from Wilton, Conn, and a
former Greenwich school teacher. Miss Salvucci, presented the film.
Dr. Campbell is associated with tke Freedom Foundation, and spoke
at a Freedom Forum in Bridgeport, Conn- at which hysteria was the
rule. Dean Rusk was called a "card carrying Communist for years."
Dr. Campbell is also associated with the Covinectictit Citizen*' Antu
Communist Committee headed by Edward J. McCalluyn of Bridgeport,
This group is engaged in witch hunting as well as abstract fascism.
The Doctor is also associated with the Christian Anti-Communist
Cntsadc. There is a chapter of the Bireh Society in Wilton, but I have
not been able to find, evidence that Dr. Campbell is a member. The
Breokfield PTA meeting was chaired bu Art Eberle, the president
who is also the local Civil Defense Director. CD men, in uniform,
were stationed around tho meeting hall They did not move, but stayed
exactly where they were put, surrounding the parents and teachers.
One, contrary to law, was carrying side arms, in a holster on, his
hip. When afterwards Mr. Eberle was asked why CD men in uniform
were stationed around the halt, he laughed and cited fire danger. The
effect of Mr. Eberle* s little army %vag very intimidating. During the
meeting, the microphone wu controlled at all fanes by Dr. Campbell
or Afiss Salvuecu Questions from the floor which were in any way
critical were answered by shouts from the audience and antagonisms
from the microphone. The audience of regular PTA members were
augmented by members of Ed MeCuthtm'o Connecticut Citizens* Anti-
Communiat Committee who hod come from neighboring towns. A
professor at Danbury State College who is a respected member of
the community and in the local, smalt Democratic Party, a regular
•member of PTA, took issue with Dr. Campbell's address on the sub-
ject of the internal threat and the danger of "government for the
people". He was shouted at by members of the audience who were not
PTA members or heal residents. A few brave woman and a friend
of mine, an instructor at Yale wh#ni 2 had brought, asked questions
of a critical nature, CD men followed my friend from. Yale around
the hall, pointed htm out to our antagonists from the neighboring
towns, and followed him out of tho hall after the meeting. The
Sergeant of tho CD band took down the license plate numbers of the

SO

car a belonging tn people whom he had recognised as having asked
critical questions, My friend was so intimidated by the atmosphere
that he asked me to drive ahead of him for a few miles until ho
could get away from, danger.

Literature handed out at the door, gratis, included:
Myths and Facte about Free Enterprise: distributed as a public

service by Coast Federal Savings, Los Angeles, Calif.
Human Events: reprint "The Truth about Operation. Abotition' r , by

Congressman John H. Rouselot
The Southern Presbyterian Journal: reprint "America, Wake Upl"
and "A Venture in Long Range Reporting", by Bell 37 June *5*
Will You Be Free to Celebrate Christmas in the Future? a com-
plete reprint of testimony of Dr. Schwarz to HUAC contained
in US Gov. Prin. Ofc. document No. V8&U
This War We Could Lose; American Economics Foundation reprint

from The Economic Facts of Life, voL 13, no. 5, May '60
Communist Target: Youth, HUAC, by J. Edgar Hoover

At the literature table members of the audience icero requested
to sign cards stating names, addresses and telephone numbers if they
wished to receive any more literature, or notices of meetings. These
cards were handed over by Dr> Campbell to a local resident who then
called each of the persons by phone and asked them if they would
attend an organisational meeting for a local study-action group to
fight communism. The meeting was held and we noio have a local anii-
Cammxcnist committee in. town-.

Became of the letter I had written to the Danbury paper, and
because I had coordinated the Peace Walk from Kitiery to the UN
sponsored by the Committee for Non-Violent Action (CNVA) as it
passed through the Danbury area, and because X had mailed a copy
of Al Hostler's Neither Run Nor Hide to a young man tn. the area
who had requested it, Mr. Eberle and the local Civil Defense decided
I must be a red and must therefore be fired from my job as instructor
in Latin and English at the local junior high school* Mr. Eberle, ac-
cording to an informant within CD, spent one entire CD meeting dis-
cussing the problem of how to get me out of the school system. Ho
had already gone to the chairman of the Board of Education who had
put him off by saying that the Connecticut Education Association w
too strong for anyone to try to tackle, and that 1 could have CEA
support Mr. Eberle told the CD volunteers that they alt had to stick
together in this. He asked help in getting rid of me and one of the
men who claimed to have experience in this area volunteered. He said,
according to my informant, that if they couldn't get me out for sub-
version they would get mo out on morals: "fag me"

The personal campaign against me has fatted and I am sure will
never come to anything because of certain other factors. The point of
this rambling account is to show tuna naturally small town Civil
Defense units and the new grass roots fascist movements in the US
mesh. The very nature of the CD appeal to frustrated policemen
ensures great overlap with prota-fascist organisation.

Sincerely,

Thomas C. Cornell

To get the flavor of a large metropolitan area that's been caught
up in the throes of this excitement, one must go to one of the half
dozen cities that are in the forefront of the anti-conspiracy movement:

SI

Houston, Dallas, Columbus, Phoenix, Wichita, Los Angeles. For sheer
volume and variety Lob Angles is far out in front.

In Southern California there are the mainstream organizations
of the Ultras and there are the smaller, even more extremist sects,
ranging all the way from anti-fluoridation erusaders to those who see
mental health as subversive. When Welch and Schwarz visit the area
they have no trouble packing- them in by the thousands. Two of the
local daily newspapers consistently support the Ultras, as do several
radio and TV stations. A number of fundamentalist churches, ranging
from the store front to the neon-lit, red brick variety, plug the Ultra
Bine and corral the masses to the rallies. The Catholic hierarchy in
the area are no slouchers either: A recent tabloid supplement to The
Tidings, official weekly publication of the Los Angeles Archdiocese of
the Roman Catholic Church, Is far out in right field. It recommends,
among other things, that Catholics read and subscribe to Robert
Welch's American Opinion, The Dan Smoot Report. The Wanderer,
The Truth, National Review and the Network of Patriotic Letter
Writers. It also recommgnds the film "Operation Abolition" to its
readers.

National groups like the Birch Society are by no means the only
broad-based ones in the Los Angeles area. Some of the strictly local
ones also operate smoothly geared machines and attract thousands of
followers. For example, take the Free Enterprise Bureau of the Coast
Federal Savings Association. Founded in 19S5 by an enterprising
3'oung Iowan, Joel Crail, Coast Federal Savings now claims to be the
third largest savings and loan association in the world, with assets of
upwards of $450 million. The Free Enterprise Bureau is its political
action arm. When Congressman Rouaselot stood up in the House to
make an impassioned defense of the John Birch Society, it was Coast
Federal that reproduced and mailed out his speech In the hundruils of
thousands. The Bureau runs a three pronged operation. Each Saturday
and throughout the summer it conducts "Americanism" seminars for
high school students. Each month it mails out 50,000 pieces of right
wing literature, and once a quarter it does mailings of 200,000. It also
operates an "Americanism*' speakers bureau with a stable of 28 con-
spiracy slayers who will speak upon request to any local group, free
of charge. In the month of March, 1961 alone, the speakers bureau
claims to have "serviced" 236 groups and addressed or shown films
like "Communism on the: Map" to a total of 34,737 persons.

A similarly impressive operation is conducted by the California
Free Enterprise Association, which also regards liberalism as s&tanic.
The Association is financed and operated by a substantial grower
corporation, Knott's Berry Farm.

Los Angeles also has its own version of Harding College, called
Pepperdine College. In addition to the job done on its own 1400 stu-
dents with the usual ultra version of "patriotism", Pepperdine runs
a Bpeakers bureau, sponsors Freedom Forums in cooperation with

3£

Harding College, offers refresher courses to high school teachers, and
produces its own films, such as ita latest effort, "Communist Accent
on Youth". Like Harding, Pepperdine describes itself as a "Christian
College."

The Becta of the radical right in Los Angeles are almost too
numerous to catalog. They cover a fantastic range of views and except
for the dozen or so big ones, the rest are smallish, running from a few
dozen to several hundred zealots. Yet, the sheer quantity of them adds
up. In addition to the usual rightist political line, the sects generally
have a special ideological twist of their own. Some are hipped on the
theory that fluoridation is a Russian plot to undermine America by
poisoning us all. Others Insist that Khrushchev's favorite secret
weapon is metropolitan regional planning, or "Metro Government", as
they call it. Yet another faction declares Mental Health to be enemy
number one; as for example the Patrick Henry League. According to
a pamphlet produced by the Patrick Henry-ites, "The great subversion
of American morals ia being intensified. Children are the victims, we
are the financiers, and Mental Health is the front organization . . . We
do not aay the present Mental Health program has a few defects.
We do say the whole program Is riddled with dangerous faults serving
the purpose* of world Communism."

Other ultra-reactionary organizations in the area are the National
Committee for Education Freedom, the Committee for the Preserva-
tion of the Constitution, Citizens United for America, the Los Angeles

Chapter of Freedoms Foundation at Valley Forgo, American Birth-
right Committee, Americans for Constitutional Action, American
Public Relations Forum, the Network of Patriotic Letter Writers, etc
Each of these organizations publishes its own organ, running the
gamut from earnest, smudgy mimeographed sheets to allele, expensive
brochures and magazines.

Actually, this fantastic network of organizations, large and small,
adds up to a substantial movement. They have their own Congressmen
like Rouaselot, Hiestand and Utt. They control a number of state
legislators. They wield considerable power in both major parties, but

especially in the California Republican Party. In the 1962 Republican
gubernatorial primary they have their own candidate, wealthy oilman
Joe Shell, a right wing Assemblyman from Los Angeles. Even Richard
Nixon feels that he dare not ignore or slight them. When Fred
Schwarz put on one of his anti -Communist extravaganzas at the Holly-
wood Bowl in October, 1961, the former Vice President of the United
States felt obliged to wire his greetings.

.w

Ultracizing the Schools

Among thfi major targets of the Ultras are the schools. Their reason-
ing is simple: The schools are infested with subversion and we
must save the children for God and country. Consequently they
zealously devote themselves to campaigning for election to boards of
education; "capturing PTA'a," to use Robert Welch's own words; high
pressuring: principals and teachers; offering books, pamphlets, and
film9 to school libraries; demanding changes in school curricula; and
censoring textbooks. In a growing number of states and communities,
their zeal is paying off. Texas, for example, has recently experienced
a right wing blitzkrieg on its textbooks.

J. Evetts Haley is a Texas cattleman who heads Texans for

America, a band of ardent super-patriots who, according to the weekly
newspaper. The Texas Observer, "acknowledge close ties with the John
Birch Society." The Haley-ites spearheaded the drive to "clean out
subversion" from the textbooks used by the schoolchildren of Texas.

The extent of their success may be judged by the fact that on October
6, 1961 the Texas Observer reported that "Every history book adopted
last week by the state textbook committee, for use beginning in 1962,
will be in part edited and re-written to satisfy the Hnleyites and their
allies in the DAR and the John Birch Society."

Texas had already had a rule that the authors of all textbooks
used in ito schoolB had to sign a loyalty oath. And the textbook pub-
lishers themselves, knowing the growing conservative sentiment, had
been applying a form of self-censorship. But these safeguards were
inadequate to appease the book burning appetites of Texans for Amer-
ica. They dispatched a delegation to the textbook division of the Texas
Education Agency, well armed with lists of reading materials that the
"Americanists" regard as verboten. The textbook division was cordi-
ally receptive to their "suggestions". According to the Observer, the
"suggestions" were based on "the criterion of patriotism — Is the book
un-American, either by Haley's standards or by the standards of the
House un-American Activities Committee? Is the book 'soft on com-
munism,' as Haley judges softness? Does the book suggest the students
do outside reading- among authors who have been blackballed as sub-
versive by one investigative organization or another — such authors as
Pearl S. Buck, Jack London, Upton Sinclair, Ernest Hemingway, Ste-
phen Vincent Benet, or Dorothy Cnnfield Fisher? Is the author himself
suspected by the HTJAC?"

The results were eminently satisfactory to the Haleyltes. Some
books were thrown out altogether as being deficient in patriotic fervor.
Others were blue pencilled: The book companies were called in and
given 24 hours to consent to a list of changes in the actual texts of
the hooks- Since huge sums of money revolved about the sale of each

34

book, the companies didn't need even 24 hours to make up their minds.
Every one of them agreed to make the changes.

But the radical right doesn't limit itaelf to bringing negative
pressures to bear on the subject of reading materials in the schools.
They also obligingly offer their own "100 per cent Americanist" ma-
teria3s which, so to speak, fill the vacuum created by their purges.
Thus, for example, a group of local businessmen in Wichita Falls,
Texas worked out arrangements with School Superintendent Joe B.
McNiel to supply all the schools in town with literature: the entire
arsenal of materials of the National Education Program of Searcy,
Ark., including books, pamphlets, course outlines, and films.

Similar pressures from the Ultras have been brought to bear on
the California school system. Kimmis Hendrick of the Christian Sci-
ence Monitor reports that the pressures on the teachers and principals
were ao intense in October, 1961 "that many school people despaired
of finding any time to carry on the real business of the schools. They
were busy answering critics night and day." He goes on to say, "They
were beseiged by anonymous phone calls. Sometimes the voice at the
other end of the Ime said, *We haven't had a good lynching here in a
long time; maybe we need one now.' " But, reports the Monitor cor-
respondent, the Free Enterprise Bureau of Coast Federal Savings
favors the more genteel method of bringing patriotism to the schools.
"If a parent feels that Johnny is being indoctrinated subveraively by
some textbook, film, or teacher," he should make an appointment with
the principal and teacher and patiently explain to them what changes
he would like to see made. Often this method works. For example,
George Ross of Coast Federal "says that recently he called the atten-
tion of local school administrators to a new film produced by Pepper-
dine College called 'Communist Accent on Youth'. He did not argue for
the film, Mr. Ross points ouL; he simply urged that it be looked at.
School people saw it and acquired eight copies for classroom use."

However, in other parts of the country they eschew this gradual,
bit by bit method of bringing the school into line. In Louisiana they
prefer the wholesale approach: when Dr. George Benson "sold" some
influential persons on his National Educational Program film "Com-
munism on the Map" they arranged to have the State Legislature pass
a law. From then on viewing of "Communism on the Map" became
compulsory for all high school and junior high school students in the
state.

In Florida too they avoid the creeping, school by school, or Dis-
trict by District approach; they like the law making method. As a
result all students educated in the Florida High Schools are now
required to study "The Naked Communist" by Cleon Skousen, former
Police Chief of Salt Lake City and close associate of and lecturer for
Fred Schwarz. The publisher calls it "The most powerful book on
Communism in print!" and the Florida legislature, apparently, is satis-
fied that it has saved the young people of that state from Communism.

35

Moat of the extreme right win? organizations devote a consider-
able amount of time and energy to work in the schools. The Birch
Soeiety constantly reminds its members -of the importance of working-
in the PTA's and Robert Welch's essay contest on "Why Earl Warren
Should be Impeached" was specifically directed to high school students.

In the May, 1961 Issue of his Crusade Newsletter, Fred Schware
announced that copies of his book "You Can Trust the Communists"
were being sent to every high school and junior high school in the
country, at a coat of $37,000. The money had already been raised.
Schwarz Abo carefully cultivates the schools for his "anti-Communism
rallies". His Dallas meeting in December, 1960 was sponsored by the
Dallas Independent School District, which dutifully herded the children
out to hear him. When he came to Phoenix the Acting Superintendent
of the Phoenix College and High School District arranged facilities
for a giant rally and urged faculty members, students and their
parents to attend. In Shreveport, La. most of the participants in his
"Tri-State School of Anti-Communism", which drew 10,000 persons,
were high school students.

The National Education Program has for years concentrated on
the schools. They offer elaborate student outlines, complete with bibli-
ographies, free of charge to any schools that will use them; and many
do, especially in poor Southern school districts. Their films are espe-
cially aimed at school children, and they've got dozens to choose from,
all professionally produced. These include "The American Adventure"
series (U films), "Adventures in Economics" CIO films), "A Citizen's
Political Responsibility", "Communism on the Map", and "Ten Nations
and the USA." The last named movie perpetrates the lie that social
democratic Governments in Western Europe are indistinguishable
from Communism: Sweden, Norway and Denmark are shown with
their national flags criss-crossed with deep red banners cuntafriing the
hammer and sickle.

An impressive operation in the schools is carried on by one of
the slickest organizations of the Ultras in the country: Freedom's
Foundation of Valley Forge, Pa. As carefully camouflaged and dis-
guised as any Communist front of the past, Freedom's Foundation
boasts as its honorary officers DwEght D. Eisenhower and Herbert
Hoover.

The Foundation has two main functions: it works in the schools
through essay contests, the mass distribution of literature, dispatching
guest speakers, etc. and it gives out awards to deserving "patriotic"
individuals and organizations. Leading the field in having received the
moat number of awards from the Foundation is the National Educa-
tion Program of Searcy, Ark. Others who have received prizes from
the Foundation, (they run as high as $1000 per person) are: Dr.
George Benson, and each individual officer of the National Education
Program, Thomas J. Anderson, Southern leader of the John Birch
Society, Frank Barnett of the Institute for American Strategy, Sen-
as

■no Z """ l-toow

ator Barry Goldwater, tho Free Enterprise Bureau of Coast Federal
Savings of Los Angeles, Dr. Nicholas NyaradE, whose lectures are
distributed by the John Birch Society , and others of similar stripe.

The President of the Foundation is Kenneth Wells, a frequent
speaker at N.E.P. Freedom Forums throughout the country, where he
shares the platform with men like Fred Schwarz, George Benson,
Herbert Phitbrick and Glenn A. Green. According to the Texas Ob-
server of December 25, 1959, Welis made the following remarks to a
group of 300 school teachers in Lampasa, Texas in November 1958: "I
have a daughter in Temple University and she comes home in tears
almost every night from the socialistic things she hears there. I be-
lieve, and this is not a special case I'm taking either, that the reason
for it lies in the fact that of the 35 students in one of her classes,
17 are Jews and 12 are Negroes. That is where these ideologies that
are not in keeping with our American heritage are coming from."

Yet, In spite of ita extreme rightist core, the Foundation main-
tains an impeccably respectable front. Sprinkled among the ultras
who receive the bulk of its awards are institutions like Life magazine
and NBC, whom it dutifully honors. Its officers include a glittering
cross section of high military men and industrialist, including Ad-
miral Arthur W. Radford, General Nathan Twining, Admiral Lewis
Strauss, Major General J. B. Medaris, all retired, Charles M. White
of Republic Steel, and the late Charles £. Wilson of General Motors,
FBI Chief J, Edgar Hoover has endorsed the Foundation in glowing
terms. Undoubtedly some of these men may not know that they are
associated with the radical right in Freedoms Foundation, but what
excuse has J. Edgar Hoover?

The image brought to the Foundation by former President Eisen-
hower and others enables it to function in the schools so effectively.
Literally millions of school children compete in its essay contests on
"patriotism" and "free enterprise", in cities throughout the nation,
cross section of high military men and industrialists, including Ad-
including New York, Philadelphia, and Chicago, Like many other
decent, respectable citizens who receive Foundation awards, the schools
are certainly not to be blamed for the Foundation's camouflaged aims.
Were they aware of them, most would probably refuse the awards.

The impact of the Ultras on the school children of America is hard
to measure. But that it is bound to have a serious effect on their
thinking seems beyond dispute. And it appears that the rightist influ-
ences are spreading, Even so staid a public school system as Boston's
now has a Unit on Communism which teaches that "Intrinsically So-
cialism is an evil and as inimitable to liberty and democracy as is
Communism." Yet there is no evidence that this fantastic bracketing
of Sweden with Russia, Gaitskell with Khrushchev, has even been
questioned. It is no wonder that the same Unit on Communism recom-
mends John 0. Beatty's book "Iron Curtain Over America," a prime
example of anti-semitic hate literature.

$7

Tarring the Churches

NO institution in American life is immune from the mud-slinging
of the Ultras. Among their major targets have been the churches,
The religious institutions of the country* they maintain, are rife
with sedition and lack of patriotism. In a column in Farm and Ranch,
his own magazine, Eire like Tom Anderson of Nashville, Tennessee.,
quotes J. B. Matthews as saying that "The largest single group sup-
porting the Communist apparatus in the United States today is com-
posed of Protestant clergymen." Anderson continues, "The House Un-
American Activities Committee showed as of 1953 that 8,673 American
clergymen were in the Communist conspiracy, knowingly or unknow-
ingly. At that time there were 353 Rabbis, 626 Presbyterians, 1,429

Protestant Episcopal and 2,181 Methodists, among others."

This vicious numbers game, so reminiscent of Joe McCarthy, is
practically an industry by itself among certain professional specialists
on "subversion in the churches." Whole volumes have been devoted to
this incredible vocation: "Communism in the Churches/' by J. B.
Matthews, "Collectivism in the Churches/' by Edgar C. Bundy, "Com-
munist Deception in the Churches," by Myers G. Lowman, and others.

What are the facts? Christian Century, the respected Protestant
inter-denominational publication, reviewing Ralph Lord Roy's "Com-
munism and the Churches" states, "among the 500,000 Americans
serving as clergymen during thia 40 year period, not more than 200
and perhaps as few as 50 became Communist functionaries. Few of
these were pastors of churches, none were in responsible positions.
What involvement of ministers there was occurred largely in the
course of a depression so cruel that many members of the Christian
church saw no problem maintaining a divided allegiance — a recourse
which seems so dubious today. Roy declares that it is absurd to think
that this small number had any significant effect on the policies of
churches or interchurch organizations."

Yet, the hysterical charges of "Communism in the churches"
continue unabated, and whole organizations and publications devote
themselves fulltime to thia fantastic theme. Their aim, of course, is to
discredit the churches, along with all other respected institutions in
American life, with a view to dividing and destroying them. AH in tha
name of "Christianity."

The Ultras can be found in all churches, Protestant and Catholic
alike. Clear opposition to their doctrine of hate by the official institu-
tions of their churches bothers them not at all. On the contrary it is
"proof" to them of their contention that the church is well on its way
to becoming subverted by the Communist conspiracy.

An example of Birchism in the Catholic Church is the Theresians,

98

a lay organization with headquarters in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Say
the Theresians, "The threat of Communism is grossly underestimated
by the people of the U.S. Any person taking up the Paul Revere cry
is labeled an alarmist by the sleepers. Publicists and politicians cry
'witch hunt' when efforts are made to expose Communists or to root
out traitors of our own government/' They continue /'We must recog-
nize that WE ARE AT WAR . . . total war with Russia, Russia intends
our destruction. The Communist goal is to have the U.S. by 1973."

Taking as their motto the words of Joan of Arc, "I will drive the

strangers from the land," they urge an action program straight out
of the arsenal of the Ultras. For viewing they recommend "Com-
munism on the Map" and "Operation Abolition." For listening they
recommend tapes by Fred Schw&rz and Edward Hunter, and the radio
commentaries of the Eircher's quartet: Dean Manion, Bob Siegrist,
Fulton Lewis Jr. r Paul Harvey* And for reading they offer "The
Wanderer," "The Tablet," the "Cardinal Mindzenty Newsletter" and
Robert Welch's "American Opinion." We must choose, declare the
Theresians, "either for brotherhood in Christ or comradeship in anti-
Christ"

Like many other organizations in the super-patriotic army of the
Ultras, the Theresians in their literature make use of a certain
spurious quotation, originated by Robert Welch in his Blue Book and
alleged to have come from Lenin. Welch, at least, prefaced his use of
it by the qualifying words, "paraphrased and summarized." Others,
including the Theresians conveniently dropped the qualification and
simply present it as a straight quotation. Lenin, they allege, said,
"First we will take Eastern Europe; then the masses of Asia. Then
we will encircle the United States of America which will be the last
bastion of capitalism. We will not have to attack it, it will fall like an
overripe fruit into our hands."*

This same alleged quote 5s contained in the literature of another
organization of Catholic Ultras, the Cardinal Minszenty foundation
of St. Louis. The Foundation works through "cells" and the Birchite
priest Father Ginder claims that there are over 3000 such cells al! over
the country. Recruitment takes place at parish meetings. Knights of
Columbus Halls and other gathering places of Catholic clergymen and
laymen. The Mindszenty-ites seem to favor tightly organized study
classes formed around a ten week syllabus. Typical questions in these

•Chicago D&lly News column Egt Jack Mablpy report* that fin Inquiry as to
the authenticity of thia bo— called quote was sent to the Library of Congress..
Users of the "quote" had alleged that It was contained In ihe Collected Work a
of Lenin. Vol. 10. Replied Henry J. Dubcstcr. Chief of the general reference and
bibliography division. Library of Ccns-resa: "though we have chocked Volumo
10 In the 2nd. Srd, and 4th Russian editions, and In the edition published in
English by the Co-operative Society or Foreign Workers Ln the U.S.S.R., wo
have found no such statement."

In addition to the Birch Society, other uaera of this phony quote In various
tracts and booklets aro the Christian Anll-Communlsm Crusade, the National
Education Program, and tho Christian Crusade. The film "Communism oa the

Map" uses the "quote" repeatedly.

ss

courses of study are: "Can we combat Communist ideology wit-
materialistic measures such as economic aid?" "Why did we not win
the Korean War with atomic weapons?" and "How has Communist
espionage corrupted the diplomatic service?" The Foundation has an
especially warm spot in its heart for the House Un-American Activi-
ties Committee. It makes constant use of the film "Operation Aboli-
tion" and the various documents produced by HUAC.

The fact that their allies in the camp of super-patriotism are
often the very elements that have traditionally spouted virulent anti-
Catholicism seems not to bother the Catholic Ultras. Speaking before
the Diocesan Council of Catholic Women in Peoria, Illinois, Bishop
John Wright said:

"You can always get more Catholics than Protestants to join an
organization looking for the impeachment of Earl Warren. Any super-
duper patriotic organization that wants the United Nations kicked out
of New York will always find a large number of Catholic cranks going
around collecting signatures . . . These little things, you know, are a
kind of sick-in-the-head patriotism — not patriotism at all, but mere
nervous indigestion."

The good Bishop may be right; Eobert Welch estimates that half
of the members of the John Birch Society are Catholics. Yet, crank
for crank, the fundamentalist wing of Protestantism would probably
come out ahead in a contest; both in quantity and quality.

"National Council of Judasea" is Birchitc Tom Anderson's term
for the National Council of Churches, This is typical of the fantastic
campaign of filth and slander to which the Council has been subjected
by the Ultras. Four organizations make up the spearhead of this
attack: The Church League of America, headed by Edgar C. Bundy;
the American and International Councils of Christian Churches, led
by Carl Mclntire; Billy James Harris' Christian Crusade; and Myers
G. Lawman's Circuit Riders.

Edgar Bundy, an officer in the Air Force Reserve, is the author
of "Collectivism in the Church," a volume recommended by the John
Birch Society. In this book and through his Church League of Amer-
ica, Bundy spews forth an unending stream of vituperation against
the National Council and World Council of Churches, He charges them
with being hotbeds of "subversion," a term which for him is synony-
mous with Christian social concern. He thrashea out at Protestant
clergymen as if they were Khrushchev's very own fifth column in
America. He makes quick sorties into cities and towns throughout the
nation, unloads a blast of his sawed off shotgun and hurries off to his
next stop. Speaking in Youngstown, Ohio before the Lions Club he
thundered, "The State Department is full of Communists I" In Denver,
Colorado before an Americanism Council audience he charged that a
local Methodist Minister was "unfit to hold a pulpit" because he was
a "fellow traveller." Editorializing on this visit, the Denver Post said,
"The vileness of such a charge made by Captain Bundy cannot be

overlooked. Bundy can hop on n plane, as he Immediately did, and

leave town. Pastor must stay and attempt to live down the

sparks of suspicion such maliciousness as Bundy's undocumented alle-
gations brings into being."

Carl Mclntire is a defrocked minister of the Presbyterian Church
whose American and International Councils of Christian Churches are
supposed to be rivals of the National and World Councils. He claims a
membership of 220,000 for the A.C.C.C. and 1,100,000 for the I.C.C.C.
Mclntire bills himself as "Protestants' No. 1 Anti-Communist Clergy-
man." His radio program, the Twentieth Century Reformation Hour,
is broadcast on 150 stations across the country.

Mclntire is an endorser of the John Birch Society and his "ser-
mons" show it. According to the authoritative report "Sowing Dissen-
sion in the Churches" produced by the Department of Christian Social
Relations of the Protestant Episcopal Church, Mclntire has asserted
"that the teaching- of the 'fatherhood of God' is false." He says that
the civil rights movement is "serving the ends of radical powers that
are working for a socialistic order in this free land," and that "the
racial brotherhood emphasis produces the class and racial strife in
which the Communists delight." Ralph Lord Roy, an authoritative
student of extremism in the churches, reports that the "Ku Klux Ktan

has recommended Mclntire's group to their members."

The third member of this buefcet-of-tar brigade is Billy James
Hariris. Two qualities distinguish him: He's about as extremist as
they come in the world of the Ultras and he's by far the most enter-
prising: of the rigbt wing hustlers.

Hargis puts his views forward as if they were calculated to shock
the listener or reader into believing that this is his very last chance
to save himself from being taken over by the Communists. The follow-
ing are some examples, taken from his book, "Communist America:
Must it be?":

"the majority of American newspapers are actively promoting

the Communist line."

"from 75 to 80 per cent of the responsible officers in the depart-
ment (of Health, Education, and Welfare) are conspirators."

"Decisions of the Supreme Court, within the past five years alone,
have strengthened the Communist conspiracy within and against

America, by weakening the power of the nation to fight back. America
— and the American people — today arc practically powerless against

the enemy/'

Having read this, Hargis' faithful reader ia by this time frantic.
What can he possibly do to save himself and his country? Hargis has
the answer: "prayer and sacrifice" will save you. And Billy James
provides all the paraphernalia necessary, at a price. Almost every page
of his magazine offers a book or record to pray with and an opportu-
nity to sacrifice: Christian Faith Recordings (?4.98) ; Billy Jamwi
Hargis' Favorite Hymns ($1.00) ; Bible Story puppets; films on "I ' n

munism 1n American Churches" {$65.00 per print, "including film,
reel, can") ; copies of Hargis' speech "We Have Been Betrayed"
(f 1.00) ; appeals for radio funds, building funds, TV funds, Christian
Crusade Hospitals in Haiti, books, pamphlets and Nutri-Bio (for
"glowing good health"). Actually, Nutri-Bio may now be off his sales
list; in November, 1961 the Food and Drug Administration found
that it was "promoted by false and misleading labelling claims," and
seized all available stocks of it,

Hargis reserves his most poisonous venom for the major churches.
No epithet against them is too strong for him. He writes of the "stench
of subterfuge" in "National Council-affiliated churches," in one issue
of his magazine. In the same issue he features an article by an out

and out Jew-hater, D. Donzov, a leader of the Ukrainian pro-Nazi
organization, the "Banderists." In the editorial note on the article,
Hargis' man in Washington, General Willoughby, boasts of his "amic-
able" relations with Dr. Sarostaw Stetzko, whom he describes as the
"Prime Minister of the Ukrainian Republic." He fails to mention that
Stetzko was "Prime Minister'" under the Nazis and that he was actu-
ally Hitler's UkrainEan gauleiter when thousands of Ukrainian Chris-
tians and Jews were being cremated in Nazi ovens. It is characteristic
of Hargis that he writes of the "stench" of the churches on one page
and boasts of friendship with men like Donzov and Stefcsko on the next.
The final member of this dubious team is Myers G. Low-man, head
of the Circuit Eiders, which is headquartered in Cincinnati. Lowman

started his operations within the Methodist Church, but soon decided

that this limited him too much, so he took on all the Protestant
churches. He writes and sells booklets ("2109 Methodist Ministers — A
Compilation of Public Records," "614 Presbyterian Church U.S.A.
Clergymen," "Recognize Red China? An Expose of the National Coun-
cil of Churches," "20.6%— 1411 Protestant Episcopal Rectors," etc.)
He also possesses a wide variety of other talents, as evidenced by the
Protestant Episcopal report, "Sowing Dissension in the Churches":
"On August 8, 1958 F the Atlanta Journal and Constitution re-
ported that Lowman had been employed as a 'Secret investigator' for

the Georgia Commission on Education. The newspaper reported that
'the employment came to light through the devious method of paying
the Ohioan $4,600 for his six months of work." The fee was paid 'for
services rendered for investigation and research,* In the same story
Governor Griffin of Georgia la reported as saying that 'Lowman was
recommended by segregation leaders in Louisiana' where he dad a
similar job for the General Assembly. At the same time It was re-
ported that Lowman had done similar work for the Georgia States
Rights Council, 'a private anti-integration organization/"

Lowman apparently found this work to his liking. In 1960 he was
touring the State of Mississippi as a paid lecturer for the citizens
councils. His theme: the NAACP, CORE, and the entire movement for
racial equality is a big atheistic communist conspiracy.

Another of Lowmiih'ii funtnatlc themes is that the Revised Stand-
ard Version of Uu< ISil.h in a Communist inspired hoax. In his booklet
"30 of the 96." he charges that 30 of the 35 persons connected with
the translation and publication of the Revised Standard Version have
been "Communist fellow travellers in one form or another," After
detailed examination of this fraud, the Department of Christian Rela-
tions of the Episcopal Church concluded that it was "worthless as
evidence of probative value, and useful only for smear purposes/'

Of Lowman's organization, the General Conference of the Meth-
odist Church stated in May, I960: "We regret that any Methodists
contribute either money or leadership to such organizations as Circuit
Riders, Inc. which utilize the 'guilt by association' and 'fellow traveller'
approaches as they stir up unjustified suapicion and develop unfounded
fears."

Actually all of the major Protestant denominations and the Roman
Catholic Church are clearly hostile toward the Ultras. They recognize
in them a dangerous revival of know-nothingism designed to create
confusion and hysteria. In the mind of the Birchite every respected
institution in American life is suspect, and the churches are high on
his list.

On November 15, 1961 the Roman Catholic Bishops of the United
States received a report sharply condemning the "anti-Communist
extremists." It said, after careful analysis, that they were "unwittingly
aiding the Communist cauae by dividing and confusing Americans."

The respected Protestant journal Christian Century said on March
29, 1961:

"Christians will continue to oppose Communist subversion by
means which present the effective alternative to this form of totali-
tarianism — the championship of free institutions under the American
Constitution. But we will be spiritually blind and deaf as well as
politically stupid if we try to oppose one form of totalitarianism — com-
munism — with another — fascism. We can defend freedom and truth
by repudiating both forms of subversion and by daring to speak the
truth boldly, as free men who have nothing to fear."

Lining Up the Public

w

hen the military elite and the civilian Ultras coalesced it waa
evident that one of their problems would be to secure mass pub-
licity, grass roots support and the endorsement of legislators.

AS

One legislative group, the House Un-American Activities Com-
mittee, was an obvious ally. Under attack from the liberals,, the HUAC
seemed a discredited, shrill relic of the McCarthy era until the Ultras
revived its reputation with the gra39 roots by promoting 1 the film
"Operation Abolition."

The theme of the film is a typical Ultra proposition: that opposi-
tion to the House Committee by students, civil libertarians, Democratic
party groups, trade unionists, church groups and other conscientious
citizens is nothing 1 less than a gigantic Communist plot The film has
been seen by twenty million people, a merchandising job of which the
Ultras are extremely proud.

Full of fraud and distortion, "Operation Abolition" cites as an
example of a "meeting . . . designed to incite resentment against the
Committee and to recruit more volunteers for action . . , M B a civil
liberties discussion at which the main speakers were Canon Byfield of
the Episcopal Diocese of San Francisco and two Democratic Assem-
blymen from that city.

Thus, a meeting held publicly, with open discussion, to defend
civil liberties Is seized on by HUAC as an example of incitement
against the committee. It seeks to link this meeting with the violence
which took place at the City Hall hearings, despite the fact that a
leaflet was distributed urging non-violence and cooperation with law
enforcement authorities.

Throughout "Operation Abolition", this technique is used. Sinister
words are employed to describe open and democratic activities. An
inaccurate report of a resolution passed at a public meeting describes
it as a "directive". The film asserts that a student started the violence
in City Hall, a charge rejected by a jury in San Francisco which
acquitted the accused.

But the plot theory comes to its culmination in an incredible
ommission in the film. One of the main reasons why the students inside
City Hall demonstrated was that the Committee was employing its
usual stacking techniques. Young people who had queued up for
hours watched card-carrying DAK. members simply walk in ahead of
them and get seated, a crucial fact which is not mentioned. The film
also fails to tell the audience that the Sheriff of San Francisco said
that if he had arrived five minutes earlier, the "riot" would have been
avoided because he was going to announce a new seating policy!

There is no mention of the real motives of the students involved
in the City Hall events-=ainee that would discredit the theory that the
affair was the work of Communist conspirators. So the House Com-
mittee produces a "riot" (one member called it "toying with treason")
which could have been put down, not with fire hoses or with the army,
but by a new seating arrangement.

While it is easy to poke holes in this film. "Operation Abolition"
Is not a matter for levity. If it has been laughed and hooted off a
score of campuses by students who saw through the fraud, it haa also

U

been shown in hundreds anil thousands of meetings across the nation.
Church groups, PTA'a, military installations, veterans organizations,
all of theao have used the film. It haa been a major transmission belt
for the Ultra's conspiracy thesis; it is another example of the high
seriousness of this movement.

"Communism on the Hap" is the other attraction on the big Ultra
film bill. If anything it is even more crude and reactionary than
"Operation Abolition". Its function is to identify Communism with
any liberal impulse for change and social progress. Actually, the film
is, In essence, a pictorial presentation of chapter one of the Blue Book
of the John Birch Society, entitled "Look at the Score", which purports
to trace the "threat we face". Whole sections of the film are virtually
identical, word for word, with passages in the Blue Book. The script
writer of the film was Glen A. Green, then a high officer of the
National Education Program, the rightist group which produced the
film, and now a "Coordinator" for the John Birch Society on the EaBt
coast

In the April, 1961 Bulletin of the John Birch Society, Robert
Welch wrote; "Our people have also been responsible for the produc-
tion, and then during- the past several months for virtually thousands

of showings, of a film strip called Communism on the Map . . . Full
credit for providing the organization, financing, prestige, and practical
circumstances for such work must go entirely to the National Educa-
tion Program of Searcy, Arkansas headed by that great American,
Or. George Benaon. But this film strip was conceived, prepared, and
produced by an ardent member of the John Birch Society, partly from
our materials/'

The film, which lasts for one hour, purports to document the
danger of Communism to America by tracing its historic growth on
a world map. In the first section it deals with the conquest of power
by the Communists in Russia, China and Eastern Europe. The second
section is devoted to giving the viewer the "true" picture of how
Communism "really" dominates all of Western Europe, all of Asia
except Formosa, all of the Middle East, most of Africa, most of Latin
America, and Greenland, Iceland, and Hawaii. The third section por-
trays the United States, surrounded and isolated by Communism and
its pawns, in mortal danger from the "pro-Communist" forces within
who dominate its labor unions and are entrenched in Government, the

schools, the press, etc The main point driven home at the end of the
film is that the menace we face is not military, but rather the danger
of gradual infiltration and softening up internally by "hidden" Com-
munist agents who are in all key areas of U.S. life preparing ub for
the final takeover.

This paranoid fantasy has been viewed, according to an article in
the New York Times, by 10 million persons in schools, service clubs,
industrial plants, political forums, and defense establishments all over
the country. Its crude identification of Communism with liberalism

4*

and democratic socialism, its wild charges that our Government la
ridden with Communists did not stop Vice Admiral Charles M. Kelson,
Commander of the First Fleet of the U.S. Navy, from culling it "an
excellent film", or Vice Admiral Howard A. Yeager, Commander of
the Amphibious Forces Pacific from saying* "These are things all
Americans should know about." (San Diego Union, Aug. 11, I960.)*

A 16MM version of this film fraud is now being distributed under
the title of "Communist Encirclement: 1961". It is in every respect
identical with "Communism on the Map", complete with half truths,
distortions, and outright lies.

Films are only one of the frauds in the Ultra movement's bag of
tricks. In an age of mass communication they use every medium known
to man: television, radio, magazines, newspapers, mass rallies. They
even hired an airplane in Cleveland, Ohio to haul giant floats bearing
the words "Impeach Earl Warren".

Perhaps the most effective single propaganda effort of the Ultras
to date was Fred Schwarz' Hollywood Bowl rally of October 16, 1&61.
Fifteen thousand sons and daughters of the film capitol were on hand
to cheer Life Magazine's publisher 0. D. Jackson as he proclaimed
Life's solidarity with the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade. Holly-
wood actor George Murphy performed the role of master of ceremonies
surrounded by James Stewart, Caesar Romero, Lloyd Nolan, Dale
Evans, Roy Rogers and producer Jack Warner. John Wayne led the
oath of allegiance and Connie Haines sang the Star Spangled Banner.
The record indicates that this group, representing the know-nothing,
fundamentalist wing of the Hollywood set volunteered their services
without benefit of summons by the House Un-American Activities
Committee. Perhaps the ideological highpoint of the rally came with
Cleon Skousen's cry, "Russia go home, and take your spies with you!"
The rally wound up with Schwarz summoning his followers to go to
"the young people and set their hearts on fire." (thunderous applause).
The loudest round of boos and jeers of the evening was reserved for
the New York Times.

An estimated 4 million persons in six states watched this extrava-
ganza for S hours over television. Time was pre-empted from regularly
scheduled programs on 83 TV stations throughout the West, courtesy
of Technicolor Corp. and Schick Safety Razor Company who shelled
out an estimated $50,000. Then, on November 11th, the entire telecast

•other usppfl or the (lira listed by the NEP Include:

The Air Tnlellljronce Roaorvo TriilnlnR Unit at (h« U.S. jJnvy at Floyd Ptn-
B«t Field. N. Y.: The U.S. Naval Auxiliary Air 8tatlon at Whiting: Field.
Florida; Tho Bureau of Naval Weapons of the Navy Dept. In Washington, D.C.;
The Ran Dleffo Marine Carps Roc m It Depot; The Naval AJr Station. North
Jntand. Calif.: Tho California Air National Guard of Compton, Calif.; Th* Naval
Air Station at MomphlB, Tenn.i Th* UBS Midway; JL U Miller, Chief of Staff.
Naval Atr Forces. Pacific Fleet; Tho Indiana Farm Bureau; Klwanla Interna-
tional; Goodyear Tire and Rubber Co.; Dating Airplane Co.; Minnesota MlnSnr
and Mfr- Co.; Aluminum Co. of America; Revere Copper and Bras.? Co.; TQM*
Power and X-Igh? Co.

wa& brought to Nrw Vur« City whore it was shown during prime
television timo on WIMX-TV as part of the campaign to soften up the
city for Schwara' Spring, 1962 invasion.

The Christian Anti-Communism Crusade without doubt excels the
rest of the Ultras when at comes to the effective use of mass propa-
ganda techniques. Before Schwarz invades an area he never fails to
soften it up with a barrage of heavy artillery. Local notables are
corraled to lend their names as sponsors of the "anti-communism
school" or "rally". Newspapers, radio, and TV are carefully cultivated
for publicity, both free and paid. Whenever possible local or state
officials are brought into the act: In Miami, Mayor Robert K in g High
declared an "Anti-Communism Week" in honor of Schwarz* arrival;
in Indiana, the Crusade's publicity machine got Governor Hundley to
proclaim "Anti-Communism Week" for the entire state while Schwarz
ran a week long seminar in Indianapolis, Then, when the Australian
arrives, he knowa that he's assured of a crowd and he works them over
from every angle. Attendance fees range from f 15 "to $30 per person,
depending on the number of lectures. Donations are solicited and
Crusade literature, much of it luridly illustrated, is sold. One week-long
school in August, 1961 in Los Angeles netted the Crusade $214,000,
according to the New York Times. That show too was telecast, with
Richfield Oil Company picking up the tab-

Billy James Hargis is another Ultra who appreciates the television
medium. He has available a series of 26 TV programs, filmed at a cost
of $78,000, and available free to any station. So far 14 outlets have
been pursuaded to show the films. Hargis also utilizes radio for his
message of fear. Until recently he played the radio field on a catch-aa-
catch-can basis by producing tapes that were offered free to stations,
which ran them as a "public service" or "religious" feature. But the
Christian Crusade leader is an enterprising man and he apparently
felt that his talents deserved more than the 70 odd stations that were
using the tapes, So for a price of $37,870, which is the low rate for
"religious" organizations, he signed a contract with Mutual Network
to do 26 half hour programs coast -to -coast, beginning in the Fall of
1961.

Another ultraconservative radio series is produced by Life Lines,
a rightist outfit headquartered in Washington, D. C. and financed by
the multi-millionaire oilman from Texas, H, L. Hunt. The series has
several hundred stations throughout the country, especially in the
South. A more appropriate name for it might be "death lines", for its
never ending theme is to blast the United Nations as a sat&nic instru-
ment of "one worldism".

tf

Ultra Publications

The list of right wing- publications is an almost unending one and
no useful purpose would be served in merely cataloging them here.
The point is that together they make a huge impact. In number and

volume they far exceed those of the liberal left. Interestingly, the most

successful ones are those not actually connected with the organizations

of the Ultras; Human Events, Dan Smoot's Report P National Review.
Human Events is one of the favorites of the John Birch Society which
has been conducting a high pressure campaign to force the major
airlines to stock it in their racks. It's circulation exceeds that of the
liberal weeklies, the Nation and New Republic.

Dan Smoot is a former FBI agent, much in favor on the hustings
of the extreme right. His Report is probably the most rabid of the
successful Ultra publications, containing a running fire on almost every
respected institution in American life.

National Review keeps one foot in the pad of the Ultras and the
other in the camp of old style reaction. Its editorial board is similarly
divided, with James Eurnham invariably providing the sophisticated,
cultured rationale for the line of the moat dyed-in-the-wool extremists.
Editor Buckley however consistently acts like the middle aged editor
who haa wearied of his youthful conservative idealism and lacks the
zest to resist the pressures and blandishments of the Ultras.

Each of these publications has benefited by a recent phenomenon
on the right: the mushrooming of bookshops that specialize in "Ameri-
canist" literature. There are now several dozen of these outlets, with
new ones appearing regularly. Each stocks the current best aellmg
books and pamphlets of the radical right; a sort of literary underworld.
The grandaddies of these shops are two booksellers: the Bookmaker

in New York and Poor Richard's Book Shop in Los Angeles, The
Bookmaker is also in the business of publishing its own pamphlets, its
most recent effort being a defense of General Walker. The West Coast
is ahead in the burgeoning bookshop development with such stores as
the Heritage Book Shoppe in Van Nuya, the Freedom Bookstores in
Fullerton and Whittier, the Minuteman in Pasadena* Crowe's book-
store in Santa Barbara, and the Betsy Ross Bookshop in West Los
Angeles.

Among the current best-selling titles are "Quiet Betrayal", '"In-
side the State Department", "Behind the UN Front", "Gold Swindle",
"How Red Is the National Council of Churches?", "The Naked Com-
munist", "The John Franklin Letters", "Collectivism in the Churches",
"The Untold Story of Panama", "Keynes at Harvard", "Yalta Be-
trayal", "I was a Spy", and "Communist Propaganda in American
Schools". Note how most of these titles, in the characteristic mode of

49

the UltfU, play on the nofce of betrayal, spying, swindling, infiltrating.
In the spook world of the right, nothing ever is aa it appears to be;

instead there la a constant struggle between the clean-cut, patriotic,
up-standing forces of light, and the sinister, dark, sneaky subverters
and conspirators. Actually this has been the characteristic mentality
of all authoritarian movements throughout history. Interestingly the
title of the single most widely touted book among the Ultras is a classic
example of this mentality; "Masters of Deceit" by J. Edgar Hoover.

In addition to their magazines, pamphlets and books, the radical
right purveys its zealotry in some newspapers. The treatment offered
them by the daily press has been spotty, with the preponderance of
dailies adopting a cool or hostile attitude toward the Birch Society
but a much warmer one to the more careful Schwarz. The Hearst
papers are divided among themselves, sometimes even within the same
city, aa in Los Angeles. One paper, the San Diego Union, has practi-
cally acted as an organ of the Ultras. The Union is the property of the
Copley chain, which has conducted showings of "Communism on the
Map" to more than 200,000 people in the California communities it
serves. Its community relations director. Commander Paul Terry, USN
(ret) works closely with George Benson and has had a high award
bestowed upon him hy Freedoms Foundation of Valley Forge.

Some of the Birchers have their own papers or columns in which
to peddle their politics. Thomas Anderson of Nashville, for example is
a member of the Council of the Birch Society who publishes "Farm
and Ranch", with a rural circulation running into the hundreds of
thousands. Along with information about seeds and cattle, the farmers
read about "treason" in the Supreme Court Kent Courtney in Louis-
iana is another high Bircher who has his own paper, "Independent
American." Courtney divides his space between advocating a new
rightist political parly and pushing the Welch line.

The Birchite with by far the largest audience of all is Father
Richard Cinder, a Roman Catholic priest in the tradition of Father
Coughlin. What Ginder has to say about the Papal Encyclical "Mater
et Magistra" is not known, but the logic of his positioh must certainly
lead his readers to regard it as pure Communism. Father Ginder is a
columnist for "Our Sunday Visitor" a Catholic weekly with circula-
tion running into many millions. The Ginder column appears on the
paper's editorial page. Typical of his messages is the following from
his column of September 17, 1961:

"If there are any other people like me reading this, you should
know that the one thing the Reds don't want you to do is to organize
a little 'fringe group' of 'radical right wingers* all your own. So go
ahead and do it. It's easy. Just write to Dean Manion, South Bend.
Ind., and he will send you a sheet of suggestions."

Dean Clarence Manion is one of the original founders and a
member of the Council of the John Birch Society. He's also a leading
Ultra in his own right and operates hie own organization, the Manion

4.0

Forum, which also carries on extensive radio work.

This rundown of the public relations and propaganda efforts of
the radical right is by no means complete. But the evidence is clear:
right wing extremism has the resources and the power to mobilize an
extremely effective and diversified brainwashing operation. They are
in the major leagues in the world of huckster! sm. They cannot be
regarded as merely a fringe grouping of meaningless sects talking to
themselves. For although they do have scores of such sects in their
midst, taken as a whole they are a movement and they speak to mil-
lions. It is because their voice Is one of hatred, dlvisiveness, and
hysteria that all decent, democratic elements in the nation must join
together to fight back and to mobilize superior resources for sanity.

The Ultras and the Corporations

"This con j 'unction of an immense military establishment and a
large arms industry if 7ic«i m the American experience,

"The Total influence — economic, political, oven spiritual — is felt
in every city, every state house, every offtee in. th* Federal Govern-
ment,

"Wo must nofi fait to comprehend its grave implications, . , .

"Wo must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence,
whether sought or unsought, by the mititarg-indiistrial complex"

Dwight D. Eisenhower

The Ultras have their ties to the military, they operate a vast grass
roots network, and their tentacles intertwine with a powerful sec-
tor of American big business, as we shall show in this chapter. The
war economy has forged a strong* link between the military and cor-
porate hierarchies. The power of this complex depends, to a consider-
able extent, on the contracts which the corporations get from the
military services. This gives both the military and industrial leaders
a vested interest in opposing disarmament, social spending (-which
might detract from military spending) and In promoting a "tough"
line in the cold war.

In calendar 1959 and fiscal I960, the Boeing Airplane Company
was second and third respectively in getting a share of prime defense
contracts. In the same period, General Electric was fifth and fourth,
and General Dynamics led the list in both years. Boeing, in this time
employed some 30 retired high military officers, General Electric had
S5 and General Dynamics, as befits its number one position, had 54.

It should be noted in this regard that two of these three corpora-

50

tiona— Boeing and General Electric— had had various connections with
the Ultra right in recent years, facts which are a matter of public
record. Boeing has a long history of attacks upon unionism and active
participation in "right-to-work" campaigns in a number of states.
They are also intensely active in the showing of the Ultra film ""Com-
munism on the Map" to their employees and to the communities in
which they are located. Boeing was the corporation that loaned the
film to the Seattle Naval Air base, where it was used as part of Com-
mander Sanger's campaign to Ultracize his men. A high Boeing Com-
pany official is also chairman of a local "ant i -Communist 1 * committee
in Seattle that is trying to stir up the same kind of hysteria that exists
elsewhere.

General Electric along with its price-fixing and union busting,
has many ties with the Ultras, For example, it works closely with the
National Education Program of Searcy, Arkansas. To test Just how
closely they cooperate the author of this pamplet wrote, under a pen
name, to the N.E.P. He got back a letter dated March 25, 1961 from
Howard Bennett Vice-President of the Searcy organization. "The
General Electric Company," said Bennett, "uses the N.E.P, films
extensively in their many plants." He further listed the following
industrialists as willing to recommend his organization: Kalph Cordi-
ner, W. V. Merrihue, J- J. McCarthy, Frank E. Highton. Roy Fugal
and Peter Steele, all high officials of General Electric Company, and
other top representatives of U.S. Steel, Lone Star Cement, Olin
Mathieson Chemical, and the American Iron and Steel Institute. To
make certain that Bennett was not indulging in empty boasting, a
letter was dispatched to the man in charge of employee relations for
the entire General Electric empire, G. Boy Fugal. Back came this reply
on the Company's official stationery; "It is a pleasure to endorse, with-
out reservation, the National Education Program. For years, this
organization, located at Harding College in Arkansas, has fostered
through educational and other means, programs to develop under-
standing, appreciation, determination and active participation on the
part of all Americans." The letter was signed by Fugal in hia official
capacity as Manager of Employment Practices. Thus did G.E. make
clear that it was lined up with one of the major inciters of the Ultra
rightist reaction that is plagueing the country today.

Besides General Electric and other corporations mentioned in
Howard Bennett's letter, the N.E.P. and Harding College have even
more big business ties; as evidenced by the following companies, high
officials of which participate in their activities: Monsanto Chemical
Co., Swift and Co., Mississippi Power Co-, Washington Water Power
Co., and Union Bag Camp Corp. The last named firm is a giant in the
paper industry that conducts its own "employee training" program
against "socialistic" ideas; a euphemism for anti-union, anti-liberal
brainwashing of a captive audience-

The 1961 annual meeting of the American Petroleum Institute.

51

representing scores of oil companies, honored NEP president George
Benson by featuring- a speech by him. Benson flew from Searcy to
Chicago to lecture the oil tycoons on the "Communist menace" to "free
enterprise." He proposed that they get seta of the NEP's "25 films of
our American way of life and on Communism." Then he added: "If the
oil companies do an adequate job selling themselves to their communi-
ties they will at the same time sell the continuation of the depletion
allowance."

Another power in the military-industrial complex that enjoys
millions of dollars in defense contracts is Jones and Laughlin Steel.
It was Murray Kempton, the brilliant columnist for the New York
Post, who revealed that hiding behind a "civil defense" program, Jones
and Laughlin actively promotes the Ultra line. They own three copies
of "Communism on the Map" which are constantly in use "for showing
to the supervisory personnel throughout the corporation." They issue
a regular bulletin to employees entitled "Planning and Organizing for
Disaster", complete with quotations from Fred Schwarz and other
rightists. Bulletin No, 12 quotes the San Diego Union: "The important
characteristic of the cold war is not the physical threat, great as it
may be. What is important is that this war can be won without a single
shot ... It could be won by the invisible softening--up attack where
an entire nation is brainwashed into believing surrender is proper and
regimentation is good." The same Bulletin lauds the House Un-Ameri-
can Activities Committee; tells the employees that a major aim of the
Communists is to discredit J. Edgar Hoover; and urges Jones and
Laughlin workers Xc check with the FBI and the Justice Department
"if you have any doubts about an organization or publication". As
Kempton says, "The conspiracy is everywhere".

Jones and Laughlin merely promotes Bircholatry, there is no
evidence of ilu having actual ties to the Society- But other firms are
less cautious. For example, the Allen Bradley Co. of Milwaukee, an
industrial manufacturer that was among the ring of firms found guilty,
along with G.E., of wholesale price fixing. Allen Bradley works closely
and openly with Welch: It advertises in every issue of his magazine,
it echoes his line, and when the leader of the Birch Society came to
Milwaukee. Allen Bradley promoted his meeting. It is also the firm
that reproduced and distributed Fred Schwarz' testimony before the
House Un-American Activities Committee. The reprint, which is with-
out doubt the most widely circulated single piece of rightist propa-
ganda in the country, must have cost a small fortune. Schwarz claims
for it "wider distribution than any other government document in
the history of the United States, with the possible ■exception of the
Ball of Rights, the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution."
He doesn't indicate which he thinks is best

Another openly Birchite company is Cherokee Textile Mills of
Tennessee. This cotton manufacturing firm is embroiled in a dispute
with the U.S. Post Office over ita use of the John Birch Society slogan,

55?

"This is n Republic, not a Democracy, let's keep it that way!" on its
mailmeter. They too are steady advertisers in American Opinion. A
recent ad proclaimed, "The personal Income Tax, which was devised
by Karl Marx and was prescribed by him in the Communist Manifesto
for the self destruction of America, is the source of all evil.""

The Birch Society boasts of a number of industrialists on its
Board, including three former presidents of the National Association
of Manufacturers. Welch himself is a former NAM official and seems
to enjoy close relations with them. Also on the Board are past or
present top officials of the Missouri Chamber of Commerce, Associated
Industries of Missouri, the Indiana State Chamber of Commerce and
Associated Industries of Massachusetts. One of these organizations.
Associated Industries of Missouri, also actively works with the Na-
tional Education Program and Christian Anti-Communism Crusade.

There are other, many more indications of Ultra penetration of
big business. The Institute for American Strategy has incredibly
strong connections; so does Freedom's Foundation of Valley Forge.
But in addition to these, it is not surprising that the Ultras have one
special organization devoted entirely to mobilizing private industry
behind their anti-conspiracy crusade: The American Security Council.

THE AMERICAN SECURITY COUNCIL

The American Security Council is the Ultra organization which
originally formed to develop a private and extremist loyalty board for
American industry. Untouched by the minimal and inadequate regula-
tions enforced in Government agencies during the McCarthy period,
it allowed identification of "subversives" and "statists" on the most
fanciful basis, and caused firings without due process.

In recent years, the ASC has become more ambitious and sophisti-
cated. It retains the private inquisition function, but it has also gone
into the business of foreign policy and strategy, with a "National
Strategy Committee" which boasts Admiral Arthur W. Radford,
former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Organized in 1955 by a group of former FBI men, ASC'a purpose
was to provide information to American corporations on "Communist
and other statist activities". By July, 1961, ASC J s Operating Director,
Jack E. Ison, claimed that his organization had enrolled 25*00 member
companies, who were paying annual dues which ranged from $30 for
those employing one to twenty-four workers, to $900 for those em-
ploying over 10,000 workers.

The Council claims that it has doubled ita membership every
year since 1955 and that its membership goal is 10,000 member
corporations.

According to the ASC, it has "seven major files and libraries on
Communism and statism. It has the largest private files on Com-
munism in this country." And, "The FBI cannot provide specific in-

53

formation to help private groups because its files are secret. Bushiest
therefore organized the American Security Council to be better In-
formed and more effective in jointly meeting the Communist threat"

There is no attempt to hide the fact that the ASC provides the
corporations with an unregulated. Ultra loyalty system. One of its
brochures proudly declares, "Defense industries use the Council's flies
as a source of information for their personnel screening programs."

The backbone of the ASC files were purchased from the late
Harry Jung for $35,000, according to the New York Post of July 9,
1958. Of Jung, the Chicago Sun Times said, "Harry Jung (was) one
of Chicago's most notorious purveyors of anti-Semitic propaganda
during the 1930*s and an old time iabor foe."

What kind of political judgements are made against individuals
in this informal screening? The specific answer to this question is in
the files of some American, corporations. But the general political con-
ceptions of the ASC are quite public, and they give a revealing picture
of what is regarded as "subversion".

The ASC, as some of the quotations above indicate, lumps the
Communists together with the "statists".

In its June 16, 1961 Washington Report {the ASC newsletter).
Presidential advisors McGeorge Bundy, Watt Bostow and George Ken-
nan were accused of being defeatists about Communism. The Vienna
meeting between Khrushchev and Kennedy is described as sowing "the
seeds of the most tragic miscalculation of all; acceptance by the U.S.
policy advisors of the Communist myth that America is helpless to
stem the 'inevitable' expansion of Soviet-Communist power."

And the ASC regards the development of the strategy seminars
of groups like the Institute for American Strategy as a most hopeful
sign.

With the intellectual premises that Presidential advisors are
capitulating to Communism, that "statism" is to be equated with Com-
munism, and that Americanism equals the line of the IAS and other
Ultra groups, one can imagine the definition of "subversion" which
operates in the ASC. The private loyalty program which these corpora-
tions participate in through the Council is one of the most irrespon-
sible, dangerous attacks on freedom of opinion in the nation today.

The loyalty check function of the ASC was typical of the period
of its origin. In 1955, this was the main theme of the right, but in
recent years the Council has developed programs similar to those of
the other sophisticated Ultra organizations. Uniting military leaders,
corporate executives and former agents of the FBI, it has entered the

foreign policy business.

The Council states that its members include "newspapers, maga-
zines, financial institutions, colleges, foundations, industrial Anns,
transportation companies, department Btores, and many others.
Together ASC members have offices or plants In thousands of com-
munities and have millions of employees".

On this base, the Council seeks to build its pivotal power; "A
common progrum followed by these companies will have tremendous
effect"

And, in another context, the Council noted that "A major function
of the ASC Washington Bureau is to maintain close liaison with the
legislative and executive branches of government and the armed
forces. During I960, eight government agencies and two congressional
committees obtained information from the Council's Research and
Information Center on a regular basis."

Allowing for some trumpeting by the ASC, its leaders and friends
represent something more than a group of self-important braggarts.
They come from the military-industrial complex. The Director of the
Council's Washington office is Rear Admiral Chester Ward, whose wild
charges of "treason" in government were mentioned earlier. The Field
Director is Cleon Skousen, ex-FBI man and frequent lecturer for Fred
Schwa rz.

The Council's "National Strategy Committee" lists Admiral Rad-
ford, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, who has ties and influence
at the very highest levels in Washington, Serving with him on the
Strategy Committee are Lt, Gen. Edward M. Almond, a member of
the Committee of Endorsers of the Birch Society, Admiral Ben Mor-
rell, Chairman of the Board of Jones and Laughlin, Dr. Stefan Poasony
of the University of Pennsylvania Institute of Foreign Policy, Admiral
Felix B. Stump, a board member of the Freedoms Foundation, Hear
Admiral Chester Ward, and General Albert Wedemeyer, a member
of the Editorial Advisory Committee of Eobert Welch's magazine,
American Opinion.

On the "Senior Advisory Board" of the ASC, the emphasis runs
to corporate power rather than to military connections. Among the
members are Bennet Archambault, President of the Stewart-Warner
Corp., John T. Beatty, President of the United Specialties Corp.,
Charles C. Craigmile, President of the Beldon Manufacturing Corp.,
Robert W. Galvin, President of Motorola, Inc., Fred M. Gillies, retired
chairman of the Board of Acme Steel Corp., Wayne A. Johnston,
President of the Illinois Central Railroad, Hughston M. McBain,
Chairman of the Board of Marshall Field & Company, General Robert
E. Wood, retired Chairman of Sears Roebuck, Stephen L. Donchess,
an officer of U.S. Steel, Russel E, White, an officer of General Electric,
and Cyril Hooper, an executive of the Stewart-Warner Corporation.

Thus, the business wing of the Ultra movement began with pri-
vate security checking, as one might expect But now, it has utilized
its connections with military power in order to broaden out into the
whole field of proposing strategy and advising the Government In this
function, it can call upon important political leaders. Like the other
organizations of the American Ultras, it is a serious, effective opera-
tion.

$5

Racism, Politics and the Ultras

There is growing evidence of a link-up between the Ultras and
Southern racist reaction. Both groupings have strong ties to the
military-industrial complex. ]t is significant that the two Senators
who screeched loudest about Senator Fulbright's memorandum and

General Walker's transfer were Strom Thurmond of South Carolina,

Dixieerat candidate for President in 1948 r and Barry Goldwater. Both
are alao Generals in the reserve.

The strong ties between the Birchites and the military-industrial
complex have already been pointed out. The Southern racists also have
such ties. A disproportionate number of America's military leaders
come from the South, and always have, The South is the one section
of the country to have strong military traditions and inordinate re-
spect for the military profession. It abounds in military schools, like
the Citadel. It contains an unusually high percentage of our military
training sites. And as the South has industrialized its political leaders
have become far more responsive to the views and interests of the
industrial corporations. Where once large numbers of Southern Con-
gressmen and Senators were behind the New Deal, they are now full
fledged reactionaries. And, of course. Southern industry today, like
industry throughout the country is heavily dependent upon military
orders. Southern politicians bid furiously for defense contracts for
their areas.

With a convergence of ties to the military-industrial complex, the
Ultras and Southern racists already have much in common. But there
is more. Both share a common ultra-conservative social and economic
view of the world, Both share a Utopian yearning for the world of
yesterday and a common abhorrence of social planning, the welfare
state, trade unionism, and political democracy.

There are differences: Where Southern reaction sees itself threat-
ened mainly by the rise to full fledged citizenship of the Negro people,
the Birchers are primarily concerned with the growing power of the
state and the urban masses. But these differences are tending to
diminish and disappear altogether as Northern urban dwellers increas-
ingly means Negro urban dwellers. And in any case opposition to
integration is organic to the Birch view of the world. The struggle of
the Negro people for freedom is, of course, seen as part of the sinister
Communist conspiracy.

"The real issue," says Robert Welch, "is not integration in the
schools, or in the restaurants, or anywhere else. The first issue of
importance involved is States Rights." This is, of course, the First
Commandment of racist politics in the United States. And, as Welch's
good friend George Benson of Searcy, Arkansas puts it, there are

se

documents which show that in point 9 of the Communist timetable for
1961 "incrca.ii-d .subversion through racial unrest in the United States"
is to be expected.

All of this comes to a rather fantastic climax in a favorite
Birchiat project, shared also by the Billy James Hargis crowd: The
impeachment of Chief Justice Earl Warren.

The Birch Society believes that "the impeachment of Earl Warren
would dramatize and cryatalize the whole basic question of whether
the United States remains the United States, or becomes gradually
transformed into a province of the worldwide Soviet system." As for
integration: "It should be left up to the people," says Welch, by which
he means, of course, that it should be left in the hands of the racist
politicians in the Southern states.

Although the Ultras feel a strong sense of kinship with the
Southern racist politicians their own attitudes toward American poli-
tics are ambivalent and contradictory. The Birchites do not believe in
democracy and they say so. In the words of Robert Welch, "democracy
is a weapon of demagoguery and a perennial fraud."

One wing- of the Ultras takes this statement deadly serious
and has begun to act on it. The Minutemen, a private guerilla army
led by Biroh Society member Robert B. DePugh of Missouri, has been
conducting military maneuvers in Illinois and California. Interviewed
by the San Francisco Chronicle on November 9, 1961, DePugh said
he had visited Welch recently and had had a talk with him in his home
in Belmont, Mass. Asked by Chronicle reporter George Draper why he
had organized his right wing army, the Minuteman leader replied,
"they would come in handy as 'neighbor against neighbor' spies in the
event of a Communist uprising in the United States."

DePugh claimed a membership of 25,000, a figure that is probably
inflated. But there is no doubt about the existence of the organization
and of the fact that it is heavily armed. When poMce in Shiloh, HI.
broke up a meeting of 19 Minutemen, they found an arsenal consisting
of recoilless rifles, mortars and machine guns. In California, the
National Guard's state Adjutant General told newsmen that the Guard
had been observing secret military maneuvers by the Minutemen
"equipped with heavy weapons."

The ideology of this guerilla gang is authentically Birchist and
although they claim to be preparing for "do it yourself" civil defense,
the evidence indicates that they regard the "Communist threat" to be
mainly a domestic one. DePugh talks of a "Communist uprising". The
New York Times quotes a Minuteman tract as follows: "We must

investigate, by means of our own secret memberships, the possible
infiltration of Communist sympathizers into American organizations
of government, business, labor, religion or education.'" Asked if they
didn't have faith in the FBI's ability to keep tabs on infiltration,
DePugh replied, "we're in a better position to know our friends and
neighbors than anyone else. ... A lot of people in this country are

57

Communists without knowing: it themselves."

This guerilla development is a direct outgrowth of the burgeon-
ing: of the Ultras and a logical culmination of their ideology. As of
now they are, and will probably remain for some time to come, the
small super radical wing- of the fundamentalist right. But given a
continuation of the objective factors that give rise to the Ultras and
the failure of the liberal and labor movements to conduct an effective
counterattack, then the Minutemen or their equivalent will grow.
What such a development would mean is painfully obvious.

But most Ultras are not Minutemen and despite Welch's hostility
toward democracy, they utilize- the pressure techniques made available
to them by democracy.* Wherever possible they intervene in politics,
either by electing their own people to office or cultivating politicians
already in office whose own reactionary views are close to theirs. Three
Birchite Congressmen from California were already mentioned: Rous-
selot, Hiestand and Utt. Congressman Gordon Scherer, a member of
the House Un-American Activities Committee, has publicly proclaimed
his support of the Birch Society. Georgia Congressman James C. Davis
is a member of the National Advisory Committee of Billy Hargis"
Christian Crusade. Noah Mason (R.) of Illinois, and Dale Alford (D.)

of Arkansas are close to Kargis, as is Governor Faubus. Senator Mc-

Clellan of Arkansas has worked closely with the Harding College-

N.E.P. crowd and has received an award from Freedom's Foundation.
Congressman Henry Judd of Minnesota and Senator Thomas Dodd of
Connecticut,, while not full fledged Ultras themselves, share many of
the views held by the extreme right and are prepared to work with
them, as evidenced by the fact that both are regular speakers at Fred
Schwarz' "anti-Communism" schools and rallies. Senator Tower of
Texas, who seems to be somewhat to the right of Barry Goldwater,
acknowledges that members of the Birch Society actively campaigned
for him and that he did nothing to discourage them. The Senator
echoes most of the Ultra line and has been the most extreme of the
Senatorial supporters of General Walker, who is a member of the
Birch Society. Finally, Senator James Eastland, Chairman of the
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee has made it known that he
thinks highly of the Birch Society. In reply to inquiries about the
Society sent to his committee, he states that it is "apparently a
patriotic organization,"

There are probably other Ultras in Congress; there are certainly
a number of them in various state governments. The legislative bodies
of at least two states, Texas and Arizona, have invited Fred C.
Schwarz to lecture them on the Communist menace and gave him a

*AlchouE-h Welch and the "Birch Society leaders nr© the only rnnjor sroup
of Ultras who publicly denounce domoeroey, the othw ion.din(c Ultra* nwor
express adherence Id li. SchwnrtiJ. HirelB, and Benacn. for example, .speak of
their belief In the Republic, Che Constitution, even freedom, but the word
"democracy" hochib to he entirely aba-ant from their vocabularies.

58

standing ovation whrn h« was through.

Several of the rightist organizations maintain offices in Wash-
ington to bring pressure to bear for their favorite causes, or, as is
more frequently the case, to oppose legislation. Billy James Hargis'
man in Washington is General C* A. Willoughhy (ret), the former
intelligence chief for General MacArthur, The American Security
Council's Washington Office is headed by Admiral Chester Ward
(ret), who enjoys close relations with a number of active-duty mili-
tary men. The Institute for American Strategy operates a head-
quarters in the nation's capitol.

The John Birch Society's operations in Washington are more
circumspect. A Washington dispatch to the New York Times on Presi-
dent Kennedy's foreign aid bill reported, "The principal lobbying effort
against the bill is being waged ... by an ultra-conservative business-
man's organization known as the Citizen's Foreign Aid Committee . . .
Army Brigadier General Bonner Fellers,. Ret. (a member of the Birch
Society Committee of Endorsers, ed.) is national director and oper-
ating head of the organization's Washington headquarters . . . Seven
of the organisation's forty-man national committee are also national
directors of the ultra-conservative John Birch Society . . . While such
groups as the Daughters of the American Revolution and the Farm
Bureau Federation will also be heard in opposition to the aid program,
much of the material they use will have originated in Genera! Feller's
office."

An important contradiction in BErchite politics is embedded in
their attitudes toward Barry Goldwater and the Republican Party.
Goldwater as clearly the Ultra's favorite choice for President. Welch
has said so publicly, as have most of the others. Yet, they lack con-
fidence in the Republican Party. Taft'a nomination was stolen from
him, aays Welch, by the Communist conspirators in the Republican
Party, who when the chips are down, are able to control the nomina-
tion. Welch has said he would like to see a Goldwater-Thurmond third
party ticket in 1964.

Others among the "Ultras are probably hoping to see Goldwater
win the Republican nomination. But most fundamentally the Ultras
look forward to political upheaval in the country and the emergence
of an authoritarian regime: one which would "clean out the menace
of internal subversion" and "stand up to the international Communist
conspiracy."

In the meanwhile they are working furiously on behalf of General
Walker and against Senator Fulbright and his memorandum. For they
rightly view the Walker affair as an historically important battle, In
Arkansas, Senator Fulbright's home state, the N.E-P .-Harding College
complex Is mobilizing all its resources in an effort to defeat the
Senator jn the 1962 election. And throughout the country the rank and

file of the ultras are using their favorite, and effective weapon to bring 1
pressure on Congress and the Administration: letter writing. So volu-

minous is the mail from the Ultras that Congresswoman Edith Green
called it "frightening." Throughout the country the right wing letter
writers are mobilized for action. On both coasts they have special
organizations devoted exclusively to getting out the Jotters: the Net-
work of Patriotic Letter Writers, which is based in Pasadena and
Public Action, Inc. which operates out of New York.

But on the democratic left there is no equivalent activity to speak
of, and this lack is noticed in Washington and throughout the country.
The labor movement, which has the potential for mobilizing thousands,
if not millions, seems lamentably unconcerned. The liberal organiza-
tions and publications, with a few honorable exceptions, show little
sense of the urgency of the problem. None, for example, have yet come
forward with a call for a united democratic alliance to strike back at
the ultras, to resoundingly affirm the American rule of civilian control
of the military, to bring pressure on Congress and the Administration
to carry out the promises of the 3960 Democratic Platform.

Yet such a democratic alliance is clearly and desperately needed.
It can dramatically reverse the political tide. The elections of 1958 and
I960 proved that there is a liberal majority in the land that favors
social advance. It is up to the democratic left to provide the leadership
that will mobilize that majority for positive action for peace and
democracy and thereby push the Ultras aside.

A Democratic Antidote

How are we to evaluate the phenomenon of the Ultras?
It would be a mistake to develop a counter-paranoia to that of
the radical reactionaries, to imagine rightists under every bed,
or to think that the basic problem of American society is dealing with
its domestic right-wing-era.

And it would be an equally serious mistake, as this pamphlet
makes abundantly clear, to dismiss the whole business as the workings
of a lunatic fringe.

The Ultras, as they have been defined in this analysis, have a
powerful base in one wing of the military-industrial complex; they
have mass organizations and fronts; they are able to make effective
mobilizations m Washington; and they are tied in with the whole
traditional system of racism, native fascism, and the like.

At this point, it would be hysterical to see the Ultras as standing
on the eve of national political power. Rather, it is important to under-
stand them, to grasp why various factors are promoting their growth,

$0

to sec that they will become., not less of a problem, but more of a
menace.

The distinctive thing about the American Ultras is that their basic
dynamic derives from an international crisis. This is what makes them
new and distinguishes them from the right wing formations of earlier

periods.

When fascism arose an Europe in the Thirties, it was the product
of internal breakdowns. In Italy, Mussolini rode to power during the
period of intense struggle right after World War I; Hitler rose
through the collapse of the Germany economy; and Franco was the
beneficiary of a violent and terrible Civil War. The fascists were, to
be sure, "internationalist", i.e. they had programs of national expan-
sion and foreign conquest. But these were always related to the
domestic crisis.

Given its origins, the various fascist movements tended to have
"social programs" (even if these were usually for demagogic purposes).
In some cases, there were even anti-capitalist themes. This was true
in the United States where the fascist movements used slogans of
"social justice", "share the wealth", and the like.

Since they developed out of domestic crisis and unrest, the fascist
movements were, to put it mildly, highly visible. They built open, mass
movements for the seizure of power; they struggled in the streets and
employed the tactics of insurrection. Their appeal was to a lower
middle class on the brink of destruction, and to unemployed workers
who had been driven to desperation through long, intolerable periods
of joblessness.

It is clear that the American Ultras are not carbon copies of these
classic fascist movements. There is no domestic unrest in American
society capable of serving as a base for militant mass movements of
the right. Instead, the Ultras derive their strength from the inter-
national crisis. They feed upon the frustrations of Americans who are
puzzled and dismayed by the political complexities of a world contain-
ing a Communist claimant for global power and the great, historic
transformation of the colonial revolution.

The focus of the Ultra is the conspirator, the spy, the traitor, the
infiltrator, rather than the economy or a particular class in it. The
method of the Ultra is the anti-conspiracy conspiracy as well as the
mass movement The vision of the Ultras is not an insurrectionary
seizure of power but the counter-infiltration of the "already Com-
munist-infiltrated" institutions of American society. The aim of the
Ultra is not so much a positive social program as it is a demand that
the United States get "tough" with the Communists (that is, risk
World War III whenever there is a Russian challenge) and stop "pam-
pering" the nation (that is, dispense with all progressive programs of
social welfare).

If the Ultras do not pose a fascist-like threat of Imminent coup
d'etat in the United States, they have an aspect which, in some ways

61

is more insidious: A good part of their power is organized on con-
spiratorial lines, another part derives from the "informal" workings
of military and corporate elites, most of them out of sight. As a result,
the extent of ultra strength is leas visible than that of classic Fascism.
And in so much as they succeed in imposing- their doctrine upon the
nation, they create the conditions for the advance of Communism and
the further growth of Ultra sentiment.

In short, the Ultras are not a passing phenomenon. They will be
with us for a long time — even if, as in the case of McCarthyism, the
sentiment goes underground for a few years— and it as essential that
the democratic forces in the United States realize this.

The immediate problem is to contain Ultra power within existing
institutions, and to push it back. The main instrumentality of this
task is the assertion of the American tradition of civilian control of
the military and of the non-political character of the military. In this
regard, Senator Fulbright deserves the thanks of every civil liber-
tarian and democrat in the nation for bringing the issue into public
debate.

But, as noted before in the discussion of the military-industrial
complex, it is not enough to fight the Ultra symptoms. There must be
battle against the causes of radical reaction in the United States.

First and foremost, the democratic forces must develop a clear
and forthright program for political struggle against Communism and
for freedom. If this nation had a vital foreign policy of real democratic
substance, if it greeted and joined the revolutions of our time in
order to provide them with the economic and political support for a
democratic development, then much of the frustration and fear, the
pessimism in the face of a complex international situation, would
disappear.

The laat paragraph represents an exceedingly fine and true senti-
ment; yet it has come to have the ring of a fatuous pfety. Orator after
orator has proclaimed this as the goal of America, and every post-war
President, Eisenhower as well as Truman and Kennedy, has used this
kind of rhetoric. In order to understand how to take the statement
seriously, to raise it from phrasemongering to the level of political
program, it is important to develop a concrete and rounded democratic
foreign policy.

The essentials of such a policy can easily be outlined. They involve
a shift from primary reliance upon military means to the utilization
of political weapons in the fight against Communism. They require an
end to the sacrifice of political principle for the sake of military
expediency. They consist of a repudiation of alliances with right wing
dictators, and a stop to the inclusion of Franco's Spain, Salazar's
Portugal and Chiang Kai-shek's Formosa within the definition "Free
World",

America's NATO allies were the oppressors yesterday of the
newly-emergent nations who have so recently been liberated from

6S

-olonial bondage and they are also the oppressors of the remaining
colonies to be found in Africa and Asia today. France still conducts a
"dirty" imperialist war in Algeria, white Portugal bring terror and
bloodshed to the peoples of Angola when the latter demonstrate for
freedom. The record of the United States during the last decade and
a half has been one of consistent support to the European imperialist
powers against the colonial revolution in order not to offend this coun-
try's NATO partners. And while there have been a few encouraging
signs of change from this rigid position since the inauguration of
President Kennedy and the appointment of Adlai Stevenson as Ambas-
sador to the UN, there remains a long way to go before we can even
begin to convince the neutralist nations of Asia and Africa that the
U.S. is genuinely their friend.

America's defense of freedom against Communism sounds hollow
to much of the world because we have not demonstrated that we stand
for freedom everywhere, on both sides of the iron curtain. If a victory
over Communism through nuclear war is to be ruled out, the United
States must develop the kind of policy which can contain and isolate
Communist totalitarianism politically. Only a total and genuine demo-
cratic program offers the possibility of success along these lines.

America is what it is abroad, to a considerable extent, because of
what it is at home. When one looks at the struggle against Batista in
January r 1959, through the eyes of sugar corporations and the Havana
AT&T ... it is sense and wisdom to stand aside, to be neutral, to dis-
dain "joining" the revolution. And once this judgement is made, as
that revolution moves against the American corporations and towards
Moscow (in considerable degree because of the failure of the United
States to act positively and radically), the same eyes see nothing but
another Communist plot.

In short, America will not act positively and radically abroad bo
long as its domestic life is dominated by the force of conservatism,

reaction and the status quo. To get a democratic foreign policy, one
must achieve a much more democratic domestic policy.

The American Ultras have been quite successful in integrating
internal reaction with internationalist reaction. They are solidly based
upon corporate and military bureaucracies rooted in our domestic social
structure. It is from this vantage point that they acquire the power
to push America toward the right and nuclear war on the international
level. If the Ultra psychology is made in Moscow by Communist suc-
cesses, the Ultra power is produced in the United States by domestic
social realities.

The response of the democratic left Cannot simply be the urging

and affirming of a democratic foreign policy. To give that program sub-
stance and meaning, there must be a movement, a powerful coalition
growing out of the domestic reality, which turns the pious sentiments
about the "revolution of our times" into something meaningful

One example should make this point clear. The most dynamic,

$3

popular movement of recent times is taking place in the area of civil
rights. In this sector of American life, thousands, hundreds of thou-
sands, millions of people are acting and acting boldly. This same
movement has denounced Birchism with passion and effectiveness; it
ha* demonstrated a sensitivity to the colonial revolution which goes
beyond anything- in our society. Out of the vitality and idealism de-
manded of the struggle for integration, there has come a much larger
dedication to democracy and social advance, a profound sympathy for
the principle of self-determination throughout the world.

But American Negroes are a minority. Their movement, magnifi-
cent as it is, cannot transform the nation in all of its politics. The
point is not the obvious one that every white democrat must be the
wholehearted and enthusiasts partisan of the Negro campaign for
emancipation: the point is that the nation desperately needs an
inter-racial movement for broad social change which is as vital and
dynamic as the civil rights movement.

This relates to another basic point. As this pamphlet is being
written, there are some in the Kennedy Administration who are begin-
ning to argue that there must be a moratorium on domestic social
advance so that the fight against Communism can be carried out. Yet,
t is precisely a cessation of internal change, a drying up of the
springs of democratic creativity within the nation, which will paralyze
the struggle for peace and freedom, which will leave the military-
industrial complex dominant in America and therefore dominant in
our foreign policy.

And the labor movement is, of course, central. In the past, it has
been the single greatest source of social change in America. Today
beleaguered by the problem of automation and torn by internal juris-
dictional disputes, it is still the largest, most powerful force in the
society committed to public housing, to medical care for the aged, to
aid for education and the like.

And yet, when one compares the elan and enthusiasm of the Civil
Rights fighters to the mood of the trade unionists, there is a glaring
contrast What is desperately needed is a re-birth of the traditional
union spirit in the United States. That is clear enough.

That spirit requires the linking up labor, the Negro and the entire
liberal community in the land. In the process must come the forging
of a reliable political instrument capable of actually advancing Amer-
ica off dead center. That means a realignment politically. Healthv
signs of movement toward realignment, a radical break with the Dixie"-
crate and Northern political machines, are beginning to manifest
themselves. In New York. California, Texas and elsewhere, fresh
young forces are effectively challenging the old style do-nothing poli-
ticians in the Democratic Party. They're demanding rank and file
participation in decision making and serious attention to program

But if the beginning is an encouraging one, it's only a beginning
Labor, above all, has to throw its weight behind this new trend. The
*4

i

light must be extended to avery atate of the nation, to ovorj

battle and election campaign. Programs mitl ««uIh hiVfl to be I

met-ed out and a beginning made In the direction of national

tion. The Negro community has tu be actively Involved end thai

a no-holds-barred battle for integration in every facel of public Ufa
Nothing less than a genuine second party, a democratic left novtmi nl
must be forged; regardless of the party lug it bears, In thta way the
currents for progressive, humanist and democratic change can not only
outpace the right, but sweep it aside, as. was done in the thtrttafl In
this land.

Given this analysis, the problem of providing democratic alterna-
tives, of meeting the challenge of the Ultras, can be put into perspec-
tive.

We believe that all of the democratic tendencies in American life,
all the individuals and organizations committed to social change, must
unite as never before.

We believe that we must reject the proposition that domestic
change is to be sacrificed for the duration of the Cold War: a really
new movement capable of mounting a democratic foreign policy can
only first develop in the struggle against the military-industrial com-
plex at home.

We believe that it is time that America took some of the fine
rhetoric about the revolution in our time seriously. We believe that
we should join that revolution. We do not believe that corporations or
generals will do it for us: we have to do it ourselves.

We believe, above all, that it is time for the democratic left to get
radical. What makes the Ultras such a challenge is that they are not
simply the product of conditions and forces, but rather, they are
building a movement. They have touched a certain radicalism in their
reactionary anti-Communism, they have mobilized the incredible drama
of these times in the service of the status quo and worse-

The Democratic Left can never be a demagogic revival meeting.
It cannot rest content with political emotionalism. The Democratic
Left believes in man's reason and the possibility of a decent, human
response to the present crisis.

Granting all this, it is time that the Democratic Left got radical—
that il match the militancy and dedication of the resurgent right, that
it gain a sense of history and purpose equal to that of the bosses and
the brass. The Civil Rights movement has demonstrated that working
men and women have, right here and now. the passion to fight for
justice, to risk and to struggle

We Socialists arc not liberals; yet we are part of the liberal
community. We propose that the evidence is at hand, that nl! of us
from center on left must unite in a common struggle. Th<_« American
Ultras are not a fascist menace right now; but they are a sign of the
gravity of the crisis, of the conflicts to come. We will Ignore this
evidence at our peril.

C5

PAMPHLETS...

I

The Fulbright Memorandum

Let Man Prevail, a Socialist
Manifesto

by Erich Fromm

The Case for Socialized

Medicine

by R. W. Tuck..

Socialist Platform

A Way Forward: Political
Realignment in America

j If you* have enjoyed "The

| American Ultras," you will

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